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ELIZABETHAN    ULSTER 


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ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 


BY 


LORD    ERNEST    HAMILTON 


AUTHOR    OF 
"The  First  Seven  Divisions,"  "The  Soul  of  Ulster," 


WITH    MAP 


NEW  YORK: 

E.  P.   BUTTON  AND  COMPANY 
681,  FIFTH  AVENUE 


Printed  in  Great  Britain 


ELIZABETHAN   ULSTER 


INTRODUCTORY 


Con  Bacagh's  visit  to  Henry  VIII. — His  wars  with  Shane — Preference  for  his 
illegitimate  son  Ferdoragh — Ferdoragh's  parentage — His  character — 
Con  Bacagh's  reformation — Renewed  wars  between  Con  Bacagh,  Fer- 
doragh and  Shane — A  famine  follows — Croft  removes  Con  Bacagh  to  Dublin 
— Duel  between  Ferdoragh  and  Shane — Ignominious  flight  of  Shane — Alex- 
ander McDonnell  of  the  Isles  and  his  sons — Croft  attempts  to  expel  them 
from  Ulster — Attack  on  Rathlin  Island — Croft's  successive  failures — St.  Leger 
returns  as  deputy — He  renews  the  attempts  against  the  Scots — Sidney 
exterminates  the  Rathlin  Island  population — War  between  Culoagh 
O'Donnell  and  his  father,  Manus— Battle  of  Ballybofey — Hugh  O'Donnell 
and  Shane  combine  at  Carricklea— Their  defeat. 

CON  BACAGH,  the  son  of  Con,  of  the  race  of  Neil  Nayg  Yarragh, 
visited  King  Henry  VIII.  at  his  English  Court  in  1543,  and 
came  away  with  the  ignominious  title  of  Earl  of  Tyrone,  under- 
taking in  its  place  to  drop  that  of  O'Neil,  which  was  of  Royal 
pretensions. 

Con  Bacagh's  visit  was  not  wholly  one  of  choice.  He  went, 
so  to  speak,  on  his  knees.  Two  years  earlier  he  and  Manus 
O'Donnell  had  swooped  down  upon  the  Pale,  burned  Navan 
and  Ardee,  and  turned  Ulsterwards  again,  carrying  with  them 
immense  booty,  so  immense,  in  fact,  that  Lord  Louth,  follow- 
ing hot  on  their  heels,  overtook  them  at  Ballahoe,  on  the  out- 
skirts of  Monaghan,  and  so  expedited  their  return  that  the 
booty  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  sacrilege  of  the  invasion, 
however,  had  to  be  punished,  and  in  1541  St.  Leger,  the 
successor  to  Lord  Grey,  three  times  invaded  Tyrone,  and  at 
the  third  attempt  brought  Con  Bacagh  to  his  knees. 

The  old  Chief's  downfall  had  been  helped  to  a  great  extent 
by  the  co-operation  with  the  English  of  McMahon,  Magennis, 
O'Hanlon,  and  Con  Bacagh's  recent  but  fickle  ally,  Manus 
O'Donnell.  O'Rourke,  O'Byrne  and  McQuillin  subsequently 

2O5814O 


6  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

added  their  submission,  and  the  whole  coterie  of  chieftains 
unequivocally  renounced  the  Pope,  with  the  solitary  exception 
of  O 'Byrne,  who  sturdily  declined.  The  chiefs  were  chastised 
with  a  very  silken  scourge.  It  was  felt  that  Con  Bacagh  was 
the  real  delinquent,  and  that,  if  only  his  good  conduct  could  be 
forced  or  bribed,  the  rest  would  soon  settle  down  as  good 
domestic  landowners.  In  pursuance  of  this  view,  all  that  was 
demanded  of  them  by  way  of  an  adjunct  to  their  submission, 
was  that  they  should  pay  rent  to  the  Crown,  hold  their  lands 
by  Knight's  service,  forswear  Irish  usages  and  exactions,  more 
especially  the  evil  practices  of  Coyne,  Livery  and  Bonaght, 
and  live  in  peace  with  their  neighbours.  In  the  meanwhile 
Con  Bacagh — as  has  been  said — went  to  the  English  Court, 
not  for  execution  or  even  imprisonment,  but  so  that  he  should 
see  with  his  own  eyes  how  things  were  done  among  the  great 
and  enlightened,  and  carry  back  with  him  a  lasting  impression 
of  Court  life  as  it  should  be.  A  fitting  ceremonial  accompanied 
his  reception. 

The  Ulster  Prince,  attired  in  a  splendid  robe  valued  at  £65, 
and  presented  to  him  by  the  King,  was  led  into  the  Queen's 
chamber  at  Greenwich  by  the  Earls  of  Oxford  and  Hertford. 
The  room  was  hung  with  cloth  of  Arras  and  luxuriously  strewn 
with  rushes.  The  Viscount  Lisle  bore  O'Neil's  sword.  O'Neil 
then  knelt  on  the  rushes,  while  the  King  girt  on  his  sword,  hung 
round  his  neck  a  gold  chain  valued  at  £60,  and  handed  him  his 
patent  as  Earl  of  Tyrone,  together  with  100  marks  as  pocket- 
money.  O'Neil  then  made  a  suitable  reply  in  Irish,  and  the 
whole  party  adjourned  to  the  more  congenial  function  of  a 
banquet,  where  tongues  were  doubtless  still  further  loosened. 

The  main  idea  at  the  back  of  the  ceremony  seems  to  have 
been  that,  with  the  putting  on  of  his  gold  chain  and  English 
title,  O'Neil  would  absorb  a  proper  measure  of  civilization, 
which  he  would,  in  due  course,  transmit  to  his  people  in  Ulster, 
and  so  reclaim  them  from  their  savage  ways.  This  proved, 
in  fact,  to  be  a  very  vain  hope.  If  the  splendour  with  which 
he  saw  himself  surrounded  made  any  impression  on  O'Neil, 
it  certainly  made  none  on  his  methods  of  life.  In  Ireland  he 
was  held  to  have  lowered  himself.  He  had  surrendered  the 
royal  title  of  O'Neil  for  that  of  a  mere  subject.  It  was  con- 
sidered a  degradation  in  place  of  being  an  honour.  O'Neil 
himself  no  doubt  shared  this  view,  but  he  was  too  wise  to  say  so. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  ? 

He  looked  on  his^acceptance  of  the  despised  title  as  an  empty 
concession  to  the  strange  whims  of  the  English,  and  he  had  no 
intention  that  it  should  for  one  moment  alter  the  traditional 
customs  of  his  race,  or  interfere  with  his  prescriptive  right  as 
the  O'Neil  to  torture  and  hang  his  own  subjects  and  pillage  and 
plunder  his  neighbours. 

By  a  curious  decree  of  fate,  however,  it  was  ordained  that  the 
ceremony  of  investiture  at  Greenwich — despised  though  it 
was  at  the  time — was  to  prove  the  first  cause  of  many  years  of 
strife  and  bloodshed  among  the  various  branches  of  the  O'Neil 
family.  The  trouble  arose  in  the  following  way.  Con  Bacagh's 
favourite  son,  Ferdoragh,  was  created  Baron  of  Dungannon 
at  the  same  time  that  his  father  was  made  an.  earl,  and  the 
succession  to  the  earldom  was  vested  in  Ferdoragh  and  his 
heirs  male.  The  arrangement  was  one  hi  which  all  the  elements 
of  future  trouble  were  contained,  for  Ferdoragh  had  an  elder 
brother,  who  was  the  father  of  Tirlough  Braselagh,  and  Con 
Bacagh  had  an  avowedly  legitimate  son  named  Shane  by  Mary 
O'Neil  of  Clandeboye.  Shane  claimed  that  Ferdoragh  was  not 
only  illegitimate,  but  was  probably  not  Con  Bacagh's  son  at 
all,  but  the  son  of  a  blacksmith  at  Dundalk  (as  unquestionably 
he  ought  to  have  been),  adding  that  Con  Bacagh  was  "  so  much 
of  a  gentleman  that  he  never  refused  any  son  that  was  put  upon 
him."  It  is  to  be  assumed,  therefore,  that  the  parentage  of 
Ferdoragh,  on  the  father's  side,  was  a  matter  of  some  uncer- 
tainty, but  that  Con  Bacagh  was  quite  willing  to  accept  the 
charge,  being  possibly  influenced  by  his  personal  preference 
for  Ferdoragh  to  the  less  attractive  Shane. 

Of  the  first  Baron's  character  we  know  little,  for  he  was 
early  murdered  by  the  outraged  Shane,  but  what  little  we  do 
know  is  good.  He  was  a  century  ahead  of  Con  Bacagh  in  culture 
and  intelligence,  and  his  tendencies  seem  to  have  been  progres- 
sive rather  than  reactionary.  Shane,  on  the  other  hand,  was  not 
only  a  repulsive  character  in  himself,  but  a  reactionary  of  the 
worst  type,  and,  had  Ferdoragh  only  lived  and  succeeded  as 
O'Neil,  the  history  of  Ulster  might  have  been  very  different. 

After  the  Greenwich  ceremony  the  new  Earl  of  Tyrone 
returned  to  Ulster,  and  for  the  next  two  years  conducted  himself 
in  a  highly  exemplary  manner,  even  to  the  extent  of  assisting 
Henry  in  his  French  wars  with  a  contingent  of  ninety  Kerne, 
whose  elemental  methods  of  warfare  drew  forth  indignant  pro- 


8  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

tests  from  the  King  of  France.  At  the  end  of  this  period,  how- 
ever, signs  of  restlessness  began  to  manifest  themselves  in  the 
newly -made  Earl.  While  outwardly  conforming  to  the  first, 
second  and  third  of  the  conditions  imposed  upon  him,  Con 
Bacagh  soon  made  it  clear  that  the  condition  which  stipulated 
that  he  should  live  in  peace  with  his  neighbours  was  one  which 
no  O'Neil  could  be  expected  to  take  seriously.  Con  Bacagh 
did  not  take  it  seriously ;  after  a  decent  pretence  of  amity, 
he  and  his  sons  started  fighting,  or,  to  put  it  more  accurately, 
devastating  one  another's  lands  so  persistently  that  the  country 
was  soon  brought  to  very  great  distress.  Sir  Thomas  Cusack, 
the  Chancellor,  wrote  in  1551  that  "  the  country  of  Tyrone  is 
brought  through  war  of  the  Earl  and  his  sons  (one  of  themselves 
against  other)  to  such  extreme  misery  as  there  is  not  ten  ploughs 
in  all  Tyrone.  Hundreds  this  last  year  and  this  summer  died 
in  the  field  through  famine."  This  tragedy  was  deliberately 
brought  about  by  the  Earl  himself,  who  professed  such 
deep-rooted  contempt  for  ploughs  and  similar  implements 
that  he  threatened  to  take  very  drastic  measures  to  prevent 
their  use  on  his  lands.*  Sir  James  Croft,  who  succeeded  St. 
Leger  in  1551,  joined  with  the  Baron  of  Dungannon  in  a  praise- 
worthy attempt  to  stay  the  famine  and  restore  prosperity  by 
sowing  wheat,  but  the  Earl  out  of  sheer  hatred  of  innovations 
broke  up  the  ploughs  and  burned  any  crops  he  could  find. 
"  For  this  is  the  chief  cause  of  the  famine,"  the  victims  told 
Croft,  "  that  the  Earl  did  destroy  their  corn  for  bringing  new 
things  to  his  country  other  than  have  been  used  before.  And 
what  the  Earl  will  promise  now  within  two  hours  after  he  will 
not  abide  by  the  same."  So  the  Earl  and  his  wife  Mary  were 
removed  by  Croft  to  Dublin,  not  as  a  punishment,  but  in  order 
to  give  his  country  a  chance  of  recovering  itself  under  the  more 
enlightened  administration  of  his  son  Ferdoragh,  Baron  of 
Dungannon. 

The  fight  in  Tyrone  was  now  narrowed  to  a  duel  for  the  suc- 
cession between  Ferdoragh  and  Shane,  the  former  having  sub- 
stantial Government  support  in  the  person  of  Sir  Nicholas 
Bagenal,  whom  Croft  had  now  appointed  Marshal  of  Ireland. 
Ferdoragh  and  Bagenal,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Newry, 
worked  well  together,  and  as  far  as  eastern  Ulster  was  concerned 
they  proved  too  strong  a  combination  for  Shane,  but  the  latter 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1552,  200. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  9 

had  the  north  and  west  wholly  under  his  dominion.  The 
Baron's  ambition,  however,  aimed  at  more  than  the  mere  lord- 
ship of  the  east,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1551  he  determined 
to  set  the  seal  of  his  authority  on  Shane's  country  by  the  usual 
methods  of  fire  and  sword.  With  this  natural  object  in  view, 
he  and  the  Marshal  organized  a  predatory  expedition  into  the 
Dungannon  district.  For  two  days  they  destroyed  property 
without  hindrance  from  any  ;  on  the  third  day  there  was  a 
chance  encounter  with  the  enemy,  but  the  meeting  appears  to 
have  been  as  unexpected  as  it  certainly  was  unwelcome  to  one 
of  the  parties  concerned.  Bagenal  described  the  incident  as 
follows  :  "  The  Baron  of  Dungannon,  with  four  horsemen  in 
his  company,  being  far  before  their  fellows,  found  Shane  upon  a 
hill  in  his  country,  environed  by  woods  and  accompanied  with 
eighteen  horsemen  and  sixty  Kerne,  and  perceiving  the  Baron 
with  so  small  a  company  to  be  there,  said  :  '  If  the  King  were 
there  where  thou  art  he  were  mine  ;  '  the  Baron,  coming  for- 
ward, said  :  '  I  am  but  the  King's  man,  and  that  thou  shalt 
well  know,'  then,  broching  his  horse  with  the  spurs,  thrust  into 
the  press.  Shane  fled  with  his  company  to  the  woods.  The 
Baron  followed,  and  having  no  opportunity  of  striking  him 
neither  with  spear  nor  sword,  the  woods  were  so  thick,  as  he 
gripped  to  have  taken  him  by  the  neck  a  bough  in  the  pass 
put  the  Baron  from  him  and  almost  from  his  own  horse.  So 
Shane  escaped  afoot."* 

The  Baron  returned  from  this  remarkable  exploit  (in  which 
four  horsemen  charged  and  routed  seventy-eight  warriors 
favourably  situated  on  a  hill)  with  four  captured  horses  and 
three  hundred  cattle.  It  is  only  fair  to  Shane's  reputation  to 
point  out  that  the  respective  numbers  engaged  can  only  have 
been  furnished  by  the  Baron  himself,  and  that  his  estimate  of 
Shane's  retinue  was  possibly  a  generous  one. 

Croft's  administration  was  mainly  conspicuous  for  his  con- 
sistent support  of  Dungannon  against  Shane,  and  for  his  abortive 
attempt  to  rid  north-east  Ulster  of  the  Scotch  settlement, 
which  now  extended  in  a  thin  line  along  the  coast  from  the  Bann 
to  Glenarm.  This  young  colony,  destined  in  time  to  play  such 
an  important  part  in  the  history  of  Ireland,  had  been  started 
about  the  year  1520  by  the  Highland  Chieftain,  Alex. 
McDonald  of  the  Isles,  who  left  six  sons  by  Catherine  Macquoin 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  III.,  56.     Bagenal  to  Croft,  Oct.  27th,  1551. 


10  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

of  Ardna-murchan.  At  the  time  of  Croft's  administration 
these  six  sons,  James,  Alexander  Oge  (or  Junior),  Donald,  Angus, 
Colla  and  Sorley  Boy,  were  all  alive,  though  not  continuously 
resident  in  Ulster.  Colla,  the  youngest  but  one,  was  the 
officially  appointed  representative  of  the  clan  in  Ireland,  the 
other  brothers  spending  the  bulk  of  their  time  in  Cantyre,  but 
always  ready  to  come  over  if  and  when  required. 

This  invasion  from  the  West  Highlands  was  looked  upon 
in  Government  circles  with  anything  but  favour,  and  one  of 
Croft's  first  acts  was  to  organize  an  expedition  to  the  north- 
east coast  of  Antrim,  with  a  view  to  expelling  or  annihilating 
the  intruders.  Feeling  themselves  powerless  to  face  the 
Deputy's  formidable  array  on  the  mainland,  the  McDonalds 
prudently  withdrew  to  Rathlin  Island,  some  six  miles  off  the 
coast,  where  they  were  presently  attacked  by  the  Government 
forces,  under  Sir  Ralph  Bagenal  and  Captain  Cuffe,  augmented 
by  a  strong  force  of  the  Ulster  Irish  and  by  two  fine  men-of-war. 
The  combined  forces,  however,  accomplished  nothing  of  lasting 
consequence.  The  men-of  war  pounded  Colla' s  new  Castle  of 
Keanbaan  to  pieces,  but  a  landing  was  never  effected,  and 
Bagenal  finally  withdrew  in  discomfiture,  with  the  loss  of  a 
good  many  of  his  men.  No  sooner  was  his  back  turned  than 
Colla  started  rebuilding  his  battered  Castle,  which,  when 
finished,  he  rechristened  Donanany  (presumably  after  the  castle 
of  that  name  on  the  mainland),  and  where  he  lived  in  peace 
with  Evelyn  Mcquillin,  his  wife,  till  his  death  occurred  in 
1558.* 

A  second  expedition  against  the  Scots,  six  months  later, 
commanded  by  Bagenal  and  the  Baron  of  Dungannon,  met 
with  no  better  success.  Nothing  of  the  slightest  military  value 
was  accomplished,  and  two  hundred  of  the  Government  men — 
according  to  the  statement  of  the  Four  Masters — perished  from 
one  cause  or  another  in  the  course  of  the  undertaking.  Croft 
was  naturally  annoyed  by  this  reverse,  but  not  discouraged, 
and  towards  the  close  of  the  year  1552  he  launched  a  third 
expedition  into  north  Antrim.  Dungannon  again  accompanied 
the  Marshal,  but  he  imprudently  allowed  his  party  to  get 
separated  from  that  of  Bagenal,  and  Shane,  who  was  hovering 
on  the  flank,  was  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  such  a  golden 
opportunity  for  avenging  himself  on  his  half-brother  for  the 

*  Hill's  "  McDonnells  of  Antrim." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  ll 

loss  of  his  four  horses  and  three  hundred  cows.  On  this  occasion 
it  is  to  be  assumed  that  the  Baron  and  his  men  were  either 
more  heavily  outnumbered  than  they  had  been  on  the  occasion 
of  Dungannon's  remarkable  feat  in  the  autumn  of  1551,  or 
else  that  their  prowess  was  less  conspicuous,  for  the  fact  stands 
out  that  they  were  signally  defeated  with  considerable  loss  of 
life.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  this  intervention  of 
Shane  in  matters  which  did  not  strictly  concern  him  in  any  sense 
aimed  at  helping  the  Scotch.  It  was  purely  a  personal  matter 
between  himself  and  his  half-brother,  but  the  effect  undoubtedly 
was  to  render  Croft's  third  and  last  effort  against  the  Scots  as 
abortive  as  the  previous  two. 

In  1553  St.  Leger,  returning  to  Ireland  for  the  third  time, 
succeeded  Croft,  and,  pursuing  the  same  policy  as  his  pre- 
decessors, made  a  great  effort  to  expel  the  Mcdonalds,  both  from 
the  Route  and  Glynns  (Lower  and  Upper  Dunluce  and  Gary), 
and  from  the  Ards,  where  they  had  also  temporarily  established 
a  footing  ;  but  at  the  end  of  a  six  weeks'  campaign  he  was  forced 
to  admit  failure  and  had  to  return  to  Dublin. 

St.  Leger' s  administration  was  not  a  success.  Like  all  Irish 
deputies,  he  was  chiefly  hated  for  his  good  deeds.  After  three 
years  of  inglorious  administration,  he  returned,  deeply  dis- 
couraged, to  England,  and  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Fitzwalter, 
better  known  as  the  Earl  of  Sussex.  Sussex  got  together  the 
most  formidable  force  yet  assembled  in  Ireland,  and,  marching 
north  with  caution  and  deliberation,  reached  Glenarm  on 
the  twenty-fourth  day  after  leaving  Dublin.  This  time  the 
Mcdonalds  did  not  await  events,  but,  yielding  to  force  majeure, 
crossed  the  water  to  Scotland.  Sussex,  eager  to  justify  his 
expedition  and  its  cost,  expended  his  energies  on  all  the  destruct- 
ible property  he  could  find  on  the  mainland,  while  Sir  Henry 
Sidney  crossed  to  Rathlin  Island,  and  there  exterminated  the 
entire  population.*  The  Government  force  then  returned  to 
Dublin,  and  the  Mcdonalds  returned  from  Cantyre  to  the  Route. 

All  the  Government's  efforts  of  the  past  five  years  had  been 
directed  against  the  Mcdonalds,  and  the  ruling  clans  of  the 
centre  and  west  of  Ulster  had  during  this  period  taken  advantage 

*  Carew  MSS.  Sidney  to  Walsingliam,  March  1st,  1583  ;  also  see  Carew 
MSS.  1557,  359.  The  numbers  killed  in  this  first  massacre  at  Kathlin  Island 
are  not  given,  and  the  whole  incident  is  dismissed  very  briefly,  from  which 
it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  the  population  on  the  island  at  the  time  was  so 
small  that  its  destruction  was  not  considered  worth  recording. 


12  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

of  their  immunity  from  outside  interference  to  devastate  one 
another  to  their  hearts'  content.  Shane  O'Neil's  main  object 
at  the  time  was  to  depose  his  father,  Con  Bacagh,  from  the  throne 
of  Ulster,  which  he  considered  that  he  could  fill  far  more  satis- 
factorily himself.  In  the  neighbouring  county  of  Tyrconnell 
(Donegal)  Calvagh  O'Donnell  was  very  similarly  engaged  in  an 
attempt  to  depose  his  own  father  Manus.  To  aid  him  in  this 
unfilial  operation  he  had  enlisted  the  co-operation  of  O'Cahan 
of  Coleraine  on  the  understanding  that,  if  he  defeated  his  father 
and  became  the  O'Donnell,  he  would  use  all  the  fighting  forces 
of  Tyrconnell  in  support  of  O'Cahan' s  claim  for  independence 
from  the  overlordship  of  Shane.  This  compact  sealed,  the 
two  new  allies  advanced  in  martial  array  into  Tyrconnell,  but 
unfortunately  for  their  mutual  projects  were  heavily  defeated 
by  Manus  at  Ballybofey. 

Calvagh,  however,  was  not  to  be  discouraged.  He  attributed 
his  defeat  less  to  bad  generalship  than  to  the  inferior  quality  of 
his  fighting  material,  and,  with  a  view  to  putting  this  right,  he 
sailed  for  Scotland  and  there  hired  a  force  with  which  he 
returned  to  Loch  Foyle  in  1555.  As  a  preliminary  measure  he 
started  by  destroying  the  two  Inishowen  strongholds  of  New- 
castle and  Ellaugh,  and  then,  passing  on  to  Rossreagh,  inflicted 
a  decisive  defeat  on  his  father,  whom  he  took  prisoner. 

Calvagh  does  not  appear  to  have  treated  old  Manus  badly, 
but  he  shut  him  up  in  Lifford  Castle,  where  he  remained  till  he 
died  in  1564.  Manus  is  given  a  good  character,  both  by  the 
Four  Masters  and  by  St.  Leger,  who  describes  him  as  "  a  sober, 
well-inclined  man."  He  was  a  patron  and  student  of  literature. 

Manus' s  deposition  was  a  curious  repetition  of  family  history, 
for  he  himself  had  behaved  in  an  exactly  similar  way  to  his 
own  father,  Hugh  Duv,  nor  did  the  analogy  end  there,  for 
just  as  Manus — after  dispossessing  his  father — had  to  fight  his 
three  brothers,  so  did  Calvagh  now  have  to  fight  his  own  half- 
brother  Hugh,  who  naturally  disputed  with  him  his  claim  to  the 
chiefry.  Manus  had  hanged  his  eldest  brother  John,  and  Hugh 
— no  doubt  bearing  this  in  mind,  and  having  no  wish  to  make 
the  analogy  with  the  past  too  exact — invoked  the  aid  of  Shane 
O'Neil  against  Calvagh  and  his  imported  Scotch  army. 

Shane,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  married  to  Calvagh' s 
daughter  Margaret,  gladly  took  up  Hugh's  quarrel,  doubtless 
scenting  an  opportunity  for  carrying  out  his  pet  scheme  of 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  18 

extending  his  rule  to  the  far  western  shore  of  Tyrconnell,  or 
Donegal,  as  we  may  for  better  convenience  call  it.  Shane  got 
together  a  large  army  and  joined  forces  with  Hugh  at  Carricklea, 
just  above  the  junction  of  the  rivers  Finn  and  Mourne.  Here 
the  allies  pitched  their  camp,  and,  in  order  to  celebrate  the  occa- 
sion, caroused  so  freely  and  imprudently  that  during  a  very  dark 
and  rainy  night  they  were  surprised  by  Calvagh  and  his  mer- 
cenaries and  completely  routed.  Shane  himself — as  on  the 
occasion  of  his  personal  encounter  with  Dungannon — displayed 
the  greatest  cowardice,  and,  without  attempting  to  fight,  crept 
out  of  the  back  of  his  tent  and  ran  down  to  the  river  Finn, 
which  he  crossed.  He  then  followed  its  left  bank  up  for  some 
miles,  recrossed  it  and  then  the  river  Derg,  which  brought  him 
to  Termanomongan.  Here  he  procured  a  horse,  on  which  he 
got  safely  away  to  Clogher.  Pursuit  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  very  vigorous,  for  the  victorious  army  fell  on  the  wines 
which  the  vanquished  had  left  and  completed  the  interrupted 
carouse.  The  spoil  taken  was  considerable.  We  are  told  that 
Calvagh' s  son  Con  got  for  his  own  share  no  less  than  eighty 
horses,  including  Shane's  famous  charger,  "  Son  of  the  Eagle."* 
Shane  eventually  made  his  way  back  to  his  castle  at  Benburb 
on  the  Blackwater,  where  he  consoled  himself  for  his  defeat  by 
Calvagh  by  brutally  ill-treating  Calvagh's  daughter,  who  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  his  wife.  For  the  best  part  of  a  year  he 
remained  politically  quiet,  but  in  the  following  year,  1558,  he 
settled  for  ever  the  vexed  question  of  succession,  by  waylaying 
and  murdering  the  Baron  of  Dungannon  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Armagh.  The  old  Earl  of  Tyrone  (Con  Bacagh),  on  learning 
the  news,  realized  that — unless  he  took  prompt  measures  for 
his  own  safety — he  was  likely  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  his  son, 
and  he  accordingly  lost  no  time  in  getting  back  to  Dublin  and 
the  friendly  protection  of  the  English  Government.  He  died 
the  following  year  at  the  ripe  age  of  seventy-five.  He  had  few 
good  points,  and  the  way  in  which  he  deliberately  produced  a 
famine  among  his  own  people  in  order  to  emphasize  his  hatred 
of  English  agricultural  improvements,  stamps  him  as  the  very 
primitive  man  and  very  callous  tyrant.  His  last  earthly  utter- 
ance was  a  curse  which  he  invoked  on  any  and  all  of  his  posterity 
who  should  learn  English,  sow  wheat,  or  build  a  stone  house.| 

*  Four  Masters.  f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Dec.  7th,  1598. 


CHAPTER  I 

Capture  of  Culoagh  O'Donnell  by  Shane — Shane's  cruel  treatment  of  Culoagh 
and  his  wife — Sussex  appointed  Lord  Lieutenant — His  Northern  expedition 
— Overthrow  of  his  raiding  party — Sussex  retaliates — Shane's  submission — 
His  visit  to  Elizabeth — Murder  of  Brian  McBaron — Tirlough  Luineach — 
Shane's  return  to  Ireland — He  violates  all  the  terms  of  his  submission — His 
raid  on  Donegal — Unreasonable  attitude  of  Ulster  Chiefs — The  McDonnell 
settlement  in  the  Route — Cusack's  support  of  Shane — Elizabeth  and  the 
Ulster  Scots. 

OHANE  O' NEIL'S  triumph  in  Tyrone  was  now  complete, 
vl}  and  he  lost  no  time  in  having  himself  formally  invested 
as  the  O'Neil  at  Tullahogue,  with  the  usual  unpleasant  rites 
associated  with  the  ceremony.  Further  triumphs,  however, 
were  in  store  for  him.  Calvagh  O'Donnell  was  still  at  war 
with  his  half-brother  Hugh,  and  in  the  spring  of  1561  he  sent 
an  expedition  to  attack  Caffar  O'Donnell  (a  brother  of  Hugh) 
at  his  island  stronghold  at  Lough  Veagh  in  West  Donegal. 
Calvagh  himself  very  prudently  remained  behind  with  his  wife 
at  the  monastery  of  Killdonnell,  on  Lough  Swilly,  twelve  miles 
from  the  scene  of  action.  Here — according  to  the  Four  Masters 
— he  pleasantly  spent  his  time  in  carousing  till  May  14th,  when 
he  was  rudely  awakened  by  the  sudden  and  unwelcome  appear- 
ance of  Shane,  who  had  received  information  through  some  of 
the  O'Donnells  of  the  unprotected  state  of  their  chief,  and  who 
lost  no  time  in  arriving  on  the  scene  with  a  strong  band  of 
followers. 

Calvagh  and  his  wife  could,  of  course,  put  up  no  defence,  and 
were  carried  off  into  captivity,  where  they  were  both  very 
cruelly  used.  Calvagh  was  fettered  with  gyves  round  his  neck 
and  ankles,  so  arranged  that  he  could  neither  stand  nor  sit.  His 
sufferings,  according  to  his  own  statement,  were  excruciating. 
In  order  to  extract  from  him  the  secret  of  his  treasure,  Shane 
had  the  gyves  strained  so  tight  that "  the  blood  did  run  down  on 
either  side  of  mine  irons,  in  so  much  that  I  did  wish  after  death 

14 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  15 

a  thousand  times."*  His  wife,  a  Maclean,  and  the  widow  of 
the  Earl  of  Argyle,  became  Shane's  mistress  by  night,  and  during 
the  day  was  chained  by  the  wrist  to  a  small  boy  so  as  to  prevent 
her  escape.  | 

The  object  of  Shane's  support  of  Hugh  O'Donnell  against 
Calvagh  was  now  made  clear,  for — having  safely  disposed  of 
the  latter — he  proclaimed  himself  Lord  of  Donegal,  and,  indeed, 
of  all  Ulster  from  Drogheda  to  the  sea.  On  the  strength  of  this 
piratical  extension  of  his  territory  he  made  a  formal  applica- 
tion to  the  Crown  for  the  title  of  Earl  of  Ulster,  but — it  need 
scarcely  be  said — without  success. 

Old  Manus  was  still  alive  and  the  official  O'Donnell,  and  by 
Calvagh' s  capture  the  old  chief  once  more  regained  his  liberty, 
but  he  was  too  feeble  and  broken  in  health  to  resist,  or  even  to 
resent,  Shane's  cool  annexation  of  his  lands.  His  sons  Hugh 
and  Caffar  resented  it  most  acutely,  but  were  not  strong  enough 
to  resist.  They  were  both  feeble  creatures,  totally  devoid  of 
spirit  or  military  capacity.  Shane's  insolence  in  formally 
demanding  the  title  of  Earl  of  Ulster  had  the  effect  of  arousing 
the  full  resentment  of  Elizabeth,  who  had  just  succeeded  her 
sister  to  the  throne.  The  title  was  a  royal  one  and  scrupulously 
reserved  for  Royalty,  and  Shane's  claim  to  it  pointed  to  a  sense 
of  growing  power  which  it  was  felt  must  be  promptly  curbed. 
Sussex  was  sent  back  to  Ireland  with  the  full  title  of  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant, and  with  orders  to  bring  the  Northern  Chief  to  his 
senses  by  one  means  or  another.  The  selection  of  Sussex  for 
this  duty  was  not  a  happy  one.  He  had  proved  a  failure  before, 
and  he  was  destined  to  prove  no  less  of  a  failure  on  this  occa- 
sion. Entirely  destitute  of  military  genius,  his  only  idea  of 
warfare  lay  in  the  destruction  of  the  enemy's  country.  His 
one  good  point  was  his  energy,  but  even  this  was  misdirected. 

The  Lord  Lieutenant  lost  no  time  in  getting  to  work.  Before 
the  end  of  1561  he  had  pushed  north  nearly  as  far  as  Armagh 
without  encountering  any  resistance.  Making  Armagh  his 
headquarters,  he  sent  out  a  raiding  party  into  Shane's  terri- 
tory to  the  north-west,  which  succeeded  in  collecting  a  formid- 
able drove  of  cattle,  with  which  the  raiding  party  began  to  make 
its  way  back  in  triumph  to  Armagh.  Shane,  however,  was  hot 
on  their  heels  with  300  Scots  and  200  Gallowglasses,  and, 
choosing  a  moment  when  the  raiders  had  relaxed  their  watch, 

*  Calvagh  to  Elizabeth,  Oct.  29th,  1564.  f  Bagwell  II.,  75. 


16  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

he  launched  a  fierce  and  unexpected  attack  on  the  rear  of  the 
column.  The  English,  completely  taken  by  surprise,  were 
thrown  into  hopeless  confusion ;  50  were  killed,  50  more 
wounded,  and  all  the  cattle  returned  whence  they  had  come.* 
The  distress  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant  over  this  calamity  was  very 
great,  and  he  blamed  himself  bitterly  for  not  having  accompanied 
the  expedition  personally.  The  blow  to  his  prestige  was  almost 
irremediable,  and  was  only  equalled  by  the  stimulus  given  to 
Shane's  reputation.  To  recover  his  lost  ground,  Sussex  made 
an  exceptionally  vigorous  effort.  With  a  formidable  and 
mobile  force  he  made  a  rapid  march  across  the  foot  of  Slieve 
Gallion  to  the  wilds  of  Glenconkein  (Loughinshollin  in  Co. 
Londonderry),  which  was  Shane's  most  inaccessible  fastness, 
driving  in  all  the  cattle  as  he  went.  Shane  made  no  appearance 
and  attempted  no  resistance,  having,  in  fact,  withdrawn  still 
further  west  into  the  Sperrin  mountains,  and  4,000  cattle  and 
a  host  of  ponies  were  collected.  Sussex's  action  on  this  occasion 
was  singularly  characteristic  of  his  methods.  With  a  clear 
recollection  of  the  calamity  which  had  overtaken  his  previous 
raiding  expedition,  he  had  all  the  captured  cattle  slaughtered 
on  the  spot,  after  which  he  proceeded  methodically  to  lay  waste 
the  surrounding  country.  From  Glenconkein  he  moved  south- 
west to  Omagh,  and  thence  down  the  river  Mourne  to  the  Foyle, 
where  a  victualling  fleet  had  been  ordered  to  put  in.  The 
expected  fleet,  however,  did  not  materialize,  and  Sussex  had  to 
content  himself  with  collecting  a  further  500  cattle,  with  which 
he  returned  in  triumph  to  Armagh.  Throughout  the  expedition 
there  had  been  an  entire  absence  of  fighting ;  Shane  and  his 
armed  forces  keeping  discreetly  out  of  the  way. 

Sussex's  methods,  brutal  and  inartistic  as  they  may  appear 
to  us,  were  probably  a  necessity  of  the  times,  and  the  only 
methods  which  were  really  intelligible  to  those  he  was  dealing 
with.  In  any  event  the  desired  result  was  certainly  achieved, 
for  Shane,  whose  local  reputation  had  no  doubt  waned  in  exact 
ratio  to  the  destruction  of  his  assets  by  Sussex,  came  into 
Carrickfergus,  where  he  made  abject  and  unconditional  sub- 
mission. It  was  eventually  arranged  that — following  in  the 
footsteps  of  his  father — he  should  go  on  a  visit  to  the  English 
Court,  not  as  a  prisoner,  but  as  a  guest.  He  accordingly  sailed 
for  England  early  in  1562.  Sussex,  apparently  quite  satisfied 

*  Sussex  to  Cecil,  July  31st,  1561. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  17 

with  his  exploit,  followed  him  within  a  few  months,  leaving  Sir 
William  Fitzwilliam  to  carry  on  the  administration  of  Ireland.* 

Elizabeth's  real  object  in  getting  this  wild  Irish  chieftain  to 
her  Court  is  not  quite  clear.  It  may  have  been  partly  curiosity, 
but  the  probability  is  that  there  were  deeper  aims  behind. 
Ferdoragh,  Baron  of  Dungannon,  was  dead — as  Shane  had  taken 
good  care  that  he  should  be — but  Brian,  his  eldest  son,  was  now 
growing  to  manhood,  and  the  royal  hopes  of  reclaiming  Ulster 
from  savagery  were,  at  the  moment,  centred  in  this  youth. 
His  father  had  been  a  consistent  supporter  of  the  English,  not 
only  against  Shane,  but  (a  more  important  matter  in  English 
eyes)  against  the  Antrim  Scotch,  and  their  disquieting  encroach- 
ments. He  had  also  given  evidence  of  an  intelligent  appreciation 
of  English  customs,  and  it  was  a  reasonable  hope  that  the  son 
would,  in  this  respect,  follow  in  his  father's  footsteps.  Anyhow, 
it  was  considered  impossible  that  he  could  be  as  bad  as  Shane, 
who  was  without  a  redeeming  characteristic.  Accordingly, 
during  O'Neil's  absence  in  England,  Fitzwilliam,  acting  under 
royal  instructions,  paid  special  attention  to  young  Brian,  gaining 
his  friendship  by  small  acts  of  kindness,  and  taking  advantage 
of  their  friendship  to  train  him  in  the  way  he  should  go.  His 
chief  aim  was  to  eradicate  from  Brian's  mind  any  lurking  feeling 
of  friendship  for  the  Scots,  with  whom  he  had  spent  two  and  a 
half  years  in  Cantyre  as  the  nominal  prisoner  of  James  Mcdonriell 
ofthelsles.| 

Shane,  in  the  meanwhile,  was  enjoying  himself  thoroughly  at 
Court.  His  first  appearance  created  something  in  the  nature 
of  a  sensation,  for  he  entered  the  presence  of  the  Queen  with  a 
retinue  of  six  shaggy-maned  Gallowglasses,  bearing  battle-axes 
and  wearing  wide-sleeved  saffron  shirts,  coats  of  mail  and  cloaks 
of  rough  fur.  Shane  himself  came  in  on  his  knees,  prostrated 
himself  before  the  Queen,  and  "  howling  confessed  his  rebellion," 
in  fluent  Irish,  for  the  O'Neil  had  no  more  English  than  his 
father  before  him.t 

The  rebellion  which  Shane  "  howling  confessed "  on  his 
knees,  was  hardly  such  in  the  ordinary  sense,  i.e.,  he  had  in  no 

*  The  only  essential  difference  between  the  title  of  Lord  Lieutenant  and  tliat 
of  Deputy  was  that  the  former  was  allowed  to  leave  Ireland  and  could  nominate 
a  Deputy  in  his  absence. 

t  The  McDonalds  who  settled  in  Antrim  soon  became  McDonnells,  a  form  of 
spelling  which  consorted  better  with  the  Irish  pronunciation  of  the  name, 
t  Camden's  "Elizabeth." 


18  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

way  molested  the  Pale  or  any  of  the  Government  stations.  His 
crimes  were  exclusively  crimes  against  his  own  countrymen,  and 
his  only  quarrel  with  England  lay  in  the  fact  that  he  had  grossly 
violated  the  compact  entered  into  with  Cusack  in  1552.  In 
this  compact  it  had  been  expressly  stipulated  that  neither  Dun- 
gannon,  Calvagh,  Maguire  nor  Tirlough  Luineach  should  be 
molested,  and  that  the  O'Neil  was  to  confine  his  brigandage  to 
his  own  specified  boundaries.  This  he  had  not  done  ;  but  his 
two  gravest  faults  vis-d-vis  the  English  Government  had  been 
the  murder  of  Dungannon  and  the  imprisonment  and  torture 
of  Calvagh. 

Shane  was  entertained  for  a  considerable  time  at  the  English 
Court.  The  Queen  wanted  to  see  young  Brian  O'Neil,  now 
Baron  of  Dungannon,  before  she  could  decide  how  far  he  was 
worth  supporting  as  a  counterpoise  to  Shane.  Accordingly,  on 
May  13th,  1562,  she  wrote  to  Fitzwilliam,  instructing  him  to 
send  the  boy  over.  Fitzwilliam  at  once  acted  on  these  instruc- 
tions, and  Brian  was  on  his  way  to  Carlingford,  with  a  view  to 
taking  ship,  when  he  was  waylaid  by  Tirlough  Luineach,  with  a 
hundred  or  so  of  the  Donnelly  sept,  and  murdered.  Brian 
could  make  no  resistance,  for  he  had  only  twenty  men  with 
him,  but  he  succeeded  for  a  time  in  eluding  his  pursuers  by 
hiding,  naked  to  the  skin,  in  a  thicket,  with  the  intention  of 
swimming  the  river  as  soon  as  it  was  dark.  One  of  his  followers, 
however,  betrayed  his  hiding-place,  and  he  was  dragged  out  and 
butchered.* 

This  act  first  brings  Tirlough  Luineach  into  prominence  in 
Ulster.  He  was  the  son  of  Neil  Connelly  O'Neil,  and  a  grandson 
to  Art  O'Neil,  who  was  Con  Bacagh's  brother.  He  was  there- 
fore first  cousin  once  removed  to  Shane.  Tirlough  Luineach 
was  the  official  tanist,  i.e.,  the  nominated  heir  in  case  of  Shane's 
death,  so  that  he  had  a  potential  interest  in  Brian's  death  ;  but 
there  is  very  little  doubt  that  the  act  was  secretly  instigated  by 
Shane  himself,  and  that  the  Donnelly  sept,  who  were  Shane's 
foster-brothers,  were  mainly  responsible  for  the  act,  though 
Tirlough  Luineach  was  their  nominal  leader  at  the  time  of  the 
murder. 

Brian  left  two  brothers,  Hugh  and  Cormac,  and  a  half- 
brother  named  Art,  who  was  older  than  either.  Hugh  auto- 
matically became  Baron  of  Dungannon,  and  lived  to  become  the 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  V.,  82,  83,  84. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  19 

second  Earl  of  Tyrone,  and  the  most  persistent  rebel  of  all  the 
long  list  of  turbulent  O'Neils. 

With  Brian's  death  the  desirability  of  keeping  Shane  in 
England  passed  away,  and  so,  with  £300  in  his  pocket,  the 
promise  of  O'Cahan's  country,  and  a  rhetorical  outburst  of 
loyal  protestations  on  his  lips,  he  set  sail  for  Ulster.*  The 
terms  to  which  he  bound  himself  were  to  keep  the  peace  for 
six  months  with  O'Donnell,  Maguire,  O'Reilly,  O'Hanlon, 
McMahon  and  Magennis,  while  a  commission,  consisting  of  the 
Earl  of  Kildare,  the  Earl  of  Ormonde  and  four  members  of  the 
Irish  Privy  Council,  two  named  by  himself  and  two  by  his 
opponent,  should  sit  and  decide  on  all  local  differences.  Shane 
furthermore  undertook  not  to  molest  the  garrison  at  Armagh, 
so  long  as  it  was  victualled  from  the  Pale,  and  to  bring  Calvagh 
O'Donnell  before  a  tribunal  consisting  of  the  four  Earls  of 
Thomond,  Desmond,  Clanricard  and  Kildare,  who  should  pro- 
nounce as  to  his  liberation  or  otherwise.  Shane  had  no  sooner 
got  back  to  Ulster  than  he  coolly  proceeded  to  break  every 
covenant  he  had  made.  The  six  months'  independence  of  the 
lesser  chiefs,  to  which  he  had  pledged  himself  with  such  pas- 
sionate vehemence  in  London,  he  now  laughed  at  as  a  stipula- 
tion beneath  consideration,  and,  to  prove  his  contempt  for  such 
trivial  covenants,  he  started  by  driving  into  Tyrone  several 
thousand  of  O'Donnell' s  cattle  that  were  lying  conveniently  at 
hand  in  Donegal,  just  across  the  river  Mourne.j"  Kildare, 
Thomond  and  Clanricard  were  sent  up  to  reason  with  him,  but 
nothing  resulted.  He  was  invited  to  meet  Sussex  at  Dundalk, 
but,  conscious  of  his  recent  evil  practices,  he  failed  to  keep  the 
appointment.  In  place  of  meeting  the  Lord  Lieutenant  he 
made  another  raid  into  Donegal,  drove  off  several  thousand  more 
cattle,  laid  the  entire  country  waste,  and  on  his  way  home  fell 
on  Maguire' s  harvesters  at  Belleek  and  killed  300  men,  women 
and  children.!  By  these  two  successive  raids  Donegal  was 
reduced  to  absolute  famine  ;  no  food  was  left,  except  berries 
and  roots,  and  the  people  died  in  hundreds  by  the  roadside. 

With  a  curious  inconsistency,  the  Irish  chiefs,  instead  of 
finding  fault  with  Shane  for  these  villainous  breaches  of  faith, 

*  Sir  Richard  Cox  in  his  "  Hibernia  Anglicana  "  states  that  Elizabeth  lent 
Shane  £2,500,  but  this  is  to  be  doubted. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  VI.,  75. 

J  Maguire  to  Sussex,  Oct.  20th,  l.*j()-J. 


20  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

threw  all  the  blame  on  the  Queen  ;  never  again,  they  said, 
would  they  believe  an  English  Monarch's  promise  of  protection. 
Sussex  was  completely  unnerved  by  this  unexpected  and  un- 
deserved attack  from  those  whom  he  had  been  doing  his  best 
to  help  and  protect.  "  I  pray  God,"  he  wrote  in  pious  despair, 
"  to  rid  me  from  serving  with  such  as  speak  with  their  mouths 
what  they  mislike  with  their  hearts,  and  put  forth  with  their 
words  that  which  they  overthrow  with  their  deeds." 

Shane,  having  succeeded  to  his  satisfaction  in  showing  his 
contempt  for  any  restrictions  placed  by  the  Queen  on  his  juris- 
diction of  Ulster,  now  proceeded  to  make  his  own  terms  with 
those  on  whom  he  had  been  stamping  his  authority.  By  the 
terms  of  this  arrangement,  entered  into  September,  1663, 
Con  O'Donnell  was  to  enjoy  his  father's  estate,  and  Calvagh 
was  to  remain  a  prisoner  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  By  a  further 
triangular  arrangement,  in  which  the  Antrim  McDonnells  were 
included,  it  was  settled  that  Con  was  to  marry  Shane's  daughter, 
Shane  was  to  marry  James  McDonnell's  daughter,  and  Sorley 
Boy  was  to  provide  500  Scots  for  Shane  when  called  upon  to 
do  so.  Sorley  Boy  (or  "  the  yellow-haired  ")  had  now  been 
ruler  of  the  McDonnell  settlements  in  the  Route  since  the  death 
of  Colla  in  1558.  When  Colla,  whom  Sussex  in  a  letter  to  Boxall 
describes  as  the  best  of  the  family,*  died,  James  McDonnell 
offered  the  captaincy  of  the  Route  to  Alexander  Oge,  his  second 
brother,  and  then  to  Angus  ;  but  both  refused.  Finally  Sorley 
Boy,  the  youngest,  was  forced  to  accept  a  position  which  was 
clearly  none  too  popular  with  the  family.  The  practical  effect 
of  the  arrangement,  above  described,  was — as,  of  course,  in- 
tended— to  considerably  augment  Shane's  fighting  strength  ; 
and,  with  the  increase  in  his  power,  came  a  corresponding  in- 
crease in  his  insolence.  The  pose  of  loyalty,  temporarily 
assumed  as  a  convenience,  was  now  contemptuously  discarded, 
and  Shane  blossomed  out  once  more  as  an  openly-defined  rebel. 
Sussex  made  an  endeavour  to  correct  this  new  mood  by  fitting 
out  the  usual  punitive  expedition,  with  which  he  started  north 
in  the  summer  of  1563.  The  army,  however,  was  almost  entirely 
composed  of  Irish,  and  these  quarrelled  so  incessantly  among 
themselves  that  no  united  action  was  possible,  and  Sussex  had 
to  return  with  nothing  accomplished. 

He  reorganized  his  force,  however,  and,  a  fortnight  later, 

*  Sussex  to  Boxall,  June  3rd,  1558. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  21 

pushed  westward  as  far  as  Clogher,  but  Shane  never  showed,  and, 
after  capturing  a  few  cattle,  he  again  returned  to  Armagh,  having 
done  little  more  than  before.  In  an  attempt  to  justify  the 
cost  of  the  expedition,  Sussex  now  fortified  the  great  church  at 
Armagh,  and,  leaving  200  men  there  as  a  garrison,  made  his 
way  back  to  Dublin.  Sussex's  performances  had  been  barren 
enough,  but  his  intentions  were  honestly  polemic,  and  at  his 
next  essay  he  would,  in  all  probability,  have  brought  Shane 
within  sight  of  submission,  but — during  his  absence  in  the  north 
— the  Queen  had  been  persuaded  to  an  entire  reversal  of  her 
policy.  Cusack  the  Chancellor  had  been  interviewing  her,  and, 
by  the  advice  of  this  pusillanimous  and  weak-kneed  politician, 
Shane  was  released  from  all  his  pledges.  In  pursuance  of  the 
same  policy,  the  Queen's  protection  was  withdrawn  from  all 
the  minor  chiefs  who  had  previously  relied  on  it.  Cusack' s 
argument  was  that  the  only  way  to  govern  Ireland  was  to 
propitiate  the  more  powerful  and  turbulent  among  the  chiefs, 
and  to  ignore  such  as  were  either  too  weak  or  too  loyal  to  give 
trouble — a  policy  which,  unfortunately,  did  not  die  with 
Cusack — but  the  real  motive  behind  his  advice  was  probably 
mercenary,  for  Shane  was  little  less  ready  with  a  bribe  than  his 
successor  in  rebellion,  Tyrone.  Elizabeth  was  mainly  induced 
to  fall  in  with  Cusack' s  view  by  her  ingrained  hatred  of  the 
Scots.  Her  intense  jealousy  of  Mary  Stuart  had  broadened  out 
into  a  bitter  rancour  against  all  the  subjects  of  that  unhappy 
Queen.  Sussex  had  the  sense  to  see  that,  as  far  as  Ulster  was 
concerned,  this  was  the  foolish  and  narrow  policy  of  a  jealous 
woman.  All  the  continuous  troubles  and  unrest  of  Ulster, 
throughout  Elizabethan  days,  might  have  been  avoided  had  the 
Queen  only  treated  the  Scots  as  friends  in  place  of  enemies,  and 
used  them  as  her  instruments  for  the  pacification  of  Ulster, 
which,  indeed,  they  were  only  too  anxious  to  become.  Sussex, 
in  a  report  of  his  administration  which  was  drawn  up  in  1562, 
advises  that  "  the  Queen  should  not  only  tolerate  with  the 
Scots  of  James  Macdonald  now  in  Ireland,  but  should  gratify 
them  in  their  requests,  and,  by  all  the  means  that  may  be, 
retain  them  in  her  service,  which  they  earnestly  seem  to  desire." 
But  Elizabeth,  though  shrewd  enough  in  most  matters,  was 
blind  where  her  personal  vanity  was  touched.  Her  terror 
was  lest  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  should  establish  so  firm  a  footing 
in  Ireland  as  to  push  her  own  interests  to  the  detriment  of 


22      •  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Elizabeth.  So,  in  consultation  with  Cusack  and  in  direct 
opposition  to  the  advice  of  Sussex,  she  arranged  that  Shane 
should  be  taken  into  alliance  against  the  intruders  from  Scot- 
land. Cusack  was  accordingly  sent  over  in  a  plenipotentiary 
capacity,  not  to  displace  Sussex,  who  still  remained  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant, but  with  a  special  charter  to  put  in  operation  any  methods 
which  he  might  deem  advisable.  Sussex  raised  no  objection, 
for  he  was  in  bad  health,  miserably  conscious  of  his  failure,  and 
delighted  at  the  prospect  of  a  holiday  in  England.  Before 
leaving,  however,  he  made  one  last  attempt  against  Shane  which 
did  not  add  to  his  reputation.  One,  John  Smith,  was  sent 
down  into  Tyrone,  with  instructions  to  bribe  Neil  Gray,  a  hanger- 
on  of  Shane,  to  get  rid  of  the  troublesome  O'Neil  by  means  of 
poison  or  otherwise.*  The  plot  failed,  and  Sussex  denied  all 
complicity  in  it,  but  there  is  very  little  doubt  that  he  was  impli- 
cated, and  possibly  Cusack  as  well,  but  there  is  no  evidence 
that  Elizabeth  had  any  knowledge  of  the  plot. 

Cusack  lost  no  time  in  giving  evidence  of  his  new  powers 
by  releasing  Shane  from  all  his  pledges  and  establishing  formal 
peace  with  him  till  All  Saints'  Day.  After  the  feast  of  All 
Saints  it  was  agreed  that  the  garrison  was  to  be  withdrawn  from 
Armagh,  and  the  great  church  was  to  cease  to  be  a  fortress. 
Shane  was  shrewd  enough  to  base  this  demand  on  religious 
grounds,  and,  in  support  of  his  new  character  for  piety,  he  under- 
took to  forfeit  £1,000  if  he  did  not  restore  divine  worship  in 
Armagh  church  within  a  month  from  the  date  of  its  being 
restored  to  him."!"  Shane  really  does  seem  for  a  very  short  time 
to  have  made  an  effort  in  the  right  direction,  by  encouraging 
various  branches  of  husbandry  in  his  territories.  In  any  case, 
the  fact  remains  established  that,  during  the  next  twelve  months, 
his  only  recorded  offence  against  outside  society  was  the 
piratical  seizure  in  Carlingford  Harbour  of  a  Scotch  ship  laden 
with  wine,  which  was  doubtless  too  tempting  a  prize  for  any 
O'Neil  to  allow  to  pass  his  gates. 

*  Carew  MSS.,  388.  f  Cal-  state  Papers,  Nov.  1563. 


CHAPTER  II 

Death  of  Manns  O'Donnell — Culoagh's  release — His  appeal  to  Arnold  and 
Cusack — His  final  appeal  to  the  Queen — Shane  captures  Donegal  Castle 
— His  tortures  of  Con  McCalvagh — His  defeat  by  Sorley  Boy  at  Coleraine — 
Shane's  secret  service  system — The  Battle  of  Glentor — Defeat  of  the  Scots — 
Death  of  James  McDonnell — Sorley  Boy  a  prisoner — Shane  captures 
Dunseverick  and  Dunluce — Jubilation  in  Dublin  at  Shane's  victory — 
Shane  accepts  ransom  for  his  prisoners — Elizabeth's  indignation — Sir 
Henry  Sidney  arrives  as  deputy — Shane  captures  Dundalk,  but  is  expelled 
again — Sidney's  expedition  to  the  north — Randolph  arrives  at  Deny 
with  a  fleet — Sidney's  conquering  tour  of  Donegal — Calvagh  reinstated  as 
the  O'Donnell— His  death— Randolph's  troubles  at  Derry — Privations  of 
the  garrison— Defeat  of  Shane  at  Lifford — Randolph's  death — Evacuation 
of  Derry — Defeat  of  Shane  at  Fersatmore — He  surrenders  to  the  McDonnells 
— His  death  and  character. 

JN  February,  1564,  old  Manus  O'Donnell  died  in  Lifford 
Castle  at  the  age  of  seventy-one.  Shane  seems  to  have 
had  a  certain  regard  for  the  old  man.  It  may  be  that  his  friend- 
ship for  Manus  was  only  a  reflection  of  his  inveterate  hatred 
for  Calvagh,  for  the  father  and  son  had  always  been  at  enmity. 
But,  in  any  event,  the  fact  stands  out  that  Lifford  Castle  was 
left  unmolested  so  long  as  Manus  occupied  it,  but  no  sooner 
was  he  dead  than  Shane  instantly  started  to  bargain  with 
Calvagh  for  its  possession.  This  wretched  man  was  still  a 
prisoner,  but  he  was  now  promised  his  release  on  the  condition 
of  handing  over  Lifford  Castle  and  the  lands  of  Inishowen 
to  Shane.  Calvagh,  having  little  option  in  the  matter,  agreed, 
and  the  gyves,  which  he  had  now  worn  for  close  on  three  years, 
were  knocked  off.  His  wife,  however,  who  was  by  this  time 
the  mother  of  two  sons  of  Shane,  was  still  kept  prisoner  with 
the  idea  of  extracting  a  ransom  from  the  Macleans  for  her 
release.  As  a  matter  of  fact  Shane  did  not  get  Lifford  Castle, 
for  the  garrison  in  occupation — either  acting  on  their  own 
initiative  or  else  under  Calvagh' s  secret  orders — sturdily 
refused  to  give  it  up,  and  Shane  was  not  at  the  moment  in  a 
position  to  take  it  by  force.  His  fury  at  this  unexpected 
rebuff  was  not  lessened  by  the  fact  of  his  late  prisoner  being 

23 


24  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

beyond  the  reach  of  his  vengeance.  Calvagh,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  had  very  wisely  taken  himself  off  to  Dublin,  where  he 
laid  his  piteous  case  before  the  Lords  Justices  Arnold  and 
Cusack,  who  were  the  Queen's  representatives  at  the  moment. 
From  neither  of  these  time-servers  did  he  get  much  satisfaction. 
Arnold  was  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of  Cusack,  and  the 
latter,  acting  on  his  fixed  principle  of  never  helping  anyone 
who  was  too  weak  to  be  troublesome  or  too  poor  to  bribe 
him,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  poor  Calvagh' s  woes.  With  a 
casuistic  avoidance  of  the  main  issue,  he  read  O'Donnell  a 
lecture  on  his  own  past  ill-treatment  of  his  father  Manus,  and 
tried  to  argue  that  he  was  now  only  reaping  as  he  had  sown. 

Calvagh  was  dreadfully  upset  by  this  reception,  and,  when 
he  at  length  realized  that  the  verdict  was  unfavourable,  "  he 
burst  out  into  such  a  weeping  as  when  he  would  speak  he  could 
not."*  He  had  no  intention,  however,  of  accepting  the  Lords 
Justices'  ruling  as  final,  and,  in  his  resolve  to  push  his  case 
to  the  last  Court  of  Appeal,  took  measures  for  transferring 
himself  to  England.  His  intention  was  discovered,  and  he 
was  definitely  forbidden  to  leave  the  country,  but  he  never- 
theless managed  somehow  to  elude  detention  and  slip  across, 
and,  making  his  way  in  miserable  poverty  to  London,  laid  his 
case  before  the  Queen  herself.  Elizabeth  heard  him  very 
patiently,  and  at  the  end  of  his  interpreted  recital  expressed 
herself  sorry  for  him,  and  gave  him  money  for  his  immediate 
needs,  for  he  complained  that  "  no  man  would  trust  him  for 
so  much  as  a  meal."  At  the  same  time  she  told  Calvagh  quite 
plainly  that  she  herself  was  powerless  to  decide  his  case,  which 
must  be  adjudicated  through  the  regular  channels  in  Ireland, 
but  that  she  would  instruct  Arnold  to  make  him  a  fixed  allow- 
ance on  his  return  to  Ulster.  Calvagh  thanked  her  with 
all  humility,  but  he  had  no  intention  of  returning  to  Ireland 
just  yet.  He  thoroughly  distrusted  Arnold  and  Cusack,  both 
of  whom  he  strongly  suspected  of  being  in  the  pay  of  his  deadly 
enemy  Shane,  and  he  determined  to  remain  on  the  safe  side 
of  the  Channel  till  Sidney  went  over  as  Deputy,  of  which  there 
was  at  the  time  much  talk.  He  accordingly  took  himself 
off  to  Scotland,  where  he  remained  as  the  guest  of  the  Earl 
of  Argyle  till  the  news  reached  him  of  the  definite  transfer  of 
authority  in  Ireland  into  the  hands  of  Sidney. 

*  Wrothe  to  Dudley,  July  23rd,  1564. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  25 

Shane,  baulked  of  his  hoped-for  vengeance  on  Calvagh, 
determined  that  the  son  should  suffer  in  place  of  the  father, 
and  to  this  end  hatched  various  schemes  for  getting  possession 
of  the  person  of  young  Con.  Fortune  again  favoured  him. 
Con — who  considered  himself  the  natural  heir  to  the  Chiefry 
of  Tyrconnell — set  out  in  the  early  months  of  1564  to  attack 
Hugh  McHugh  O'Donnell,  who  had  taken  possession  of  Donegal 
Castle.  Con  met  with  but  little  success  at  first,  but  he  finally 
prevailed  on  Egnechan  and  Con  O'Donnell,  first  cousins  of 
Hugh  McHugh  and  members  of  the  garrison,  to  betray  the 
castle  into  his  hands.*  The  plot  was  carried  through  without 
a  hitch,  and  the  garrison — completely  taken  by  surprise — was 
easily  disposed  of.  The  victors  thereupon  laid  themselves  out 
to  celebrate  the  event  in  the  traditional  way  by  a  two  or  three 
days'  carouse.  In  the  midst  of  this  pleasant  orgy  they  were  sur- 
prised by  Shane  and  Hugh  McManus  (Calvagh's  half-brother), 
who  had  been  kept  fully  informed  of  all  that  was  going  on  inside 
the  walls  ;  in  fact  the  circumstances  strongly  suggest  that  there 
was  double  treachery,  and  that  Con  and  Egnechan,  having 
first  of  all  betrayed  Hugh  for  the  purpose  of  getting  the  younger 
Con  within  the  walls,  then  in  turn  betrayed  him  to  Shane,  in 
accordance  with  a  prearranged  plan.  In  any  case,  the  victors 
now  became  the  vanquished.  Con  took  his  father's  place  as 
Shane's  prisoner,  and  Hugh  McManus  had  himself  proclaimed 
the  O'Donnell.  Shane  at  once  began  to  torture  his  new  captive, 
with  a  view  to  forcing  him  to  give  up  Lifford  Castle.  The  high 
strategic  importance  of  this  place  lay  in  its  position,  which 
commanded  the  only  passage  of  the  Mourne  by  which  Donegal 
could  be  entered  from  the  east  without  the  aid  of  boats,  for  the 
river  here  was  always  fordable  at  all  heights  of  the  water. 
Below  Lifford  the  Mourne  spreads  out  into  the  broad  tidal 
estuary  of  the  Foyle,  while  above  Lifford  the  river  comes  down 
as  a  heavy  turbulent  stream  only  fordable  at  one  or  two  spots 
in  the  driest  weather. 

To  avoid  further  torture,  Con  agreed  to  surrender  the  Castle, 
but  the  garrison  within  the  walls  again  refused  to  give  it  up. 
This  time  Shane,  having  more  leisure,  deliberately  sat  down  to 
invest  the  place  with  a  force  which  ate  the  country  bare  for 
miles  round,  and  finally  starved  the  garrison  into  submission. 
During  these  operations  Tirlough  Luineach,  the  tanist,  worked 

*  Four  Masterg. 


26  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

heart  and  soul  with  his  chief,  helping  him  both  by  personal  ser- 
vice in  the  field,  and  by  placing  at  his  disposal  his  Castle  at 
Strabane,  locally  known  as  "  the  Salmon."* 

Part  of  Cusack's  scheme  of  compromise  with  Shane  had  been 
on   the  understanding,  and  indeed  on  the  reasonable  expecta- 
tion, that  the  O'Neil,  if  left  alone  by  the  English,  would  concen- 
trate his  energies  against  the  Antrim  Scots.     The  wily  Chan- 
cellor knew  well  that,  whatever  the  result,  the  advantage  would 
remain  with  the  English  ;    for  it  was  clearly  easier  and  cheaper 
to  encourage  the  O'Neils  and  Mcdonnels  to  destroy  one  another 
rather  than  that  the  Government  should  have  to  fight  them  both. 
He  accordingly  represented  to  Shane  that  he  would  not  be 
viewed  with  strong  favour  by  Her  Majesty  unless,  in  return  for 
his  immunity  from  interference  by  the  Government,  he  under- 
took some  kind  of  enterprise  against  the  Scots.     Such  a  propo- 
sition was  quite  in  tune  with  Shane's  personal  ambition.     His 
recent  successes  had  filled  him  with  the  idea  that  he  was  in- 
vincible, and  the  suggestion  of  ravaging  a  neighbour  with  the 
approval  of  the  Government  was  far  too  novel  and  attractive  to 
be  neglected.     He  got  together  his  fighting  forces,  and  in  August, 
1564,  set  out  towards  the  east  with  a  view  to  putting  Cusack's 
proposition   into   practice.     He   ferried    his    army    across    the 
flooded  Bann  at  Coleraine  and  occupied  the  strong  stone-built 
Dominican  Friary  on  the  east  bank.     Shane  himself,  with  his 
customary  prudence,   remained  on  the  western  shore   in  the 
ruined  Castle  of  Culrath  (Coleraine),  which  he  entrenched  and 
fortified.     With   him   was   his   friend   and   firm   ally,    Terence 
Donnelly,  Dean  of  Armagh.     From  this  safe  distance  the  two 
watched  the  indignant  Sorley  Boy  arrive  in  the  early  morning 
with  a  force  which  was  estimated  at  800  men.     The  Mcdonnel 
lost  no  time  in  attacking,  and  when  he  did  attack,  attacked  with 
irresistible  vigour.     "  The  Scots,"  according  to  the  subsequent 
report  of  the  Dean  of  Armagh,  "  fought  like  madmen."|     They 
lost  90  men  before  they  finally  carried  the  place  by    assault 
and  put  an  end  to  the  invaders.     Shane's  mounted  men  alone 
escaped  by  swimming  their  horses  across  the  Bann.     O'Neil 
himself  had,  as  usual,  galloped  off  into  safety  at  the  first  sugges- 
tion of  defeat. 

In  April  of  the  following  year  Shane  renewed  his  attempt 

*  Camden's  "Elizabeth." 

t  Terence  Donolly  to  Arnold,  Sept.  10th,  1564. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  27 

upon  the  Scotch  settlement,  and  this  time  his  plans  were  better 
laid.  Shane's  success  in  life  was  mainly  due  to  the  perfection 
of  his  system  of  espionage.  He  had,  it  is  true,  during  the  years 
'63,  '64  and  '65  the  unfailing  support  and  encouragement  of 
Cusack  and  Arnold,  who,  in  the  absence  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
practically  ruled  Ireland,  but  this  in  itself  was  not  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  almost  unvarying  success  of  a  man  who 
apparently  lacked  all  the  elements  of  greatness.  He  was  a 
sot  and  a  debauchee  ;  we  know  that  he  was  seldom  sober  after 
midday,  and  at  times  lay  in  a  drunken  stupor  for  days.  He 
had  no  pretensions  to  generalship  in  the  field,  and  on  more 
than  one  occasion  he  unmistakably  proved  himself  a  very 
sorry  coward,  and  yet  his  success  in  extending  his  boundaries 
and  subjugating  his  enemies  is  beyond  contention,  and  for  this 
he  had  to  thank  the  efficiency  of  his  secret  service.  Sussex  was 
fully  aware  of  his  enemy's  chief  source  of  strength.  "  There 
can  be  no  matter  moved  that  toucheth  Shane  but  he  knoweth 
it  either  before  it  be  concluded  or  shortly  after,"*  he  wrote  to 
Cecil  in  1563.  For  this,  however,  Sussex  had  mainly  himself  to 
blame,  for  he  allowed  Shane  to  make  systematic  use  of  his  chief 
spy  Terence  Donnelly,  Dean  of  Armagh,  to  carry  all  messages 
that  passed  between  him  and  Dublin.  The  Donnellys  were 
Shane's  foster-brothers,  i.e.,  he  had  been  put  out  to  foster  with 
one  of  the  sept,  a  ceremony  which,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Irish,  con- 
stituted a  far  more  sacred  bond  than  real  brotherhood,  or  indeed 
than  any  blood  relationship.  Four  of  the  sept,  viz.  :  James, 
Edmund,  Donnell  and  Manus,  were  members  of  Shane's  inner 
Council,  and  the  entire  sept  acted  as  his  secret  agents.  "  Shane's 
strength,"  Phety-place,  the  pirate,  explained  while  awaiting 
sentence  of  death,  "  lies  not  in  men  but  in  subtlety  ;  his  surety 
not  in  the  nobility  nor  yet  in  his  kinsmen,  but  in  his  foster- 
brothers,  the  Donnellys,  about  300  gentlemen.  His  warrior, 
indeed,  is  Tirlough  Luineach."*j> 

The  pirate's  estimate  of  his  man  and  of  his  source  of  strength 
is  probably  a  true  one.  Donegal  was  subjugated  not  by  force 
of  arms,  but  by  Shane's  ability,  owing  to  exact  information, 
to  successively  kidnap  the  only  two  men  who  could  effectively 
hold  the  country  together.  In  each  case  the  seizure  was  effected 
without  a  blow  being  struck.  His  success  again  against  the 

*  Sussex  to  Cecil,  Jan.  30th,  1563. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  XX.,  92. 


28  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Scots  in  1565 — though  not  achieved  without  fighting — was 
mainly  due  to  the  exactitude  of  his  information. 

The  Scotch  colony  in  the  Route,  though  it  had  pushed  out 
its  boundaries  to  south  and  west,  was  as  yet  numerically  in- 
significant. Its  chief  source  of  strength  lay  in  its  proximity 
to  Scotland,  and  in  its  consequent  power  of  drawing  reinforce- 
ments from  that  country  at  will ;  but  this  closeness  of  touch 
with  Scotland  was  also  its  weakness.  The  Route  was  a  Mc- 
Donnell colony  ;  but  the  home,  the  interests  and  the  main 
resources  of  the  clan  were  still  in  Scotland,  and  these — no  less 
than  the  Route — had  to  be  protected  from  depredations.  So 
they  came  and  went  as  necessity  demanded.  The  mercenaries 
who  fought  their  tribal  battles  for  the  Irish  chiefs  were  equally 
migratory  Scots,  but  these  had  no  connection  with  the  Route 
colony.  They  simply  fought  for  the  chief  who  hired  them. 
Fighting  was  their  profession,  and  they  would  just  as  readily 
have  fought  against  the  McDonnells  as  with  them,  if  the  con- 
ditions of  their  contract  had  demanded  it.  Shane  always  kept 
a  few  thousands  of  these  mercenary  Scots  about  him  as  a  body- 
guard. Their  fighting  reputation  was  high.  Sir  Francis 
Knollys  in  1566  estimated  that  "  300  of  the  Scots  are  harder 
to  be  vanquished  than  600  of  the  Irish,"*  and  the  strength  of 
the  Irish  chieftains  in  their  inter-tribal  battles  was  in  exact 
ratio  to  the  number  of  Scots  they  could  afford  to  keep  in  their 
pay.  The  native  kerne  and  gallowglasses  had  little  value  as 
actual  combatants,  though  unrivalled  as  scouts,  foragers  and 
cattle-drivers. 

In  April,  1566,  the  Route  colony  was  exceptionally  weak, 
and  Shane  was  quick  to  be  informed  and  to  take  advantage. 
James  and  Alexander  Oge,  with  a  strong  fighting  force,  were 
over  in  Cantyre,  and,  of  the  five  surviving  brothers,  Angus  and 
Sorley  Boy  were  the  only  two  in  Ulster  at  the  moment.  Shane 
was  quick  to  seize  his  opportunity,  and,  having  rapidly  con- 
centrated his  force  at  Edenduffcarrick  on  the  north-east  shore 
of  Lough  Neagh,  he  swept  down  on  the  two  brothers.  The 
McDonnell  outposts  detected  his  advance,  and  beacon  fires  went 
up  from  all  the  mountain  tops  as  a  signal  to  their  kinsmen 
across  the  water.  James  McDonnell,  away  in  Antrim,  saw  the 
fires,  and  knew  their  meaning  only  too  well.  Leaving  in- 
structions with  his  brother  Alexander  to  collect  all  the  men 

*  Knollys  to  Cecil,  May,  1566. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  29 

he  could  and  follow  with  all  possible  speed,  he  leapt  into  a 
boat,  and,  with  a  handful  of  followers,  set  sail  for  Ulster.  The 
wind,  however,  was  unfavourable  and  progress  was  slow. 
The  first  sight  that  greeted  James'  eyes  on  sighting  land  were 
the  flames  arising  from  his  fine  new  house  in  Red  Bay.  This 
house  James  had  built  only  four  years  before ;  a  hundred 
masons  and  carpenters  had  been  imported  from  Cantyre  for  the 
purpose,  and  it  was  reckoned  the  finest  structure  in  Ulster. 
Worse,  however,  was  to  follow.  On  reaching  land,  he  found 
that  his  brother  Angus  had  already  been  killed.  Sorley  Boy 
was  still  holding  out,  standing  at  bay  with  his  back  to  the  sea 
at  Glentor,  near  the  site  of  the  present-day  Ballycastle.  James 
managed  to  effect  a  junction  with  his  youngest  brother,  but 
the  reinforcements  which  he  brought  were  a  mere  handful 
and  had  little  effect  upon  the  issue.  Shane's  forces  out- 
numbered the  McDonnells  by  over  two  to  one,  and  the  latter 
were  all  but  annihilated.  Five  hundred  or  so  were  killed, 
James  fell  severely  wounded  into  Shane's  hands,  and  Sorley 
Boy  was  also  taken  prisoner.  The  next  day  Alexander  Oge 
arrived  with  nine  hundred  men,  but  all  was  by  that  time  over, 
and  he  returned  to  Scotland. 

The  capture  of  James  McDonnell  of  the  Isles  was  of  immense 
political  importance  to  Shane,  and,  had  the  chief  lived,  the 
Route  and  the  Glynns  would  have  remained  as  effectually 
under  Shane's  heel  as  Donegal  was  owing  to  the  capture  of 
Con.  However,  within  two  days  James  had  succumbed  to 
his  wounds,  and  Shane's  aims  were  defeated.  He  still,  how- 
ever, had  Sorley  Boy  in  his  hands,  and  nineteen  others  of 
importance,  whom  he  subsequently  ransomed,  with  consider- 
able financial  profit  to  himself,*  and  to  the  intense  annoyance 
of  Queen  Elizabeth.  Shane  followed  up  his  victory  by  suc- 
cessively capturing  the  two  strongholds  of  Dunseverick  and 
Dunluce.  While  he  was  investing  the  latter  place,  Sorley  Boy 
was  kept  three  days  and  nights  without  food,  in  order  to  induce 
the  garrison  to  surrender.  Sorley  Boy  gallantly  bade  them 
hold  out  and  not  mind  him,  but  to  save  their  Chief  further 
torture  the  garrison  surrendered  and  were  all  immediately 
put  to  the  sword."!" 

Shane's   success  caused  immense  jubilation  in  Dublin.     The 

*  Elizabeth  to  Sidney,  Nov.  1565. 

f  Gerot  Fleming  to  Cusack,  June,  1505. 


30  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

good  news  was  received  as  usual  through  the  medium  of  the 
Dean  of  Armagh  ;  and  the  Privy  Council,  by  means  of  the  same 
messenger,  sent  back  hearty  congratulations,  coupled  with 
inquiries  as  to  the  best  means  of  exterminating  the  remainder 
of  the  Scots  left  in  Ulster.  Shane  was  two  months  in  answer- 
ing, but  finally,  in  August,  he  sent  back  the  announcement  that 
the  Scots  had  been  wholly  expelled  the  Kingdom,  and  that  all 
their  towns  and  fortresses  were  now  at  the  disposal  of  Her 
Majesty.  On  this  occasion,  Shane,  with  a  considerable  force 
at  his  heels,  accompanied  his  messenger,  the  Dean  of  Armagh, 
as  far  as  Newry,  which  important  place  he  coolly  took  pos- 
session of  and  filled  with  his  own  men.  This  last  act  proved 
Shane's  undoing.  It  was  in  itself  an  act  of  overt  insolence, 
and  it  was  only  one  of  many  misdemeanours  with  which  Shane 
was  simultaneously  charged.  It  transpired  that  the  Earl  of 
Argyle  had  ransomed  the  nineteen  important  McDonnell 
prisoners  whom  Shane  had  captured,  paying  very  high  sums  for 
their  release.  These  were  now  back  in  the  Route,  and  once 
more  building  up  their  strength.  Sorley  Boy  was  still  a 
prisoner,  but  Alexander  Oge  and  his  nephew,  Gillaspick,  had 
come  over  in  his  place,  and  the  Route,  reinforced  with  fighting 
men  from  Scotland,  was  much  as  it  had  been  before  Shane's 
invasion.  All  this  greatly  incensed  the  Queen.  She  wrote 
to  Dublin  in  the  most  indignant  terms,  pointing  out  that 
Shane  should  have  handed  over  his  prisoners  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  not  have  trafficked  them  for  money,  and  added 
that  he  was  at  once  to  evacuate  Newry  Castle  or  feel  the  weight 
of  her  displeasure.  Shane,  who  now  thought  himself  in- 
vincible, laughed  at  the  great  Queen.  What  he  had  won, 
he  said,  he  had  won  with  the  sword,  and  with  the  sword  he 
would  keep  it.  His  past  successes  perhaps  justified  him  in  his 
arrogance,  but  he  miscalculated  one  factor  in  the  case.  On 
June  13th,  1566,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  had  arrived  in  Ireland  as 
Deputy  in  place  of  Sussex,  or,  rather,  in  place  of  Arnold  and 
Cusack,  for  Sussex  was  seldom  in  Ireland ;  and,  in  the  Queen's 
new  representative,  Shane  had  to  deal  with  a  man  of  very 
different  calibre  to  the  two  Lords  Justices.  Sidney,  who 
was  Sussex's  brother-in-law,  was  no  novice  in  Irish  matters. 
He  had  close  on  ten  years'  experience,  first  as  Lord  Justice, 
and  later  as  Vice-Treasurer.  Both  Arnold  and  Cusack  in- 
trigued with  all  the  statecraft  of  which  they  were  such  masters 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  31 

to  be  appointed  in  Sussex's  place,  but  Elizabeth's  remarkable 
sagacity  saved  her  from  an  error  which  might  for  ever  have 
ruined  her  cause  in  Ireland.  The  Queen  personally  disliked 
Sidney,  but  she  recognized  his  extraordinary  merits,  and  that 
he  was  an  administrator  of  a  very  high  order  is  beyond  question. 
All  the  Irish  Annalists  join  in  singing  his  praises  in  a  high  key, 
and  though  such  praises  might  be  construed  into  prima  facie 
evidence  of  corrupt  relations  existing  between  the  Deputy 
and  the  Chiefs,  there  is  no  internal  evidence  in  the  State 
correspondence  of  the  day  to  substantiate  any  such  view. 

The  irritation  of  the  Queen  at  Shane's  commercial  use  of 
his  victory  is  easily  understood.  The  Scotch  colony  in  Antrim 
was  a  growing  menace  to  the  English  in  Ireland.  A  scheme 
was  fast  taking  shape  for  the  formation  of  a  second  Pale  in 
Antrim,  which  was  to  be  planted  with  a  colony  of  English 
settlers.  The  Hea  had  first  originated  in  1562  with  Sir  Thomas 
Smith,  one  of  the  Queen's  Secretaries,  but  fell  through  for 
the  moment  owing  to  the  initial  difficulty  of  expelling  the 
Scots.  Then  Cusack  unfolded  to  the  Queen  his  plan  of  en- 
couraging Shane,  who  was  the  best  destructive  medium  in 
Ulster,  to  exterminate  the  Scots,  after  which  it  was  reckoned 
that  the  projected  settlement  could  be  easily  carried  out. 
This  policy  of  treating  Shane  as  an  ally  instead  of  as  an  enemy 
had  now  continued  for  three  years — ever  since  Shane's  return 
from  England,  in  fact.  It  was  a  policy  which  was  justifiable, 
and  perhaps  even  desirable,  if  the  ultimate  goal  aimed  at  was 
the  expulsion  of  the  Scots  with  a  view  to  clearing  the  land  for 
an  English  plantation.  But  the  drawback  to  the  scheme 
was  that  it  necessarily  gave  Shane  a  free  hand  to  do  as  he  would 
in  other  directions.  In  the  words  of  the  contemporary  State 
Papers  :  "  Shane's  chief  policy  was  enmity  of  the  Scots.  This 
gained  for  him  in  many  of  his  misdeeds  [in  other  directions] 
the  connivance  of  the  statesmen  who  governed  Ireland." 
Here  we  have  Cusack  and  Arnold  very  plainly  indicated,  as  in 
no  extant  historical  records  is  there  any  suggestion  of  con- 
nivance between  Shane  and  Sidney. 

After  Shane's  victory  in  the  Route  in  the  spring  of  1565, 
the  Queen  had  every  reason  to  flatter  herself  that  Cusack's 
policy  had  been  justified  by  results,  and  that  the  Scotch  element 
had  been  finally  got  rid  of.  When,  therefore,  she  found  that 
Shane  was  merely  turning  his  success  to  his  own  financial 


32  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

advantage,  and — worse  still — was  releasing  in  return  for 
ransom  nineteen  of  the  more  important  McDonnells,  she  was 
naturally  much  incensed.  When,  in  addition,  the  O'Neil 
coolly  annexed  Newry  Castle,  her  patience  gave  way,  and  the 
fiat  went  forth  that  Shane  was  to  be  brought  to  his  senses. 
This,  however,  thanks  to  Cusack's  three  years  of  encourage- 
ment, was  far  from  an  easy  matter.  Shane  had  taken  advan- 
tage of  his  immunity  from  Government  interference  to  gradually 
build  up  his  strength,  and  he  now  boasted  that  he  could  put 
4,000  foot  and  1.000  horse  into  the  field.  Sidney,  who  was 
anxious,  if  possible,  to  come  to  a  friendly  understanding  with- 
out resorting  to  more  drastic  measures,  on  learning  of  the 
Queen's  resolution,  sent  Shane  several  invitations  to  come  to 
Dundalk  and  talk  things  over  quietly.  Shane,  however, 
conscious  of  having  sacrificed  the  Government  schemes  to  his 
own  greed  for  money,  declined  to  run  the  risk  of  attending  a 
pacific  conference  ;  but  in  a  sense — though  not  in  the  intended 
sense — he  obeyed  the  summons,  for  he  arrived  at  Dundalk 
with  a  large  body  of  horse,  devastated  all  the  country  for  miles 
round,  and  even  pushed  his  way  into  the  town  itself,  not  as  a 
penitent,  but  as  a  conqueror.  This  latter  role,  however,  he 
was  not  able  to  sustain  for  long.  John  Fitzwilliam,  the 
Governor,  collected  all  the  local  forces  available,  and,  aided 
by  Sarsfield,  the  Mayor  of  Dublin,  who  arrived  with  a  con- 
tingent from  the  Pale,  he  ejected  the  intruder  with  considerable 
loss. 

Shane,  like  a  naughty  child  sure  of  punishment,  now  with- 
drew to  the  fastness  of  Glenconkein,*  where  he  hid  himself 
and  awaited  results.  He  had  burnt  his  boats  and  he  knew  it. 
All  the  make-believe  of  the  past  three  years  was  at  an  end.  He 
had  defied  the  great  Queen,  and  he  had  sufficient  experience 
of  Elizabeth  to  know  that  this  surely  meant  trouble. 

The  trouble,  in  the  shape  of  Sidney,  started  for  the  north 
in  August,  1566,  accompanied  by  Shane's  two  bitterest  enemies, 
Calvagh  O'Donnell  and  Shane  Maguire,  and  a  well-equipped 
force  of  1,700  foot.  The  new  Deputy  departed  from  the 
fixed  traditions  of  the  Island  in  avoiding,  as  far  as  possible, 
wanton  damage  to  property.  There  was  no  systematic 

*  Loughinshollin,  orjGlenconkein  as  it  was  then  called,  was,  strictly  speaking* 
part  of  Brian  Carragh's  country.  Its  popularity  as  a  place  of  retreat  was  on 
account  of  its  dense  forests  and  of  the  facilities  it  afforded  for  further  retreat 
if  necessary  into  the  wild  mountains  between  Dungiven  and  Newtown. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  33 

butchery  of  stock  or  burning  of  crops,  except  south  of  Clogher, 
where  Sidney,  as  a  mark  of  the  Queen's  displeasure,  burned  the 
country  of  the  usurping  Maguire,  who  was  in  close  league  with 
Shane.  The  route  which  Sidney  chose  was  through  Armagh, 
across  the  Blackwater  at  Benburb,  where  he  totally  destroyed 
Shane's  chief  Castle,  which  stood  on  the  brow  of  the  steep 
bluff  from  which  the  place  takes  its  name.  From  there  he 
passed  on  to  Clogher,  and  from  Clogher  to  Omagh,  where 
Maguire  suddenly  died.  After  leaving  Omagh,  Sidney  scaled 
the  slopes  of  Slieve  Trim,  and  passed  across  the  head  of  Lough 
Leaghaire  to  Castlederg.  Here  Shane  put  in  an  unexpected 
appearance  at  the  head  of  5,000  men,  but  apparently  only  for 
purposes  of  demonstration,  for  he  made  no  attempt  to  give 
battle,  and  disappeared  again  as  quickly  as  he  had  come. 

It  is  perhaps  too  much  to  say  that  Sidney's  Ulster  invasion 
of  1566  was  the  first  Government  expedition  of  the  kind  that 
evidenced  any  intelligence  on  the  part  of  its  organizer,  but  it 
unquestionably  showed  a  marked  advance  in  the  first  prin- 
ciples of  generalship  over  anything  that  had  gone  before. 
The  outstanding  feature  of  the  expedition  was  the  profitable  use 
to  which  Sidney  turned  the  Foyle  estuary.  It  was  by  no  means 
the  first  time  that  the  possibilities  of  the  Foyle  had  been  recog- 
nized ;  Sussex,  for  instance,  in  1561  had  co-operated  with  a 
victualling  fleet  which  had  been  sent  round  to  the  Foyle,  but 
in  his  case  the  fleet,  having  performed  its  function,  returned 
whence  it  had  come.  There  was  no  question  at  that  time  of  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  base  at  Deny.  This  idea  was  left 
for  Sidney  to  conceive  and  carry  out.  He  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  to  realize  that  which  seems  so  absurdly  obvious  to  the 
modern  mind,  viz.,  that  the  strength  of  all  the  O'Neil  rebellions 
lay  in  the  twenty  days'  march  which  separated  them  from 
Dublin,  in  the  precarious  voyage  of  the  expeditionary  force, 
and  in  the  ague  and  dysentery  which  invariably  made  their 
appearance  among  the  troops  after  a  fortnight's  exposure  to 
damp  and  privations.  It  was  evident  to  Sidney  that  the  only 
solution  of  these  difficulties  lay  in  the  establishment  of  a  vic- 
tualling base  in  or  adjacent  to  O'Neil' s  own  country.  The 
natural  spot  indicated  by  all  the  circumstances  was  Deny. 
Deny  practically  commanded  all  Donegal  and  Tyrone,  and, 
as  the  Ulster  chiefs  had  no  maritime  forces,  the  sea  route  that 
led  to  it  was  free  from  all  the  perils  to  commissariat  that  lurked 

3 


34  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

in  the  hazel  and  holly  scrub  through  which  the  rough  horse- 
track,  known  as  the  Northern  Road,  wound  its  way. 

Sidney  had  immense  difficulty  in  persuading  Elizabeth  to 
fall  in  with  his  scheme,  her  objection  to  his  proposal  being  on 
the  grounds  of  the  heavy  expense  involved,  and  the  uncertainty 
as  to  the  advantages  being  commensurate  with  the  cost. 
Finally,  however,  her  grudging  consent  was  obtained ;  and 
it  was  arranged  that,  while  Sidney  was  working  north  through 
the  bogs  and  mountains  of  Tyrone,  Colonel  Edward  Randolph, 
Master  of  Her  Majesty's  Ordnance  in  England,  should  sail 
round  from  Bristol  to  the  Foyle  with  a  co-operating  fleet. 
For  once  in  a  way  there  were  no  unforeseen  delays.  The  fleet 
carried  seven  hundred  men,  provisions,  treasure,  twenty  butts 
of  sack  and  two  surgeons,*  and  Randolph  managed  to  bring  the 
whole  of  his  charge  safely  to  port.  He  was  unfortunately 
much  delayed  at  first  by  contrary  winds,  which,  to  his  great 
distress,  frustrated  his  pet  scheme  of  reaping  (or  destroying) 
Shane's  harvest  before  his  people  could  get  it  in.  By  the  time 
he  arrived  it  had  all  been  cut,  and  was  hidden  away  out  of 
his  reach  in  woods  and  caves.  Randolph  left  his  ships  and  the 
bulk  of  his  cargo  at  Derry,  and  on  foot  marched  up  from  there 
to  Lifford,  where  he  met  Sidney,  who  had  followed  the  river 
Derg  down  to  its  junction  with  the  Mourne.  Together  the  two, 
with  all  their  men,  waded  across  the  river  to  Strabane,  where 
they  made  friends  with  Tirlough  Luineach,  and  from  that 
point  followed  the  right  bank  of  the  Foyle  down  till  they  were 
opposite  Derry,  when  they  were  ferried  across  in  some  of 
Randolph's  small  boats. 

Sidney  converted  the  old  church  at  Derry  into  the  main 
fortress,  and,  leaving  six  hundred  foot  and  fifty  horse  with 
Randolph,  passed  on  into  Donegal  by  way  of  Raphoe  and  the 
Barnesmore  Gap.  Here  he  was  joined  by  O'Boyle,  McSweeney 
Fanad  (i.e.,  of  Fanad)  and  O'Gallagher.  O'Dogherty,  the 
Inishowen  Chieftain,  remained  behind  to  co-operate  with 
Randolph.  A  triumphal  tour  of  Donegal  followed.  No  opposi- 
tion was  encountered,  and  the  lands  of  Tyrconnell  were  formally 
restored  to  Calvagh,  together  with  the  lordship  over  O'Connor 
Sligo,  who,  by  the  decree  of  the  Deputy,  was  henceforth  to  pay 
him  rent.  By  the  terms  of  a  supplemental  agreement  Cal- 
vagh was  articled  to  rebuild  Castle  Finn  for  the  use  of  Hugh 
*  Cal.  State  Papers,  June  1566. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  85 

McManus,  who,  in  the  meanwhile,  was  given  a  royal  warrant 
to  occupy  the  castles  of  Belleek  and  Bondries,  made  forfeit 
by  the  misdemeanours  of  the  usurping  Maguire.  Calvagh,  poor 
man,  did  not  live  long  to  enjoy  his  recovered  revenues  and 
honours,  for,  while  riding  one  day  from  Lifford  to  Derry,  his 
horse  stumbled  and  threw  him,  breaking  his  neck.  His  last 
words  were  an  exhortation  to  his  followers  to  be  true  to  the 
Queen.  The  moment  Calvagh  was  dead,  his  half-brother 
Hugh — who  had  usurped  the  title  of  O'Donnell  upon  Shane's 
capture  of  Con — had  himself  formally  invested  at  Kilmacrenan. 
There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  soundness  of  Sidney's 
policy  of  establishing  a  base  at  Derry  ;  the  practical  experience 
of  350  years  has  proved  how  very  right  he  was,  but  the  first 
attempt  ended  in  sad  disaster,  in  some  degree  owing  to  the 
unfortunate  death  of  Calvagh.  That  loyal  subject  had  under- 
taken, in  his  capacity  as  the  O'Donnell,  to  supply  the  Derry 
garrison  with  forty  oxen  every  week,  or  in  place  of  each  ox, 
six  sheep,  or  four  pigs  of  a  year  old,  as  well  as  oats  and  straw 
for  their  horses.*  These  exact  and  carefully-phrased  con- 
ditions would  no  doubt  have  been  faithfully  carried  out  had 
the  good  old  Calvagh  lived.  Hugh,  however,  who  succeeded 
him — though  bitterly  hating  Shane — had  little  love  for  Sidney, 
who  had  championed  Calvagh' s  cause  against  his  own.  The 
supplies  ceased,  and  in  October  Randolph  reported  that  he 
was  unable  by  any  means  to  get  sufficient  provisions  to  keep 
the  men  alive.  To  add  to  the  trials  of  the  garrison,  O'Cahan's 
herds  could  be  plainly  seen  grazing  in  tantalizing  security 
on  the  far  shore  of  the  Foyle — painfully  inaccessible  to  the 
hungry  men  who  eyed  them  across  the  water.  The  food 
troubles  were  mainly  caused  by  the  exorbitance  of  the  prices 
demanded  by  the  natives  for  all  local  produce.  These  prices 
were  so  fantastically  rapacious  that  fair  barter  became  an 
impossibility,  and  there  was  no  half-way  house  left  between 
starvation  and  the  forcible  seizure  of  corn  and  cattle  from  those 
who  were  their  nominal  allies.  This  last  course  was  contrary 
to  the  explicit  orders  of  Sidney,  who  had  been  unable  to  foresee 
the  unreasonable  greed  of  the  natives,  and  who  had  made  no 
provision  against  such  a  contingency.  Randolph,  however, 
who  was  considered  one  of  the  most  capable  commanders  in 
Her  Majesty's  service,  was  a  man  of  unbounded  energy  and 

*  Carew  MSS.,  Oct.  1506. 

3* 


36  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

resource,  and  not  easily  to  be  daunted  by  difficulties.  As 
long  as  he  lived,  means  were  found  to  keep  the  garrison  supplied 
with  the  bare  necessaries  of  life.  It  was  not  till  after  his  death 
that  the  real  pinch  was  felt.  This  catastrophe  fell  about  as 
follows :  Shane,  whose  information  was  always  exact  and 
up  to  date,  had  immediate  news  of  Sidney's  departure  into 
Donegal  with  the  bulk  of  the  fighting  men,  and  he  quite  properly 
concluded  that  this  was  the  right  moment  at  which  to  strike 
a  sudden  blow  at  the  unwelcome  English  settlement  which 
bade  fair  to  take  root  at  his  doors.  Early  in  November, 
accordingly,  he  assembled  a  force,  which  Cox,  the  seventeenth- 
century  historian,  estimates  at  2,500  foot  and  300  horse,* 
with  which  he  safely  crossed  the  river  at  Lifford.  Randolph, 
however,  had  received  word  of  his  intention,  and  no  sooner 
had  the  invaders  set  foot  on  the  Donegal  side,  than  they  were 
attacked  by  the  Derry  garrison,  and,  in  spite  of  the  disparity 
in  numbers,  completely  routed.  Four  hundred  of  Shane's 
men  were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  the  rest  were  driven  to  take 
refuge  in  the  neighbouring  woods,  where  numbers  more  were 
eventually  hunted  down  and  killed  by  O'Dogherty  and  his 
Inishowen  men,  who  had  remained  as  onlookers  till  the  issue 
was  no  longer  doubtful.  Only  one  man  was  killed  on  the 
English  side,  but  that  one  was  Randolph.  Randolph's  loss 
at  once  made  itself  felt.  He  was  the  mainstay  of  the  entire 
settlement,  and  Captain  Vaughan,  who  succeeded  temporarily 
to  the  command,  had  by  no  means  the  same  organizing  powers. 
Great  privations  began  to  be  experienced,  and  all  through  the 
winter  the  usual  diseases  attendant  upon  exposure  and  im- 
proper feeding  made  themselves  felt.  In  December  Captain 
Saintloo  arrived  by  sea  with  provisions,  and  took  over  the 
command  from  Vaughan.  The  spirits  of  the  garrison  revived 
considerably,  and  in  February  a  successful  raid  was  made 
into  O'Cahan's  country,  in  the  course  of  which  1,000  cattle 
and  700  ponies  were  rounded  up  :  but  disease  was  still  rampant 
among  the  garrison,  and  in  March  Saintloo  wrote  home  that, 
out  of  the  original  600,  only  200  were  fit  for  service.  Of  his 
officers  Captain.  Schryven  had  died  and  Captain  Wilsford  was 
"  sore  sick."  The  crowning  calamity  occurred  in  April,  when, 
by  a  piece  of  unexplained  carelessness,  a  spark  from  the  black- 
smith's forge  found  its  way  into  the  magazine.  Thirty  men 

*  "  Hibernia  Anglicana." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  87 

were  killed  outright  by  the  explosion,  and  Captain  Gourlay, 
we  are  told,  had  his  leg  blown  off,  but  subsequently  recovered.* 
Nothing  remained  now  but  to  evacuate  the  station,  as  the 
only  effective  means  of  defence  was  gone.  It  was  agreed  that 
every  man  should  shift  for  himself.  Under  this  arrangement 
"  Captain  George  Harvey  and  his  troop  of  forty  horse,  being 
loth  to  kill  their  horses,  took  the  resolution  to  march  round 
through  Tyrconnell  and  Connaught,  and  valiantly  performed 
it,  though  they  were  forced  to  march  four  days  through  the 
enemy's  country  and  were  pursued  by  a  multitude  of  rebels, 
yet  they  got  safe  to  Dublin,  to  the  great  admiration  of  Deputy 
and  Council." "f" 

Saintloo  himself,  and  the  remainder,  took  their  lives  in  their 
hands  and  rode  clean  through  the  enemy's  country  to  Carrick- 
fergus,  which  they  reached  in  safety,  though  after  many  perilous 
adventures.  Thus  ended  the  first  attempted  settlement  of 
Deny. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  tide  of  Shane's  fortunes  was  beginning 
slowly  to  ebb.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year,  Alexander  Oge 
had  written  offering  the  Queen  the  services  of  his  clan  against 
the  great  rebel.  Elizabeth,  yielding  to  the  strong  repre- 
sentation of  Sidney,  grudgingly  gave  her  consent.  In  December, 
1566,  in  pursuance  of  this  arrangement,  McDonnell  came 
over  from  Canty  re  with  1,200  men,  landed  at  the  Glynns, 
and — crossing  the  Bann — killed  60  of  Shane's  people  and 
rounded  up  many  cattle.  The  blow,  however,  which  was 
for  ever  to  shatter  Shane's  fortunes  was  dealt  by  his  one- 
time firm  ally,  Hugh  McManus  O'Donnell,  now — since  Calvagh's 
death — the  official  head  of  the  clan.  Hugh,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, had  invoked  the  aid  of  Shane  against  Calvagh  and  his 
son  Con.  Shane  had  readily  responded,  but,  after  successively 
capturing  both  the  father  and  the  son,  he  had  coolly  pro- 
claimed himself  lord  of  Donegal  in  place  of  Hugh.  Hugh 
never  forgave  this  breach  of  faith,  and  when  Shane  "  did  very 
cruelly  kill  O'Donnell's  brother  Manus  McManus  and  140  of 
his  men," |  the  O'Donnell  openly  changed  sides  and  ranged 
himself  among  the  enemies  of  O'Neil.  To  accentuate  and  give 
practical  expression  to  his  hostility,  he  made  overtures  for  the 
hand  of  James  McDonnell's  widow,  commonly  known  as  Lady 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  April,  1507.  f  "  Hibernia  Anglicana." 

J  Bishop  of  Meath  to  (Veil,  April,  l.jftfl. 


88  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Agnes  Campbell,  who,  he  made  little  doubt,  would  gladly 
unite  with  him  in  order  to  be  revenged  on  Shane  for  the  death 
of  her  man.  The  lady,  however,  to  his  great  surprise,  declined 
the  honour,  just  as  she  had  declined  Shane's  proposal  two 
years  before,  and — as  in  Shane's  case — gave  him  instead  a 
daughter  (Ineenduv),  who  had  no  greater  love  for  Shane 
than  had  her  mother.  This  black-haired  lady  was  destined 
in  time  to  become  the  mother  of  Hugh  Roe,  and  the  most 
prominent  female  figure  in  Ulster  history.  The  O'Donnell 
was  quite  pleased  with  the  alliance,  and,  at  the  instigation  of 
his  young  wife,  he  swooped  down  on  the  Strabane  country 
in  the  spring  of  1567  and  collected  much  spoil,  with  which  he 
returned  in  triumph  to  Letterkenny. 

Shane's  spirit,  however,  was  not  yet  broken.  Early  in  May 
he  set  out  in  pursuit  of  the  O'Donnell,  crossed  the  Foyle  below 
Lifford,  and  passing  on  to  the  head  of  Lough  Swilly,  crossed 
easily  enough  by  the  Fersat  at  Soloughmore,  about  two  miles 
to  the  east  of  Letterkenny,  the  tide  being  out  at  the  time. 
O'Donnell,  with  his  cousin,  Hugh  Oge  McHugh,  was  at  Ardin- 
garry  with  400  men  when  he  learned  of  Shane's  invasion. 
With  a  decision  of  character  of  which  he  gave  no  evidence 
on  any  other  occasion,  and  which  was  probably  in  the  present 
instance  vicarious,  O'Donnell  determined  on  an  immediate 
attack.  He  was  very  greatly  outnumbered  by  Shane's 
forces,  but  the  disparity  in  numbers  did  not  in  any  way  affect 
the  result.  At  the  first  onslaught,  Shane's  men  broke  and 
fled  in  confusion  down  to  the  shores  of  Lough  Swilly,  where 
the  tide  by  now  was  so  high  as  to  render  the  passage  impossible. 
Caught  in  a  trap,  they  fell  easy  victims  to  the  weapons  of  the 
pursuing  O'Donnells  The  slaughter  was  tremendous,  for  of 
those  that  fled  from  the  sword  into  the  waves  the  greater 
part  were  drowned.  The  Four  Masters,  who  were  Donegal 
men,  in  an  optimistic  estimate,  place  the  number  of  killed 
at  1,800,  but  Sidney's  figure  of  613  is  more  probably  correct. 
Thomas  Lancaster,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Armagh,  had  reliable 
information  that  very  few  escaped.  Shane  himself  narrowly 
avoided  being  taken,  and  the  Donegal  Annalists  record  that, 
as  a  result  of  the  disaster,  "  his  senses  and  reason  became 
deranged."  This  conclusion  was  probably  deduced  from  his 
subsequent  behaviour,  which  certainly  savoured  of  lunacy. 
On  the  O'Donnell  side  the  only  loss  of  importance  in  the  Battle 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  39 

of  Fersatmore  was  that  of  Neil  McDonough,  who — according 
to  the  same  authority — was  killed  by  his  own  people. 

The  great  Shane's  talons  being  now  effectually  clipped, 
the  neighbouring  jackals  were  not  slow  to  turn  the  opportunity 
to  their  own  advantage.  Raids  were  made  upon  the  now 
defenceless  country  of  Tyrone  from  all  quarters  of  the  Province, 
of  which  not  the  least  successful  was  that  of  Art  McBaron, 
Ferdoragh's  eldest  illegitimate  son,  who  made  an  invasion 
from  Carrickfergus,  where  he  was  at  the  time  the  guest  of 
Captain  Piers,  and  carried  off  a  thousand  head  of  cattle.* 

Shane  was  now  very  near  the  end  of  his  tether.  His  army 
and  his  prestige  were  gone,  and,  with  the  loss  of  these,  had 
gone  his  friends.  On  every  side  of  him  were  enemies  to  his  own 
race,  men  whom  he  had  irrevocably  estranged  by  various  acts 
of  cruelty  or  despotism.  Beyond  loomed  the  great  army  of 
the  Deputy,  the  cells  of  Dublin  Castle,  and  possibly  the  scaffold. 
In  this  extremity,  and  acting  on  the  advice  of  his  priest,  Neale 
McKever,|  he  fled  with  a  meagre  following  of  fifty  men  across 
Tyrone  into  the  McDonnell  country,  and  there  gave  himself 
up  to  Alexander  Oge.  This  was  little  short  of  an  act  of  despair, 
for  Shane  had  the  blood  of  both  James  and  Angus  on  his  hands, 
to  say  nothing  of  the  destruction  of  the  family  house  at  Red 
Bay  two  years  before.  Sorley  Boy  was  possibly  his  friend, 
though  even  he  could  hardly  have  forgotten  his  three  days 
and  nights  of  starvation,  and  the  resulting  butchery  of  the 
faithful  Dunluce  garrison  ;  but  from  the  other  brothers,  and 
from  James'  widow,  he  had  little  mercy  to  expect  and  still  less 
help.  However,  it  would  seem  that,  in  spite  of  the  feuds 
between  the  two  houses,  he  was  at  first  well  received.  He 
was  hospitably  entertained  at  Cushenden  at  a  banquet,  the 
sumptuousness  of  which  was  probably  his  undoing  ;  for  both 
hosts  and  guests  got  heated  with  wine  and  indulged  in  boasting 
and  mutual  recrimination,  out  of  which  arose  a  scuffle,  in 
which  Shane  was  killed. 

Shane  died  on  June  2nd,  1567.  His  body  was  respectfully 
laid  out  in  the  McDonnells'  private  chapel  and  then  buried, 
but  Captain  Piers,  on  learning  of  the  event,  rode  across  from 
Carrickfergus,  dug  up  the  body,  which  had  been  four  days 
in  the  ground,  cut  off  the  head  and  sent  it  to  Dublin  "  pickled 

*  Thomas  Lancaster  to  Cecil,  May  81st,  1567. 
f  Carew  MSS.,  1567,  Appendix  288. 


40  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

in  a  pipkin,"  for  which  he  received  the  thousand  marks  at 
which  the  head  was  priced  by  the  Government.* 

Shane  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  born  in  1530, 
but  this  is  probably  incorrect,  for  in  1569  he  had  a  grandson, 
Con  Boy  McHenry,  who  was  at  any  rate  old  enough  to  be  in 
command  of  a  raiding  party  which  Tirlough  Luineach  sent  into 
the  McMahon  country.  Even  allowing  for  the  extreme  pre- 
cocity of  Irish  marriages  in  the  sixteenth  century,  "j*  this  suggests 
strongly  that  he  was  born  some  years  before  the  date  generally 
fixed.  Other  facts  tend  to  confirm  this  view.  His  father, 
Con  Bacagh,  was  born  in  1484,  and  nothing  is  less  likely  than 
that  the  old  chief  should  have  been  forty-six  years  of  age  by 
the  time  his  eldest  legitimate  son  was  born. 

Shane  left  seven  sons,  Henry,  Con,  Shane  Oge,  Hugh,  Art, 
Brian  and  Tirlough.J  Fitzwilliam,  in  a  letter  to  Burleigh, 
written  shortly  after  Shane's  death,  makes  the  statement  that 
"  they  were  all  save  one  of  the  Scottish  race  and  greatly 
beloved,  and  would  no  doubt  attempt  to  succeed  Tirlough 
Luineach."  On  the  other  hand,  Nicholas  Maltby,  Governor 
of  Connaught,  describes  them  as  "  the  most  venomous  and 
hateful  persons  of  this  land."  The  one  son  of  Shane  who 
was  of  pure  Irish  blood  was  Shane  Oge,  whose  mother  had 
been  Margaret  O'Donnell.  The  mother  of  the  two  eldest  had 
been  a  McDonnell  of  Cantyre,  while  Hugh,  Art  and  Brian 
were  by  Catherine  McLean,  Countess  of  Argyle  (Calvagh 
O'Donnell's  imprisoned  wife).§  Tirlough,  the  youngest,  was 
the  son  of  Catherine  McDonnell,  daughter  of  James  McDonnell 
of  the  Route  and  the  sister  of  Ineenduv.  Shane's  original 
idea  had  been  to  marry  James  McDonnell's  widow,  the  Lady 
Agnes  Campbell,  and,  with  that  end  in  view,  he  had  turned 
out  into  the  cold  that  most  ill-fated  woman,  Catherine,  Countess 
of  Argyle.  Lady  Agnes,  however,  declined  the  honour  for 
herself,  but  was  sufficiently  attracted  by  the  prospect 

*  Carew  MSS.  Sidney  to  Walsingham,  March,  1583.  Hill's  "  McDonnells 
of  Antrim." 

f  Patrick  Condon,  a  prominent  political  figure,  was  born  when  his  mother 
was  eleven  years  of  age.  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  203,  106. 

J  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  LXV.,  6-II. 

§  See  "  Book  of  Howth,"  p.  209.  Camden  says  that  both  Henry  and  Shane 
were  by  Margaret  O'Uonnell,  but  this  is  impossible.  See  Cal.  State  Papers, 
Vol.  207,  Part  II.,  138. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  41 

of  the  political  alliance  to  give  him  her  daughter  Catherine 
instead.* 

Shane  O'Neil,  unattractive  though  he  appears  as  an  in- 
dividual, was  undoubtedly  a  remarkable  personality,  inas- 
much as  he  managed  to  extend  his  sway  over  practically  the 
whole  of  Ulster,  and  that  in  spite  of  repeated  and  ignominious 
defeats  in  the  field.  This  success — as  has  already  been  ex- 
plained— was  mainly  due  to  the  perfection  of  his  secret-service 
system.  In  his  own  person  he  was  a  repulsive  character.  As 
far  as  can  be  gathered  from  contemporary  chronicles,  he  had 
no  virtues.  He  was  brutal  in  his  treatment  of  his  wives,  and 
barbarously  cruel  to  his  prisoners.  He  tortured  and  cut  off 
the  ear  of  a  messenger  of  his  who  failed  to  explain  his  meaning 
successfully  to  Sussex.  He  was  grotesquely  vain,  and  an 
inveterate  liar,  drunk  every  afternoon,  and  a  great  glutton. 
Camden  relates  that,  after  his  more  violent  excesses,  he  would 
cause  himself  to  be  placed  in  a  pit  with  loose  earth  thrown 
up  to  his  chin  to  cool  his  system.^  He  never  kept  his  word 
except  when  it  suited  him,  and  he  was  totally  devoid  of  per- 
sonal courage.  O'Donnell  wrote  to  the  Queen  in  1562  that 
"  in  Shane's  promises  there  is  no  assurance,  nor  trust  in  his 
word,  with  as  many  other  vices  as  a  man  of  his  sort  may 
have."J 

In  the  "  Book  of  Howth  "  we  find  the  following  curious  descrip- 
tion of  him  :  "  He  was  a  great  surfeiter,  a  great  spender,  and 
cruel  and  extreme  in  all  his  affairs,  no  man  his  like,  and  liberal 
in  nothing  but  in  housekeeping.  A  courteous,  loving  and  a 
good  companion  to  those  whom  he  loved,  being  strangers  to 
his  country.  They  said  he  was  the  last  that  could  give  the 
charge  upon  his  foes  ;  and  the  first  that  would  flee  ;  but  he 
could  well  procure  his  men  to  do  well." 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  II.,  138.  See  also  Sidney  to  Privy 
Council,  April,  1566. 

f  Camden's  "  Elizabeth." 

t   O'Donnell  to  Elizabeth,  1572. 


CHAPTER   III 

Proposed  Plantation  schemes  in  Antrim — Capt.  Piers'  truce  with  Sorley  Boy — 
Sorley  Boy's  faithful  observance  of  the  compact — Scots  evacuate  Ulster — 
Fitzwilliam's  negotiations  with  Tirlough  Luineach — Character  of  Tirlough 
Luineach — He  proposes  for  Lady  Bagenal's  sister — Tirlough  Luineach  raids 
the  McMahon's — Death  of  Con  Boy  McHenry — Defeat  of  Tirlough  Luineach 
— His  marriage  with  Lady  Agnes — Sir  Thomas  Smith's  Plantation  Scheme — 
His  negotiations  with  Sir  Brian  McPhelin — Return  of  Scots  to  Ulster — 
Indifference  of  the  Irish — Hostility  towards  English  Plantation — Arrival 
of  Smith — Murder  of  Henry  Savage — Smith's  administration  at  Carrick- 
fergus — Discontent  of  the  townsmen — Sir  Brian  burns  the  town — Immigra- 
tion of  the  townsmen. 

NO  sooner  was  Shane  dead  than  the  Queen's  mind  reverted 
to  her  pet  scheme  of  planting  Antrim  and  Down  with 
a  colony  of  English.  She  makes  her  views  on  the  subject 
quite  clear  in  her  two  letters  to  Sidney  of  June  llth  and  July 
6th,  1567.  There  appears  to  have  been  at  the  first  no  idea  of 
forcible  seizure.  The  country  it  was  proposed  to  plant  was 
for  the  most  part  very  thinly  populated  and  crying  out  for 
settled  industries  and  cultivation.  The  chiefs  were  the  only 
interested  parties  likely  to  raise  any  difficulties,  and  of  these 
the  most  formidable  had  now  been  providentially  removed. 
Those  of  secondary  importance  she  proposed  should  be 
suitably  compensated.  A  month  later  she  again  wrote  to 
Sidney,  but  with  a  slight  change  of  programme.  By  the 
terms  of  this  revised  scheme,  Alexander  Oge  and  his  Scots 
were  to  be  handsomely  rewarded  for  their  services  against 
Shane,  but  at  the  same  time,  were  to  be  politely  told  to  leave 
the  country.*  If  they  did  not  fall  in  harmoniously  with  this 
arrangement,  then  force  was  to  be  used  to  expel  them,  for  on 
one  point  she  was  immovably  determined,  and  that  was  that 
the  Route  and  the  Glynns  should  be  planted  with  English. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  Queen  was  expounding  her  schemes 
to  Sidney,  an  alternative  proposition  was  being  put  forward 
by  Sir  Francis  Knollys,  the  Vice-Chamberlain,  which  savoured 

*  Elizabeth  to  Sidney,  July,  1507. 
42 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  48 

strongly  of  Cusack.  This  was  that  the  Scots  should  be  given 
a  grant  of  the  O' Neils'  territories  if  they  could  annex  them  by 
force,  and  if  they  would  themselves  evacuate  Antrim  and 
leave  it  free  to  be  planted  with  English.*  A  sort  of  com- 
promise between  the  two  schemes  was  eventually  agreed  to, 
and  the  task  of  conducting  the  preliminary  negotiations  was 
entrusted  to  Captain  Piers,  the  Constable  of  Carrickfergus, 
who  was  always  a  great  favourite  with  the  Queen,  having 
helped  her  on  one  thrilling  occasion  before  her  accession  to 
escape  from  the  blood-thirsty  clutches  of  her  sister  Mary. 
This  sturdy  old  soldier — subsequently  much  abused  by  Essex 
— displayed  considerable  diplomatic  skill  over  the  business, 
and  so  worked  upon  the  better  feelings  of  Sorley  Boy,  who 
had  recently  landed  at  the  Glynns,  that  the  Scot  agreed  to  a 
peace  till  May,  1568,  up  to  which  date  he  undertook  to  evacuate 
north-east  Antrim,  and  to  leave  himself  in  the  hands  of  Her 
Majesty.  This,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  no  small  concession, 
for  Sorley  Boy  had  only  just  landed  with  seven  hundred  men 
when  Captain  Piers  started  his  overtures.  By  the  terms  of  the 
agreement,  Rathlin  Island,  off  the  north-east  coast  of  Antrim, 
was  to  be  left  in  Sorley  Boy's  hands  till  some  more  permanent 
settlement  had  been  agreed  upon.  Piers,  without  waiting  to 
consult  the  Dublin  authorities,  took  upon  himself  the  responsi- 
bility of  setting  his  seal  upon  this  arrangement,  which  was 
set  out  in  writing  and  signed  by  both  parties,  Sorley  Boy's 
signature  being  guided  by  a  friendly  hand. 

In  view  of  future  very  unpleasant  developments,  it  must  be 
conceded  that  Sorley  Boy  faithfully  carried  out  his  side  of  the 
bargain,  so  far  as  he  was  personally  concerned.  He  withdrew 
from  the  mainland  to  Rathlin  Island,  but  he  did  not  take 
back  his  700  Scots,  who  probably  refused  to  return  in  face 
of  the  many  tempting  offers  with  which  they  were  approached 
from  all  sides.  There  was,  in  fact,  a  brisk  competition  for 
their  services  among  the  various  Ulster  chiefs.  Eventually 
Tirlough  Luineach  secured  300,  and  Rory  Oge  McQuillin  and 
O'Donnell  divided  the  rest  between  them.'}" 

It  was  perhaps  owing  to  the  retention  of  this  formidable 
body  of  Scots  in  Ulster  that  the  Queen  was  filled  with  certain 
misgivings  as  to  the  bona  fides  of  Sorley  Boy's  assurances. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  July,  1567. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Jan.  1568, 


44  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

No  sooner  was  the  Scot  safely  in  Rathlin  Island  than  she 
ordered  two  frigates  and  a  barque  to  patrol  the  coast,  to 
frustrate  any  inclination  he  might  show  to  change  his  mind 
and  pay  a  visit  to  the  mainland.*  This  precaution  was  pro- 
bably inspired  by  a  report  that  Sorley  Boy's  brother  Alexander 
was  in  Cantyre  with  1,200  men,  and  with  sufficient  boats  to 
bring  them  all  over  to  Ireland.  The  rumour  was  probably  a 
false  one,  and,  in  any  case,  no  such  attempt  was  made.  Up  to 
April,  1568,  Elizabeth's  garrisons  remained  in  peaceable  and 
undisputed  occupation  of  the  Route  and  Glynns.  In  the 
meanwhile  the  Scots  occupied  not  only  the  spring  but  the 
whole  of  the  summer  in  fighting  one  another  in  the  Cantyre 
district,  and,  so  engrossed  did  they  become  with  their  own 
domestic  dissensions,  that  it  was  actually  four  years  from  the 
date  of  his  agreement  with  Captain  Piers  before  Sorley  Boy 
once  more  set  foot  on  the  mainland  of  Ulster. 

Having  thus  got  rid  temporarily  of  the  Scots,  thanks  to  the 
diplomatic  efforts  of  Captain  Piers,  for  which  he  was  much 
commended  by  the  Queen,  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  who  had 
succeeded  Sidney  as  Deputy  in  the  autumn  of  1567,  now  turned 
his  attention  to  the  native  Chiefs.  His  first  dealings  were  natur- 
ally with  the  new  O'Neil,  Tirlough  Luineach,  so  called  from  his 
having  been  fostered  with  one  of  the  O'Luiney  sept.  This 
chieftain  had  lost  not  a  moment  in  having  himself  invested  at 
Tullahogue  with  the  usual  "  brutish  ceremonies  "  so  strongly 
denounced  by  Sidney.  Politically  he  was  as  yet  an  unknown 
quantity,  the  only  outstanding  feature  of  his  career  so  far  having 
been  the  murder  of  young  Brian  O'Neil,  which  was  an  act  which 
few  of  his  contemporaries  would  reckon  to  his  prejudice.  He 
was  fifteen  years  the  junior  of  Shane,  belonging,  in  fact,  to  a 
younger  generation,  for  his  grandfather  had  been  brother  to 
Shane's  father.  He  was  the  son  of  Neil  Connelly  O'Neil  and 
of  the  widow  of  Dermot  O'Cleary,  who,  before  her  marriage,  had 
been  Rose  McManus  O'Donnell.  Little  was  known  of  him 
beyond  that  he  was,  by  common  consent,  a  far  more  formidable 
warrior  in  the  field  than  his  predecessor  Shane  had  been.  In 
fact,  Tirlough  Luineach  for  some  years  past  had  acted  as 
Shane's  military  leader. 

The  new  O'Neil  proved  most  amenable.  He  suavely  ac- 
cepted the  Queen's  ruling  that  McMahon,  Magennis,  Maguire 

*  Queen  to  Sidney,  Aug.  1567. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  45 

and  O'Hanlon  were  to  be  independent  of  his  overlordship, 
as  well  as  the  further  and  even  more  crushing  ultimatum 
that  lie  was  to  share  the  O'Neil  territories  with  the  much- 
petted  Baron  of  Dungannon.  This  most  unwelcome  clause  in 
the  agreement  provided  that  Dungannon  was  to  have  the 
southern  half  of  Tyrone  and  Tirlough  Luineach  the  northern 
half,  with  the  mountain  of  Mullaghcarn  acting  as  a  rough 
boundary  between  the  two  divisions.  Tirlough  Luiaeach — 
who  was  evidently  in  a  generous  mood — also  agreed  to  assist 
the  Queen  with  all  his  strength  against  the  Scots,  should  these 
again  attempt  a  landing  on  the  Antrim  coast. 

Tirlough  Luineach — according  to  the  evidence  of  his  chroni- 
clers, and  of  such  of  the  English  as  came  in  close  contact  with 
him — was  an  easy-going  man  of  amiable  disposition  and  of  very 
modest  ambitions.  He  was  accounted  a  good  warrior  on  occa- 
sions, but  was  too  fond  of  eating  and  drinking  to  make  any 
permanent  mark  as  a  soldier.  Sir  Nicholas  Bagenal  describes 
him  as  "  a  facile  and  brittle  man,  without  ambitions,"  and  this 
description  tallies  with  the  character  given  him  by  the  various 
Irish  Annalists.  Terence  Donnelly,  Dean  of  Armagh,  wrote  to 
Cecil  that  the  new  O'Neil  was  "  a  savage  but  timorous  man,"* 
which  in  modern  English  may  be  translated  as  "  uneducated 
and  unenterprising,"  for  timorous  in  the  sense  of  cowardly  he 
certainly  was  not.  Although  unambitious  as  a  politician,  he 
cannot  be  accused  of  undue  diffidence  in  pushing  his  matri- 
monial interests  ;  for  he  first  of  all  proposed  for  the  hand  of 
Lady  Bagenal's  sister,  and,  when  Sir  Nicholas  scornfully  in- 
formed him  that  he  would  sooner  see  his  sister-in-law  burnt,"]" 
he  transferred  his  attentions  to  Lady  Agnes  Campbell,  whom  he 
eventually — after  much  solicitation — succeeded  in  leading  to 
the  altar.  Never  did  bridegroom  strike  a  better  bargain.  This, 
however,  was  not  till  later. 

The  evacuation  by  the  Scots  of  the  Route  and  Glynns  for  a 
period  of  four  years  gave  the  Queen  all  the  opportunity  she 
could  possibly  have  desired  for  carrying  out  her  colonization 
scheme,  but  she  failed  to  take  advantage  of  it.  The  financing 
of  the  enterprise  was  no  simple  matter  ;  nor  was  it  easy  to  find 
settlers  of  the  right  class  who  would  venture  their  all  in  the  way 
of  materials,  goods  and  personal  safety  in  such  a  hazardous 

*  Dean  of  Armagh  to  Cecil,  Oct.  5th,  15(57. 
f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  22-36-5. 


46  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

experiment.  The  vacated  lands  remained  to  a  large  extent 
unoccupied  between  the  years  1567  and  1572.  In  the  absence 
of  the  Scots,  Sir  Brian  McPhelim  O'Neil,  the  lord  of  North 
Clandeboye,  scoured  the  whole  country  as  far  as  the  Bann  for 
any  livestock  the  McDonnells  might  have  left  behind  ;*  and 
the  sept  of  the  McQuillins,  who  claimed  that  their  title  to  the 
Route  was  older  than  that  of  the  McDonnells,  naturally  seized 
the  opportunity  to  reoccupy  the  lands  from  which  they  had  been 
gradually  pushed  by  the  encroachments  of  the  Scots. 

In  the  meanwhile  Tirlough  Luineach  was  scarcely  keeping  up 
the  traditional  reputation  of  the  O'Neils  for  turbulence.  His 
first  attempt  to  assert  his  dignity  had  been  in  1568,  when  he  had 
sent  a  raiding  expedition,  under  Shane's  eldest  grandson,  Con 
Boy  McHenry,  into  McMahon's  country.  The  main  object 
of  this  raid  was  to  make  it  clear  to  McMahon  that  Tirlough 
Luineach' s  renunciation  of  his  overlordship  of  Monaghan  in 
favour  of  the  Queen  had  been  merely  a  polite  formality.  He 
failed,  however,  to  create  the  effect  intended,  for  the  invading 
party  was  very  badly  defeated,  and  Con  Boy — who  could  not 
have  been  more  than  fifteen  years  old  at  the  time — was  killed,^ 
together  with  300  of  his  men.  Discouraged  by  this  failure, 
Tirlough  Luineach  remained  uneventfully  quiet  for  a  year  and 
a  half  in  his  newly-built  Castle  of  Dunalong,  on  the  east  shore 
of  the  Foyle,  from  which  sanctuary  he  dispatched  periodical 
appeals  to  Lady  Agnes  Campbell  to  marry  him.  His  first  act 
of  open  hostility  to  the  Government  was  in  August,  1569, 
when  he  made  a  successful  raid  on  Newry  and  carried  off  3,000 
cattle  belonging  to  Sir  Nicholas  Bagenal  and  the  Dean  of 
Armagh.  He  had  not  forgotten  the  Marshal's  insulting 
message  with  regard  to  his  sister-in-law.  Having  thus  to  a 
certain  extent  wiped  out  the  insult  by  leaving  the  Marshal 
meatless,  he  completed  his  triumph  by  hurrying  across  to 
Rathlin  Island  and  there  marrying  the  much-sought-for  Lady 
Agnes,  widow  of  James  McDonnell. 

Tirlough  Luineach  spent  a  fortnight  on  the  island  to  celebrate 
this  important  union  between  the  clans  of  O'Neil  and  McDonnell. 
The  Earl  of  Argyle  sent  him  a  taffeta  hat  set  with  bugles  as  a 
wedding -present,  and  there  was 'much  joyous  carousing.  J  The 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  24-38-2. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  May,  1568. 
J  Fitzwilliam  to  Cecil,  Sept.  1569. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  4T 

alliance  between  the  two  families  was  still  further  cemented 
by  the  marriage  at  the  same  time  of  Tirlough  Luineach's  eldest 
son  Henry  to  Lady  Agnes's  third  daughter,  the  elder  two, 
Catherine  and  Ineenduv,  having  already  married  Shane  O'Neil 
and  Hugh  O'Donnell.  Jty  this  skilful  tactical  move  Tirlough 
Luineach  enormously  increased  his  political  power.  The 
McDonnells  were  under  tacit  agreement  with  Elizabeth  not  to 
interfere  with  her  Plantation  schemes  by  asserting  any  terri- 
torial rights  in  north-east  Antrim,  but  there  was  nothing  to 
prevent  the  wife  of  the  O'Neil  from  having  in  her  pay  as  many 
Scots  as  she  chose  to  enlist.  According  to  Fitzwilliam,  Lady 
Agnes  brought  some  3,000  fighting  Scots  to  the  O'Neil  as  her 
marriage  portion,  but  even  this  number  was  not  considered 
enough,  and  in  March  of  the  following  year  she  went  over  to 
Cantyre  to  complete  arrangements  for  a  further  consignment. 
Her  son  James,  however,  who  was  now  Lord  of  the  Isles,  took 
anything  but  a  favourable  view  of  this  last  development,  which 
would  have  had  the  effect  of  partially  denuding  Cantyre  of  its 
fighting  strength,  and  his  mother  was  kindly  but  firmly  detained 
in  Scotland  till  her  ambitions  had  assumed  more  modest  limits. 
In  the  meanwhile  Elizabeth's  Plantation  scheme,  though 
slow  in  materializing,  was  by  no  means  dead.  It  was  taken  up 
once  more  with  some  enthusiasm  by  the  original  promoter, 
Sir  Thomas  Smith.  After  many  months  of  protracted  negotia- 
tions, this  enterprising  land-speculator  was  given  a  grant,  not 
of  the  much-discussed  Route  and  Glynns,  but  of  the  more 
accessible  districts  of  Ards  and  Lough  Strangford.  This  was 
in  the  early  months  of  1572.  Smith  was  naturally  of  the  land- 
adventurer  class,  and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  his  principles 
were  higher  than  those  of  others  of  his  profession.  At  the  same 
time,  his  letters  give  evidence  of  good  intentions,  real  or  simu- 
lated. He  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Sidney,  expressing  generous 
hopes  for  the  speedy  betterment  of  social  conditions  in  the 
country  to  which  he  contemplated  migrating.  His  enterprise, 
he  was  careful  to  explain,  was  not  designed  "  to  destroy  the 
Irish  race,  but  to  teach  them  to  leave  off  robbing,  stealing  and 
killing  one  another."*  He  had  already  paved  the  way  for  his 
proposed  reformation  of  Ulster  society  by  a  courteous  letter 
which  he  had  written  to  Sir  Brian  McPhelim.  To  this  truculent 
chief  he  volunteered  the  information  that  he  was  coming  to 
*  Sir  Thomas  Smith  to  Sidney,  Nov.  1572. 


48 

live  in  his  part  of  the  world,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  they 
would  prove  good  friends  and  neighbours.*  Sir  Brian,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  had  no  legitimate  jurisdiction  over  the  country 
which  Smith  was  preparing  to  Plant.  This  belonged  by  hered- 
itary right  to  Con  McNeil  Oge,  a  turbulent  and  bloodthirsty 
chief,  who,  at  the  moment,  was  a  prisoner  in  Dublin  Castle. 
In  fact  it  was  mainly  because  of  this  chief's  safe  incarceration 
that  his  country  had  been,  in  the  end,  selected  for  Planting  in 
preference  to  the  Antrim  lands  further  north,  originally  contem- 
plated. Smith's  conciliatory  letter  to  Sir  Brian  was  dictated 
by  the  following  considerations.  Sir  Brian's  own  lands  proper 
lay  in  North  Clandeboye  on  the  far  side  of  Carrickfergus  Bay. 
On  the  imprisonment  of  Con  McNeil  Oge,  he  had  at  once  usurped 
possession  of  all  that  chief's  lands  in  South  Clandeboye,  as  well 
as  of  Killultagh  (Upper  Massareene),  of  which  he  now  styled 
himself  the  Captain.  He  was,  therefore,  at  the  time  of  Smith's 
expedition,  the  rightful  lord  of  North  Clandeboye,  and  the  lord 
by  usurpation  of  South  Clandeboye  (Castlereagh),  which  latter 
district  was  perilously  close  to  Smith's  new  grant  of  the 
Ards. 

Sir  Brian,  not  being  able  to  write,  made  no  reply  to  Smith's 
polite  overtures,  but  he  took  his  own  measures,  and  promptly. 
What  those  measures  were  will  be  seen  in  due  course. 

In  this  connection  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  take  a  glance  at 
a  Scotch  invasion,  in  the  same  part  of  the  world,  which  had 
just  preceded  that  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith.  Sorley  Boy,  after 
nearly  four  years'  absence  from  Ireland,  had  landed  in  Ulster 
in  March,  1571,  with  700  men,  of  whom  he  left  300  in  the  Glynns, 
under  the  command  of  his  son,  Donald  Gorm,  while  the  remain- 
ing 400,  under  Alexander  McRandall  Boy,  continued  their 
course  down  the  coast,  and  ultimately  landed  in  the  Ards. 
The  object  of  this  last  move  is  not  quite  clear.  There  is  certain 
presumptive  evidence  that  the  Scots  came  at  the  instigation  of 
Sir  Brian,  with  the  idea  of  intimidating  Smith  and  possibly  of 
deterring  him  from  his  contemplated  venture.  The  fact  that 
300  men  were  left  in  the  Glynns  suggests  strongly  that  the 
McDonnells  were  not  yet  assured  that  the  Plantation  scheme 
was  going  to  be  confined  to  the  Ards.  As  soon,  however,  as 
they  realized  that  this  was  the  case,  and  that  the  Route  and  the 
Glynns  were  not  going  to  be  interfered  with,  they  withdrew 

*  Sir  Thomas  Smith  to  Sjr  Brian  McPhelim,  May,  1572 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  49 

from  the  Ards  and  retired  to  their  own  exclusive  district  in  the 
north-east. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  there  was  no  opposition  on  the 
part  of  the  Irish  on  this  occasion,  or,  indeed,  at  any  other  time, 
to  invasions  of  Scotch  Highlanders  from  across  the  water.  The 
Irish  and  the  Highlanders  were  alike  Celts  of  somewhat  kindred 
habits  and  language.  Both  the  one  and  the  other  professed 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  The  Highlanders  amalgamated 
easily  with  the  Irish  natives,  and  the  aristocracy  of  both  races, 
as  we  have  seen,  intermarried  freely.  Where  there  is  no  reli- 
gious antagonism,  the  mergement  of  contiguous  races  of  the 
same  colour  is  usually  rapid.  The  moment,  however,  that  there 
was  a  question  of  an  English  Plantation  an  entirely  different 
feeling  was  noticeable.  Here  for  the  first  time  the  religious 
question  intruded  on  the  Ulster  problem.  The  English  were 
Protestants,  and  as  such  cut  off  from  association  with  both 
Irish  and  Highland  Scotch.  It  was  felt  that  this  common  foe 
must  be  kept  out  of  the  country  at  all  costs,  and  for  this  purpose 
an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  was  temporarily  formed 
between  Sorley  Boy  and  Brian  McPhelim.  The  latter,  in  a 
last  despairing  effort  to  stave  off  the  English  invasion,  wrote 
(or  procured  to  be  written)  an  explanatory  letter  to  Fitzwilliam, 
in  which  he  gloomily  predicted  that  Antrim  and  Down  would 
never  support  men  of  English  descent,  being  all  bog  where  it  was 
not  hazel  or  holly  scrub.  Furthermore,  he  affirmed  that  Sorley 
Boy  had  done,  and  was  doing,  all  that  was  needful  for  the 
country  in  the  way  of  agricultural  improvement,  having  in 
point  of  fact  already  introduced  more  ploughs  into  that  part 
of  the  world  than  had  been  seen  there  for  the  past  hundred 
years.* 

Fitzwilliam,  as  may  be  supposed,  paid  little  attention  to 
arguments  which  were  clearly  interested,  and  the  preliminary 
stages  of  the  proposed  colonization  scheme  were  concluded 
without  further  hitch.  There  was  no  difficulty  whatever  as 
between  Smith  and  Henry  Savage,  who,  as  the  existing  repre- 
sentative of  the  earliest  English  settlers  in  the  Ards,  was  clearly 
entitled  to  some  voice  in  the  proposed  arrangement.  Savage, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  welcomed  the  idea  of  a  more  settled  and 
civilised  population  around  him.  He  was  the  first  to  greet  young 
Tom  Smith  (representing  his  father)  on  his  arrival  at  Lough 

*  Sir  Brian  McPhelim  to  Deputy,  March,  1571. 

4 


50  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Strangford  on  August  31st,  1572,  and  accompanied  the  young 
settler  from  the  landing-place  to  Newtown-Ards,  which  Smith 
proposed  to  make  his  headquarters  for  the  time  being.  Brian 
McPhelim  was  not  equally  cordial.  He,  and  his  band  of  wild 
horsemen,  hung  upon  the  skirts  of  the  incoming  settlers  all  the 
way  from  Lough  Strangford  to  Newtown-Ards,  and,  after  a 
few  days,  his  attitude  became  so  threatening  that  Smith  thought 
it  best  to  shift  his  quarters  to  Carrickfergus,  where  there  was 
always  the  Castle  into  which  the  garrison  could  retire  if  hard 
pressed.  His  withdrawal,  as  the  event  proved,  was  only  just 
in  time.  He  had  barely  got  clear  of  the  district  before  Sir 
Brian  and  the  Baron's  two  sons,  Cormac  and  Art,  swept  down 
on  the  Ards,  murdered  poor  Henry  Savage,  presumably  on 
account  of  his  friendliness  towards  Smith,  and  burned  all  the 
surrounding  country,  including  Newtown-Ards,  Meville,  Bangor 
and  Hollywood.* 

Having  registered  his  protest  against  an  English  settlement 
in  his  own  peculiar  way,  Sir  Brian  promptly  sued  for  peace, 
being  appreciably  influenced  in  this  direction  by  the  approach 
to  the  Dufferin,  by  way  of  Lecale,  of  the  Marshal  and  100 
horsemen.  The  Government  treated  with  proper  contempt  »3 
petition  which  was  clearly  influenced  by  fear  and  not  by  friend  - 
liness,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  no  drastic  steps  were  taken  to 
punish  Sir  Brian  for  his  late  outrage.  Captain  Piers  was  away 
at  the  time,  and  Smith  was  too  busy  looking  after  his  settlers 
and  too  generally  incompetent  to  attempt  active  hostilities. 

This  youthful  adventurer  had,  in  fact,  so  far  shown  neither 
tact  nor  ability.  Captain  Piers,  the  Constable,  was  in  England 
at  the  time  when  Smith  shifted  his  quarters  from  Newtown- 
Ards  to  Carrickfergus,  and  in  his  absence  the  newcomer  took 
upon  himself  the  command  of  the  place,  and  acted  generally 
in  a  very  high-handed  and  overbearing  manner.  His  first 
attempt  at  an  administrative  act  was  to  forbid  the  townspeople 
to  trade  with  the  natives.^  This  ill-advised  act  was  the  cause 
of  very  general  consternation.  The  townsmen  wrote  in  great 
distress  to  Fitzwilliam,  complaining  that  the  enforcement  of  the 
edict  would  place  them  on  the  high  road  to  ruin,  and  petitioning 
his  interference.  Before,  however,  any  interference  was 
possible,  young  Smith  had  added  so  heavily  to  the  sum  of  his 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Oct.  1572. 

f  McSkimmin's  "  History  of  Carrickfergus." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  51 

offences  that  the  first  complaint  was  lost  sight  of  in  the  mass  of 
later  charges.  To  begin  with,  he  seized  upon  all  the  town  cattle 
for  the  use  of  his  troops,  and,  when  the  townspeople  very 
naturally  protested  that  this  would  reduce  them  to  starvation, 
he  allowed  them  to  redeem  such  cattle  as  he  did  not  require  by 
a  payment  of  4d.  per  head,  on  the  condition  that  they  threw 
into  the  bargain  twenty  hogsheads  of  barley  and  ten  hogsheads 
of  malt.*  The  poor  townsmen  had  no  option  but  to  agree, 
and  Smith,  having  in  this  way  satisfactorily  provided  both  meat 
and  beer  for  his  men,  marched  off  on  a  prospecting  expedition 
with  the  entire  garrison,  leaving  the  town  quite  unprotected. 
This  was,  of  course,  Sir  Brian's  opportunity,  and,  almost  before 
Smith  and  the  garrison  were  out  of  sight,  he  rode  in  and  pillaged 
and  burned  the  town. 

The  endurance  no  less  than  the  courage  of  the  townsmen  was 
now  all  but  exhausted.  Their  actual  lives,  it  is  true,  were  not 
in  danger  ;  for  on  the  approach  of  the  Irish  they  could  always 
retire  into  the  Queen's  Castle,  which  stood  on  the  tongue  of 
land  jutting  out  into  the  sea,  and  which  was  so  strongly  walled 
as  to  be  impregnable  ;  but  they  had  no  means  of  protecting 
their  houses  and  property,  whose  only  defence  lay  in  a  mud 
rampart  and  ditch.  Without  a  garrison  this  could  by  no  means 
be  manned,  and  it  therefore  seemed  waste  of  labour  to  renovate 
their  gutted  houses.  In  these  deplorable  circumstances,  the 
townspeople  resolved  that  the  altered  conditions  in  Carrick- 
fergus  rendered  further  life  there  impossible,  and  they  deter- 
mined to  migrate  in  a  body  to  the  Pale.  Just,  however,  as  the 
caravan  was  on  the  point  of  setting  out,  a  report  reached  Carrick- 
fergus  which  was  no  less  exciting  than  it  was  welcome.  It 
was  said  that  Sir  Thomas  Smith's  grant  had  been  revoked,  or 
rather  that  it  had  been  transferred  to  the  Earl  of  Essex,  who  was 
on  the  point  of  sailing  for  Carrickfergus  with  a  strong  force  of 
English.  The  report  was  in  substance  true.  It  had  been  recog- 
nized both  in  London  and  Dublin  that  Smith  was  quite  un- 
fitted for  the  task  he  had  undertaken.  He  was  without  the 
military  capacity  to  make  any  impression,  physical  or  moral, 
on  the  natives,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  he  had  effectually  suc- 
ceeded in  alienating  the  sympathy  of  the  English  by  his  high- 
handed seizure  of  their  property  and  general  assumption  of 
authority. 

*  McSkimmin's  "  History  of  Carrickfergus." 

4* 


CHAPTER  IV 

Transfer  of  Smith's  grant  to  Essex — Rathlin  Island  included — Arrival  of  Essex — 
Hugh  Bacon  of  Dungannon — His  early  training  and  education — Essex's 
dealings  with  Tirlough  Luineach — Con  McNeil  Boy — Murder  of  Thomas 
Smith — Neil  McBrian  Feartagh— Fitzwilliam's  hostility  to  Essex — He 
diverts  his  food  supplies — Sir  Brian's  submission — His  treacherous  con- 
duct— Indignation  of  Essex — Sir  Brian  proclaimed  traitor — Mortality  among 
the  Carrickfergus  garrison — Essex's  plans — He  recommends  the  granting 
of  the  Glynns  to  Sorley  Boy — Con  McNeil  escapes  from  Dublin  Castle — 
Essex's  arrangement  with  Con — Con  occupies  Carrickfergus — Plight  of  the 
townsmen — Sorley  Boy  to  the  rescue — Brian  Ballough — Elizabeth's  fear 
of  the  Ulster  Scots — Hostility  of  the  Ulster  Chiefs  to  Essex. 

WALTER  DEVEREUX,  EARL  OF  ESSEX,  had  for 
many  years  past  had  his  eye  on  the  possibilities  of 
land  speculation  in  Ireland,  and,  being  in  high  favour  with  the 
Queen,  had  little  difficulty  in  prevailing  on  her  to  transfer 
Smith's  grant  to  himself,  with  certain  extensions.  Smith  him- 
self had  by  this  time  realized  his  failure  and  general  unfitness 
for  the  undertaking,  and  was  not  sorry  to  see  the  main  burden 
of  the  new  settlement  placed  on  other  shoulders.  His  only 
stipulation  was  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the  Ards 
as  long  as  he  wished,  which  was  agreed. 

Essex's  scheme  was  in  large  part  financed  by  the  Queen, 
who  lent  him  £10,000  for  the  purpose  on  the  security  of  his 
estates  in  Essex  and  Bucks.  It  was  a  far  more  ambitious  effort 
than  Smith's,  for  Essex  was  armed  with  an  elastic  commission 
as  Governor  of  Ulster,  and  with  a  grant  which  practically  in- 
cluded the  whole  of  modern  Antrim  and  Down,  with  the  excep- 
.  tion  of  1,000  acres  round  Carrickfergus.  The  fishings  on  the 
Bann  and  on  Lough  Neagh  were  also  granted  him,  as  well  as 
the  Island  of  Rathlin. 

It  is  difficult  to  justify  Elizabeth's  inclusion  of  Rathlin 
Island  in  this  grant  of  hers  to  Essex.  In  the  original  agreement, 
ratified  on  behalf  of  the  Government  by  Captain  Piers,  Rathlin 
Island — which  had  very  little  agricultural  value — had  been 
definitely  assigned  to  Sorley  Boy.  The  Scot  had  more  than 

52 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  53 

carried  out  his  side  of  the  contract,  for,  whereas  he  had  only 
bound  himself  to  evacuate  the  mainland  for  a  few  months  so  as 
to  give  the  colonization  scheme  a  fair  chance  of  success,  he  had 
in  actual  practice  remained  absent  for  no  less  than  four  years. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  inclusion  of  the  island  in  the 
grant  had  all  the  appearance  of  a  flagrant  breach  of  faith,  and 
it  was  to  provide  a  justification  for  one  of  the  most  horrid 
tragedies  in  the  history  of  Ulster. 

Essex  arrived  early  in  September,  1573,  with  a  convoy  the 
like  of  which  Ulster  had  never  yet  seen.  He  brought  with  him 
600  foot,  200  horse,  100  labourers  and  400  adventurers,  and  was 
accompanied  by  Lord  Rich  (his  son-in-law),  Lord  Darcy,  Sir 
Henry  Knollys,  and  three  of  Lord  Norris's  six  sons.*  The 
appearance  of  this  reassuring  array  stayed  the  stampede  from 
Carrickfergus,  but  raised  food  difficulties,  which  for  a  time 
threatened  to  checkmate  the  entire  scheme  ;  for  the  Director 
for  Supplies,  one  Dominick  Chester,  proved  two  months  late 
in  his  delivery,  pleading  the  usual  excuse  of  contrary  winds, 
but  according  to  popular  rumour  having  been  prompted  to  the 
delay  by  the  malignity  of  Fitzwilliam,  the  Lord  Deputy. 

Elizabeth  was  always  quick  to  adapt  chance  circumstances 
to  the  peculiar  needs  of  the  moment,  and  by  her  express  desire 
Hugh  O'Neil,  the  young  Baron  of  Dungannon,  was  now  attached 
to  the  staff  of  the  new  Governor,  her  idea  in  this  being  to  con- 
tinue the  association  of  the  future  Earl  of  Tyrone  with  English 
noblemen  of  high  position  and  civilizing  influence.  Elizabeth 
attached  immense  importance  to  the  maintenance  of  an  atmo- 
sphere of  English  culture  round  this  wild  Celtic  shoot.  Young 
Hugh  had  been  assiduously  reared  among  English  surround- 
ings ;  first  at  Sir  Henry  Sidney's  beautiful  home  at  Penshurst, 
and  later  on  with  the  Earl  of  Leicester.  The  exact  date  on  which 
he  was  taken  over  to  England  is  uncertain,  but  it  was  un- 
questionably very  early  in  his  career,  for  Sidney  says  that  he 
had  him  in  his  charge  "  from  a  little  boy,  though  very  poor  of 
goods  and  full  feebly  friended. "f  Dungannon  himself  corro- 
borates this  in  a  letter  to  Elizabeth,  in  which  he  refers  to  himself 
at  the  time  of  his  father's  death  in  1558  as  "  an  infant  of  tender 
age  and  in  your  Highness's  ward."J  These  two  statements 

• 

*  McSkimmin's  "  History  of  Carrickfergus." 
t  Sidney  to  Walsingham,  March  1st,  1583. 
t  Carew  MSS. 


54  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

would  seem  to  place  Hugh's  age. in  1558  at  not  more  than  ten, 
and  though  his  birth  is  commonly  reckoned  to  have  been  in 
1540,  he  must  in  reality  have  been  born  quite  eight  years  later. 

Brian  had  been  several  years  older  than  Hugh,  and  it  had 
been  with  a  view  to  comparing  the  relative  merits  of  the  two 
brothers  that  Elizabeth  had  sent  for  Brian  in  1562 — a  summons 
which,  as  it  turned  out,  proved  his  death-warrant.  With  the 
death  of  the  elder  brother,  Elizabeth's  educational  efforts  were 
more  than  ever  concentrated  on  the  second  son.  He  was  sent 
to  Oxford,  and  provided  with  a  suitable  equipage,  with  which  he 
was  used  to  flaunt  it  in  the  streets  of  London,  all  at  the  Queen's 
expense.  At  the  time  of  Shane's  death,  in  1567,  Hugh's  age — 
according  to  this  reckoning — would  have  been  nineteen,  an  age 
which  fits  in  harmoniously  with  all  the  known  facts.  He  had 
little  following  in  Ireland.  His  English  education,  English 
habits,  English  speech  and  English  patronage  procured  him  but 
slight  favour  in  his  own  country,  and  Tirlough  Luineach  was 
elected  as  the  O'Neil  with  the  unanimous  voice  of  Tyrone.  Then, 
for  a  time,  Hugh  made  his  residence  with  Sir  Nicholas  Bagenal 
at  Newry,  and  in  fact  remained  under  the  wing  of  the  old  Marshal 
till  the  date  of  Essex's  arrival,  when,  in  conformity  with  the 
Queen's  wishes,  he  was  transferred  to  the  Governor's  staff. 

The  two  Chiefs  whose  co-operation  was  most  essential  to  the 
success  of  Essex's  scheme  were,  first  of  all,  Tirlough  Luineach, 
as  the  most  prominent  representative  of  the  old  feudal  system 
in  Ulster,  and  secondly,  Sir  Brian  McPhelim,  the  head  of  the 
Clandeboye  O' Neils,  who,  either  by  virtue  of  inheritance  or 
piracy,  was  in  possession  of  most  of  the  lands  over  which  Essex's 
grant  extended.  Tirlough  Luineach — though  very  strong 
since  his  marriage — had,  by  the  advice  of  his  wife,  so  far  steered 
clear  of  serious  complications  with  the  Government,  though 
always  in  'a  hostile  camp  to  the  Government  protege,  the  Baron 
of  Dungannon.  Essex  wrote  him  a  friendly  and  conciliatory 
letter,  in  which  he  laid  special  emphasis  on  the  fact  that  his 
main  object  in  coming  to  Ulster  was  to  expel  the  Scots,  and  that 
this  was  a  worthy  enterprise  in  which  he  and  Tirlough  Luineach 
were  equally  interested,  and  in  which  they  might  well  and  advan- 
tageously co-operate.*  The  tenour  of  this  letter  was,  in  fact, 
inspired  by  the  Queen  herself,  who  had  lately  taken  into  her 
head — quite  erroneously — the  idea  that  the  disloyalty  of  the 

*  Essex  to  Tirlough  Luineach,  Sept.  18th,  1573. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  55 

Irish  was  in  a  large  part  due  to  her  failure  to  defend  them  from 
the  encroachments  of  the  Scots.*  Whether  this  idea  was  put 
into  her  head  by  Piers  or  by  Fenton  is  not  on  record,  but  it  is 
quite  clear  that  it  took  a  strong  hold  on  her  imagination,  more 
especially  as  it  fell  smoothly  in  line  with  her  own  anti-Scotch 
prejudices. 

While  awaiting  a  reply  from  Tirlough  Luineach,  Essex  made 
some  special  efforts  towards  coming  to  an  understanding  with 
his  truculent  neighbour,  Sir  Brian  McPhelim.  This  Brian  was 
a  younger  brother  of  Hugh  McPhelim,  at  the  time  a  prisoner  in 
Dublin  Castle,  and  they  were  both  the  sons  of  old  Phelim 
Bacagh,  who  was  directly  descended  from  the  great  Hugh  Boy 
O'Neil,  Lord  of  Clandeboye.  The  proper  inheritance  of  Phelim 
Bacagh' s  sons  was  North  Clandeboye,  i.e.,  the  modern  Baronies 
of  Upper  and  Lower  Antrim,  while  South  Clandeboye  and  Killu- 
tagh  had  descended  to  Con  McNeil  Oge,  who  was  also  a  scion 
of  the  line  of  Hugh  Boy  O'Neil.  Con,  however,  as  has  already 
been  explained,  was  in  Dublin  Castle  at  the  time,  and  Sir  Brian, 
taking  advantage  of  his  absence,  had  usurped  authority  over 
the  whole  district  surrounding  Carrickfergus  Bay.  The  claims 
of  both  Brian  McPhelim  and  of  Con  McNeil  Oge  to  their  respec- 
tive lands  had  been  officially  recognized  and  ratified  by  Croft, 
so  that,  from  the  first,  it  was  evident  that  Essex's  charter  was 
here  on  very  delicate  ground.  Essex's  claim  was  that  Brian 
had  forfeited  his  rights  by  the  murder  of  Savage,  the  burning 
of  Ards,  and  the  previous  murder  during  a  friendly  parley  of  a 
certain  Mr.  Moore.  He  found  fresh  ground  for  assailing  Brian's 
title  in  an  incident  which  occurred  shortly  after  his  landing. 
This  was  the  murder  of  young  Tom  Smith.  A  good  deal  of 
uncertainty  surrounds  the  actual  deed  and  its  causes.  Essex, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Privy  Council,  says  that  Smith  was  murdered 
by  some  Irish  servants  of  his  household  whom  he  much  trusted. "j" 
Cox,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  "  Hibernia  Anglicana  "  accuses 
Neil  McBrian  Feartagh  of  the  deed.  This  last-named  chief 
was  another  of  the  many  descendants  of  Hugh  Boy  O'Neil,  and 
one  who  contended  that  his  hereditary  claims  to  South  Clande- 
boye were  stronger  than  those  of  Con  McNeil  Oge.  Subse- 
quent events  suggest  that  Cox's  version  of  the  affair  is  wrong, 
for  Neil  McBrian  Feartagh  was  afterwards  received  into  strong 

*  Essex  to  Burleigh,  July  20th,  1573. 
t  Essex  to  Privy  Council,  Oct.  1573, 


56  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Government  favour,  was  established  in  the  lordship  of  South 
Clandeboye  after  the  death  of  Con  McNeil  Oge,  and  throughout 
Tyrone's  rebellion  proved  the  most  loyal  of  all  the  Irish  chiefs 
in  Down  or  Antrim.  Essex,  at  any  rate,  managed  to  trace 
the  hand  of  Sir  Brian  in  the  affair,  a  circumstance  in  which  he 
found  an  added  justification  for  his  invasion  of  Brian's  terri- 
torial rights.  It  is  quite  evident  to  the  modern  student  of  the 
situation  that  the  tale  of  Brian's  crimes — real  or  imaginary — 
was  mainly  designed  to  strengthen  Essex's  hand  in  arriving  at 
some  sort  of  a  compromise,  which  he  was  wise  enough  to  recog- 
nize was  better  than  a  fight.  The  fighting  strength  of  the 
English  in  north-east  Ulster  had,  indeed,  been  seriously  pre- 
judiced by  the  extraordinary  conduct  of  the  Deputy,  Sir  William 
Fitzwilliam,  who,  for  reasons  which  will  presently  be  under- 
stood, viewed  Essex's  commission  as  Governor  of  Ulster  with  the 
greatest  disfavour.  He  had  already  made  an  underhand 
attempt  to  starve  him  out  by  giving  the  victuallers  a  hint  that 
their  supplies,  destined  for  the  garrisons  in  Antrim,  Down  and 
Armagh,  would  be  more  welcome  elsewhere  ;  and  now,  on  the 
pretext  of  a  shortage  of  food  for  which  he  was  himself  responsible, 
he  endeavoured  to  make  Essex's  position  in  the  north  untenable 
by  withdrawing  the  garrisons  from  Newry  and  Armagh.  The 
effect  of  this  spiteful  act  was — as  intended — to  leave  Essex 
so  completely  isolated  that  he  was  forced  by  the  weakness  of 
his  position  to  angle  for  a  friendly  compromise  which  at  heart 
he  was  far  from  desiring.  Brian  was  formally  invited  to  meet 
the  Governor  for  a  pacific  conference  at  Kells,  and  Brian  replied 
that  a  meeting  with  his  Lordship  would  be  the  highest  honour 
he  could  desire.  Accordingly,  in  April,  1574,  Essex,  accom- 
panied by  young  John  Norris,  set  out  for  the  try  sting-place. 
Nothing  could  have  been  humbler  or  more  flattering  than  the 
demeanour  of  the  Irish  Chief.  He  admitted  his  past  short- 
comings, made  humble  submission,  acknowledged  Essex's 
suzerainty,  and  formally  renounced  all  title  to  the  lands  of  North 
Clandeboye.*  A  letter  embodying  this  satisfactory  conclusion 
was  then  drafted,  signed  by  Brian  (with  some  assistance),  and 
forwarded  to  Elizabeth,  accompanied  by  a  special  recommenda- 
tion from  Essex  that  the  penitent  Chief  should  be  granted  a  full 
pardon  for  all  his  past  errors. 

*  Brian  McPhelim  to  Queen,  May,  1574.     See  also  Essex  to  Queen,  May,  1574, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  57 

Essex  was  delighted  with  the  success  of  his  diplomatic 
venture,  which  made  it  quite  clear  to  him  that  Sir  Thomas 
Smith  and  others  had  grievously  bungled  the  whole  affair,  and 
that  only  proper  tact  was  required  in  order  to  establish  friendly 
relations  all  round.  Sir  Peter  Carew,  who  had  been  sent  up  to 
Essex  to  act  as  his  Lieutenant  and  Counsellor,  warned  him 
against  undue  optimism  ;  but  the  new  Governor,  who  had  yet 
to  buy  his  experience  of  the  country,  was  not  to  be  discouraged, 
and  in  his  new  sense  of  security  relaxed  his  guard  upon  the  garri- 
son cattle.  This  was,  of  course,  exactly  what  Sir  Brian  had  been 
waiting  for,  and  he  at  once  swooped  down  and  carried  off  an 
entire  herd.  Essex's  fury  knew  no  bounds.  The  disillusion 
was  complete,  and  intensely  bitter  to  a  man  bred  in  the  school 
of  English  chivalry.  Never  again,  he  swore  in  his  wrath,  would 
he  put  faith  in  such  a  perfidious  people.  It  would  appear  that, 
after  his  first  outburst,  Essex  soon  settled  down  to  a  calmer 
frame  of  mind.  His  first  feeling  had  been  one  of  rage ;  his 
second  was  one  of  self-congratulation  that  he  had  made  his 
discovery  of  the  native  character  before  it  was  too  late  ;  "  for 
now,"  he  argued,  "  I  have  no  occasion  to  trust  the  Irish,  whereby 
I  might  have  been  more  abused  than  by  open  force.  .  .  .  My 
first  actions  showed  nothing  but  leniency,  plainness  and  an 
equal  care  of  both  nations  ;  my  next  shall  show  more  severity 
of  justice  abroad,  and  less  trust  at  home."* 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  some  of  Essex's  subsequent 
acts  may  be  explained,  though  they  can  never  be  excused,  by 
this  early  initiation  of  his  into  the  ways  of  the  country  ;  and 
indeed  it  is  clear,  from  the  above-quoted  fragment,  that  he  was 
bracing  himself  to  the  adoption  of  a  far  more  rigorous  policy 
than  he  had  contemplated  on  his  first  arrival.  In  the  search 
for  a  guiding  hand  from  among  those  who  had  experience  of 
the  country,  he  wrote  the  painful  story  of  his  troubles  to  the 
Dublin  Privy  Council.  "  The  Irish  cannot  judge  of  favour," 
he  peevishly  protested  in  commenting  on  the  catastrophe  that 
had  crowned  his  conciliatory  efforts.  From  what  we  know  of 
the  humour  of  the  Privy  Council  at  the  time  it  is  not  unreason- 
able to  assume  that  the  news  of  Essex's  discomfiture  did  not 
cause  them  unmixed  sorrow.  In  any  case,  we  may  be  sure  that 
the  Lord  Deputy  chuckled.  However,  fitting  sympathy  was 
expressed,  Brian  was  proclaimed  a  traitor,  and  a  price  of  £200 

*  Bagwell,  Vol.  II.,  p.  295. 


58  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

was  placed  on  his  head.*  Armed  with  this  proclamation,  Essex 
set  out  to  get  even  with  the  man  who  had  so  grievously  fooled 
him.  Brian  himself  wisely  kept  out  of  the  way,  but  Essex  had 
the  satisfaction  of  killing  100  of  his  people  and  recovering  400 
of  his  cattle.  Brian  retorted  by  forbidding  the  natives  to  bring 
any  supplies  into  Carrickfergus.  Fitzwilliam,  as  we  know,  had 
already  given  the  victuallers  a  hint  that  if  they  neglected  the 
Ulster  garrisons  their  shortcomings  would  not  be  viewed  un- 
favourably. With  hostile  influences  at  work  from  nominal 
friends  no  less  than  from  proclaimed  foes,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  the  shortage  of  food,  which  had  prevailed  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree  ever  since  the  arrival  of  Essex's  convoy,  soon 
became  very  acute  indeed.  Shortage  inevitably  necessitates 
the  use  of  improper  food,  which  in  its  turn  generates  disease. 
By  the  time  spring  was  reached  the  soldiers  were  dying  at  the 
rate  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty  a  day."!"  Under  the  strain  of 
hunger  and  sickness  they  became  mutinous  and  refused  active 
service.  Many  of  the  mounted  men  deliberately  lamed  their 
horses  so  as  to  avoid  being  called  out. 

Such  a  combination  of  adverse  conditions  thoroughly  dis- 
gusted Essex  with  his  headquarters.  He  complained  that  the 
Castle  had  very  few  rooms,  and  that  most  of  these  were  un- 
roofed by  fires  which  had  taken  place  at  one  time  or  another. 
The  town  was  very  unsanitary  and  had  no  common  harbour 
for  ships,  and,  he  added,  "  considering  that  near  unto  Belfast  is 
a  place  meet  for  a  corporate  town  armed  with  all  commodities 
and  a  principal  haven,  wood  and  good  ground,  and  a  place  of 
great  importance  for  service  ;  I  think  it  convenient  that  a  forti- 
fication be  made  there  at  the  spring."  He  further  suggested  the 
building  of  bridges  over  the  rivers  Lagan  and  Bann,  and  that 
Ligh  the  engineer  should  be  sent  over  to  construct  these.  With 
regard  to  his  four  hundred  adventurers,  his  scheme  provided 
that  these  should  build  Castles  all  the  way  along  the  coast  from 
Carrickfergus  to  the  Bann,  the  choice  of  situation  to  be  decided 
by  lot,  and  the  Castles  to  be  near  one  another  for  mutual  pro- 
tection, with  the  lands  pertaining  to  the  Castles  running  inland. 
He  added  the  further  suggestion  that  from  this  coast  scheme  the 
Glynns  (Carey)  should  be  excluded,  and  should  be  settled  by 

*  Essex  to  Privy  Council,  May,  1574. 
t  Essex  to  Burleigh,  May  13th,  1574. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  59 

Royal  grant  on  Sorley  Boy,  who  claimed — with  some  show  of 
justification — to  trace  back  his  title  to  the  marriage  in  1399  of 
his  ancestor,  John  Mor  McDonald,  to  Margery  Bissett,  the  then 
owner  of  the  lands.*  This  proposed  arrangement,  equitable 
though  it  may  have  been,  was  hardly  in  accordance  with  the 
principle  of  expelling  all  the  Scots,  to  which  Essex  had  bound 
himself  in  his  agreement  with  Tirlough  Luineach.  However, 
as  matters  turned  out,  it  was  the  only  part  of  the  proposed 
scheme  which  took  effect,  though  by  no  means  with  the  sanction 
or  approval  of  the  Queen.  Essex's  only  other  request  was 
that  he  might  have  the  custody  of  Hugh  McPhelim  (Sir  Brian's 
elder  brother)  and  of  Con  McNeil  Oge,  both  of  whom  were 
prisoners  at  the  time  in  Dublin  Castle.  This  last  was  equivalent 
to  a  request  for  money,  or  for  money's  worth,  for  imprisoned 
chiefs  were  always  exchangeable  for  cash,  and  were  indeed 
seldom  imprisoned  except  for  the  purpose  of  such  exchange. 
Fitzwilliam  could  hardly,  with  decency,  refuse  the  transfer, 
for  both  the  chiefs  very  clearly  belonged  to  Essex's  district, 
but  he  took  good  care  to  arrange — no  doubt  for  a  consideration 
-  for  Con  McNeil  Oge's  escape  before  the  transfer  could  be 
completed.  Hugh  McPhelim,  however,  passed  safely  into  the 
custody  of  the  Ulster  Governor.  Con's  escape  from  Dublin 
Castle  was,  beyond  all  question,  part  of  Fitzwilliam's  general 
plan  for  embarrassing  Essex  and  defeating  his  Plantation 
schemes,  and  no  doubt  Essex  read  it  as  such.  He  was  shrewd 
enough,  however,  to  turn  the  new  situation  as  far  as  possible 
to  his  own  advantage  in  the  following  way. 

The  sons  of  Phelim  Bacagh  had  been  assigned  the  lands 
of  North  Clandeboye  by  Croft  in  1555,  at  the  time  when  Hugh 
McNeil  Oge  (Con's  elder  brother)  had  been  killed  by  the  Scots, 
Con  at  the  same  time  being  assigned  South  Clandeboye  and 
Killultagh.  No  sooner,  however,  had  Con  disappeared  within 
the  walls  of  Dublin  Castle  than  Sir  Brian  coolly  annexed  the 
whole  of  his  lands,  and  held  them  by  the  primitive  argument 
of  the  sword.  In  the  outraged  and  dispossessed  Con  McNeil 
Oge,  then,  Essex  saw  a  convenient  instrument  of  destruction 
ready  to  his  hand.  No  sooner  was  the  foot  of  the  newly- 
released  chief  once  more  on  his  native  heath  than  Essex  came 
forward  with  a  proposal  to  reinstate  him  in  his  old  possessions, 
and  to  support  his  occupation  with  the  English  troops,  if  Con 
*  Hill's  "  McDonnells  of  Antrim." 


60  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

would  make  his  title  good  by  killing  Brian.  Nothing  could 
have  suited  Con  better,  and  he  closed  with  the  offer  without 
stopping  to  bargain.  The  opportunity  for  carrying  out  his 
side  of  the  agreement  soon  presented  itself,  for,  within  a  week, 
he  reported  to  Essex  that  he  had  reliable  information  to  the 
effect  that  Brian  was  meditating  a  raid  on  Carrickfergus. 
Nothing,  in  point  of  fact,  was  more  probable,  for  Essex  had 
long  since  wearied  of  the  short  supplies  and  discomforts  of 
C&rrickfergus,  and  had  transferred  himself  and  the  bulk  of 
his  troops  to  more  comfortable  quarters  at  Newry,  where  ample 
accommodation  had  been  left  vacant  by  Fitzwilliam's  with- 
drawal of  the  old  garrison.  The  Carrickfergus  townsmen, 
therefore,  were  very  nearly  as  defenceless  as  when  Smith  had 
left  them  without  a  garrison  two  years  before.  Con's  sug- 
gestion was  that  he  should  introduce  200  of  his  men  within 
the  town  precincts,  and  that,  when  Brian  incautiously  rode 
in,  under  the  delusion  that  he  had  only  a  few  unarmed  burghers 
to  deal  with,  Con  and  his  200  men  should  rise  up  and  fall  upon 
him. 

The  townsmen  were  delighted  with  the  idea,  for  the  thought 
of  Brian's  head  grinning  on  the  Castle  gate  was  inexpressibly 
sweet  to  them.  When  the  moment  arrived,  Con  and  his  men 
were  duly  introduced  and  distributed  about  in  the  various 
scattered  houses.  The  plan,  as  made  out,  was  an  admirable 
one,  the  only  flaw  in  it  being  that  Brian  did  not  come,  and 
in  all  probability  had  never  even  thought  of  coming.  Con, 
however,  had  by  his  well-considered  ruse,  gained  admission 
to  the  town,  and,  having  done  so,  had  no  intention  of  quitting 
before  he  had  made  the  most  of  such  good  things  as  were  to  be 
got  out  of  the  situation.  The  unfortunate  townsmen  were 
gradually  eaten  bare.  Seeing  no  hope  of  ever  getting  rid  of 
their  visitor,  they  managed  one  dark  night  to  let  a  horseman 
secretly  out  of  the  town,  who  galloped  to  Sorley  Boy,  at  Glen- 
arm,  with  the  offer  of  £20  in  wine,  silk  and  saffron,  if  he  would 
come  and  turn  the  intruder  out.  Sorley  Boy  did  not  need 
asking  twice,  and  the  very  next  day  rode  in  to  the  rescue,  but 
Con  had  somehow  got  the  news  of  his  approach,  and  he  and 
his  200  men  made  off  in  haste  before  the  Scots  arrived  on  the 
scene.* 
i£  The  next  experience  of  the  unfortunate  townsmen  was 

*  McSkimmin's  "  History  of  Carrickfergus." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  61 

less  happy,  and  dearly  they  must  have  longed  for  the  good 
Captain  Piers  and  his  protective  arm  to  be  once  more  among 
them.  The  calamity  which  overtook  them  was  this  :  Brian 
Ballough,  one  of  the  minor  brigand-chiefs  of  the  district,  came 
down  and  carried  off  an  entire  herd  of  cattle  which  the  towns- 
men had  recently  bargained  for  and  bought.  As  this  loss 
meant  the  renewal  of  the  very  serious  privations  which  they 
had  recently  undergone,  the  townsmen  sent  a  deputation  to 
Brian,  offering  him  their  only  marketable  commodities,  to  wit, 
wine,  silk  and  saffron,  as  a  ransom  for  their  cattle.  Brian 
Ballough  agreed  to  the  exchange,  and  the  goods  were  dispatched, 
but,  in  the  plaintive  language  of  the  unfortunate  townsmen, 
"  the  said  traitor  drank  the  same  wine,  and  received  the  same 
saffron  and  silk,  and  restored  not  one  of  the  cattle  back  again, 
but  cruelly  handled  the  poor  men  who  went  with  the  same 
to  him."** 

Walter,  Earl  of  Essex,  though  in  high  favour  with  the 
Queen,  proved  himself  little  better  fitted  to  deal  with  the 
native  chiefs  than  had  his  predecessor.  He  was  rash,  im- 
petuous and  high-handed,  and  he  was  guilty  of  the  fatal  error 
of  arguing  that  the  treacherous  practices  of  those  with  whom 
he  was  dealing  justified  him  in  having  recourse  to  the  same 
methods.  His  original  Plantation  scheme  had  foundered 
early  in  the  day,  owing  to  the  gradual  disillusionment  of  the 
unfortunate  adventurers.  These  found,  as  many  had  found 
before  them,  and  as  many  more  were  destined  to  find  in  later 
days,  that  the  state  of  affairs  in  Ireland  was  very  different 
from  what  they  had  been  given  to  understand  before  they 
sailed.  Instead  of  a  friendly  population  welcoming  an  influx 
of  capital  to  their  country,  they  found  the  natives  suspicious 
and  furtively  hostile.  The  recent  murders  of  Henry  Savage 
and  of  young  Tom  Smith  were  not  calculated  to  increase  their 
sense  of  security,  and  by  every  English-bound  ship  that  touched 
at  Carrickfergus  some  of  the  disappointed  adventurers  managed 
to  slip  away  from  the  perilous  country  to  which  they  had  been 
inveigled.  Others  shipped  down  to  the  Pale.  Already  the 
doom  of  the  proposed  settlement  was  sealed.  If  only  the 
Queen  had  listened  to  the  advice  of  Essex,  and  of  Sussex  before 
him,  and  had  made  friends  with  the  Scots,  and  officially  granted 
to  Sorley  Boy  the  peaceable  possession  of  the  Glynns,  all  might 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1578,  114 


62  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

have  beeri  Well.  The  new  adventurers  would  then  have  had 
the  advantage  of  a  powerful  ally  in  their  very  midst,  who 
would  have  been  of  inestimable  service  to  them  during  the 
construction  of  their  Castles.  So  obsessed,  however,  was 
Elizabeth  with  her  insensate  hatred  and  jealousy  of  every- 
thing pertaining  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  that  she  was  blind 
both  to  her  own  interests  and  to  those  of  her  unfortunate 
subjects  whom  she  had  persuaded  to  embark  on  the  Irish 
venture.  Her  natural  prejudices  were  strengthened  by  the 
advice  of  Captain  Piers,  at  that  time  over  in  England.  Piers 
was  interviewed  by  the  Queen,  and  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that 
there  was  a  conspiracy  between  Tir lough  Luineach's  wife, 
O'Donnell's  wife,  and  Sorley  Boy,  to  convert  Ulster  into  a 
Scotch  province.  This  view  was  shared  by  Sir  Nicholas  Maltby, 
another  veteran  seasoned  in  Irish  wars,  for  we  find  him  writing 
to  Leicester  as  late  as  1580  to  the  effect  that  Lady  Agnes  had 
it  in  her  mind  "  to  make  a  second  Scotland  of  Ulster."*  A 
certain  amount  of  colour  was  lent  to  these  stories  by  the  alarm- 
ing number  of  Highlanders  in  the  province  at  the  time.  They 
practically  represented  the  entire  fighting  strength  of  Ulster, 
and  each  chief's  power  was  mainly  gauged  by  the  number  of 
these  hardy  warriors  whom  he  could  afford  to  keep  in  his 
train.  Tirlough  Luineach's  wife,  Lady  Agnes,  was  now  said 
to  have  4,000  in  her  service — a  figure  which  may  safely  be 
halved.  Her  daughter,  Ineenduv,  now  the  wife  of  O'Donnell, 
had  disquieting  numbers  in  her  own  pay,  and  facilities  for 
adding  to  these  at  will.  The  above  were  chiefly  Campbells 
and  McLeans,  and  they  therefore  in  no  way  diminished  the 
reserves  of  the  McDonnells  in  Cantyre,  on  whom  Sorley  Boy 
could  draw  at  will.  All  the  potentialities  of  the  situation  were 
pointed  out  to  the  Queen,  who  decided — perhaps  not  un- 
naturally, but  most  unfortunately  as  it  turned  out — not  to 
sanction  the  grant  of  the  Glynns  to  Sorley  Boy.  By  this 
short-sighted  ultimatum  the  old  McDonnell  was  converted 
from  a  potential  ally  into  a  bitter  and  implacable  enemy,  and 
the  death-warrant  of  the  proposed  Plantation  scheme  was 
signed  and  sealed. 

Essex,  greatly  disappointed  at  the  failure  of  his  recommenda- 
tion, complained  with  perfect  justice  that  "  all  Ulster  was  now 
confederate  against  him,  and  there  was  a  common  voice  against 

*  Sir  N.  Maltby  to  Leicester,  Aug.  17th,  1580. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  68 

the  English  Plantation."*  The  Chieis,  in  justification  of 
their  unfriendly  attitude,  gave  out  that  the  enterprise  was 
not  for  the  Queen's  honour,  but  for  the  private  profit  of  Essex 
himself  (which  was  doubtless  true),  and  that  they  were  there- 
fore justified  in  opposing  it  by  all  means.  Essex  was  not 
even  the  Queen's  Deputy,  they  argued,  but  a  private  speculator 
bent  on  dispossessing  them  for  his  own  ends. 

*  Essex  to  Burleigh,  July  20th,  1573. 


CHAPTER   V 

Sidney  returns  to  Ireland — His  extraordinary  qualities — Essex  retires  to  Newry 
— Dismay  of  Sir  Nicholas  Bagenal — He  appeals  to  the  Privy  Council- 
Essex  moves  to  Drogheda — He  applies  for  grants  of  Farney  and  Magee 
Island — He  builds  a  bridge  over  the  Blackwater — Essex's  meeting  with 
Brian  McPhelim — Arrest  and  execution  of  Sir  Brian  and  Rory  Oge  McQuillin 
— Readjustment  of  the  Clandeboyes — Shane  McBrian  and  Neil  McHugh — 
Con  McNeil  Oge — Essex  abandons  Antrim — He  summons  Tirlough  Luin- 
each  to  Dundalk — Tirlough  Luineach  sends  Lady  Agnes — Her  good 
qualities — Essex  invades  Tyrone — His  alliance  with  Hugh  McManus — 
Con  McCalvagh's  refusal— Essex  arrests  him — Essex  invades  Coleraine — 
Is  defeated  by  Sorley  Boy  and  returns  to  Newry — Essex's  failure — His 
death — Suspicion  of  poison — Rathlin  Island  massacre — Sorley  Boy  attacks 
Carrickfergus — His  victory — Carrickfergus  appeals  to  Sidney — He  visits 
the  Glynns  and  restores  Rathlin  Island  to  Sorley  Boy — Description  of 
Carrickfergus. 

IN  September,  1575,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  replaced  Fitzwilliam 
as  Deputy.  "  He  found  Ireland  one  scene  of  warfare 
and  intestine  commotion — he  established  peace,  friendship 
and  charity  between  the  Kinnell-Connell  and  the  Kinnell- 
Eoghan,*  and  throughout  every  part  of  Ulster."  Such  was 
the  tribute  paid  to  Sidney  by  the  Four  Masters  on  the  occasion 
of  this,  his  third  appearance  in  Ireland  as  Deputy,  and  the 
tribute  was  not  altogether  unmerited.  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam 
had  filled  the  gap  during  his  absence,  and  that  unscrupulous 
politician  and  Essex,  between  them,  had  played  havoc  with 
the  peace  of  Ireland.  All  parties  agreed  that  Sidney,  and 
Sidney  alone,  was  the  man  who  could  set  things  straight  again. 
The  unanimity  of  opinion  on  this  point  is  most  remarkable, 
and^bears  testimony  to  the  extraordinary  qualities  of  this 
great  man.  Weston,  the  Chancellor,  in  a  treatise  on  the  general 
situation  in  Ireland  at  the  time  of  Essex's  ill-fated  Plantation 
scheme,  names  Sidney  as  the  only  official  of  the  day  that  the 
people  feared  or  respected.  Fenton,  the  permanent  Secre- 
tary, in  his  correspondence  with  the  London  Ministry,  went 
even  further  in  his  commendation.  "  Sir  Henry  Sidney,"  he 

*  Eoghan  and  Connell  were  the  twin  sons  of  Neil  Nayg  Yarragh,  Hence  we 
get  Tyr-Eoghan  (Tyrone)  and  Tyr-Connell.  Eoghan,  being  the  first-born,  was 
styled  O'Neil. 

64 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  65 

said,  "  is  mighty  and  popular  with  all  sorts  in  all  parts  of  Ire- 
land.    He  is  reverenced  as  the  patron  that  would  deliver  the 
country."*     From  the  military  section  of  the  administration 
we  get  a  continuation  of  the  eulogy.     "  Throughout  all  the 
land,"  Captain  Piers  writes  to  Walsingham,  "  Sir  Henry  Sidney 
is  the  man  most  desired,  and  that  for  peace  and  war  generally 
is  deemed  the  best."f     The  Queen  disliked  Sidney,  but  she 
was  shrewd  enough  to  see  the  necessity  for  subordinating  her 
personal  feelings  to  the  needs  of  the  situation.     Sidney,  for 
the  third  time,  was  sent  back  to  Ireland  to  repair  the  faults 
of  others,  but  too  late  to  prevent  the  mischief  which  had  already 
been  done.     The  country  was   indeed  in  a  very  lamentable 
state.     Sidney  was  the  last  man  to  make  any  reflections  on 
the  conduct  of  his  predecessor,  but  he  was  not  so  reticent  on 
the  subject  of  Essex  and  his  doings  in  the  North.     In  a  despair- 
ing complaint  to  Walsingham,  he  bewails  the  fact  that  "  the 
violent  and  intempestuous  proceedings  of  the  Earl  of  Essex  " 
had   overthrown   all   the  good   feeling   he   had   established   in 
Ulster  during  his  former  tenure  of  office.     Nor  was  this  an 
overstatement  of  the  case.     Essex  had  failed  to  make  a  single 
friend   in  Ulster.     His  biographers  represent  him  as  a  noble 
but  unfortunate  man,  and  it  may  well  be  that — judged  by  the 
standard  of  the  day — he  was  no  worse  than  others.     His  failure 
in  Ulster  was  due,  to  a  great  extent,  to  Fitzwilliam's  systematic 
hostility  to  a  scheme  which  threatened  to  interfere  with  his 
own  illicit  gains,  and  it  was  aggravated  by  ignorance  of  the 
country   and   of   the   ways   of   its   people.      He   succeeded   in 
arousing     the    antagonism    of   almost   every    chief    in    Ulster 
Tirlough  Luineach,  O'Cahan,  Brian  McPhelim,  and  the  newly- 
escaped  Con  McNeil  Oge,  Sorley  Boy,  the  other  branches  of 
the  McDonnells,  and  even  the  usually  friendly  Maguire,  were 
frankly   and    undisguisably    hostile.     O'Donnell,    being    in    no 
way  personally  affected,  looked  on  from  his  inaccessible  moun- 
tains with  contemptuous  indifference.     Only  Sir  Hugh  O'Reilly 
was  openly  friendly,  and  his  friendship  for  the  Ulster  Governor 
"  was  much  misliked  by  his  people,"  and  was  not  of  material 
value  to  Essex,  as  his  country  was  outside  the  scope  of  the 
Plantation  scheme. 

Essex  himself,  as  we  have  seen,  sickened  of  Carrickfergus 

*  Fenton  to  Walsingham,  Nov.  1581. 

t  Capt.  Piers  to  Walsingham,  April  llth,  1583. 


66  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

and  its  discomforts  at  a  very  early  date,  and  in  July  of  1574 
he  left  young  John  Norris  in  charge  of  the  Belfast  and  Carrick- 
fergus  garrisons,  and  quartered  himself  on  Sir  Nicholas  Bagenal 
at  Leicester  House,  Newry.  This  invasion  was  by  no  means 
to  the  taste  of  the  old  Marshal,  whose  official  salary  of  £300 
a  year  did  not  permit  of  protracted  entertainments,  and  in 
October  he  complained  very  gloomily  to  the  Privy  Council 
that  the  Governor  had  now  been  at  his  charge  for  three  full 
months,  and  showed  no  signs  of  shifting  his  quarters.*  The 
Privy  Council  replied,  in  effect,  that  God  helped  those  who 
helped  themselves,  and  the  Marshal,  taking  the  hint,  managed 
in  some  way  to  get  rid  of  his  pertinacious  guest,  who  thereupon 
shifted  his  quarters  to  Drogheda,  where  he  spent  much  of  his 
time  and  a  great  deal  of  money  on  improving  the  place.'j' 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Essex  had  come  to  Ireland 
without  some  idea  of  personal  land-acquisition  at  the  back  of 
his  mind.  The  settlement  of  the  country  with  law-abiding 
subjects,  though  presenting  a  sufficiently  pleasing  prospect 
to  the  idealist,  was  not  the  primary  object  for  which  Essex 
had  abandoned  all  his  English  interests  and  comforts.  He 
was  after  land,  and  the  profits  derivable  from  land.  It  was 
some  little  time  before  his  choice  of  localities  was  made. 
Curiously  enough,  the  present  prosperous  counties  of  Antrim, 
Down  and  Armagh  were  reckoned  of  little  agricultural  value 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  Essex's  selection  finally  fell 
upon  the  Barony  of  Farney,  J  in  the  south-eastern  corner  of 
County  Monaghan,  and  upon  the  tongue  of  land  on  the  east 
coast  of  Antrim  known  as  Magee  Island.  Farney  lay  some 
ten  miles  only  to  the  west  of  Newry,  and,  during  the  time  that 
Essex  was  quartered  on  the  Marshal,  he  spent  much  of  his 
time  in  riding  backwards  and  forwards  between  Newry  and 
his  prospective  property,  through  the  woods  of  the  intervening 
Fews.  Through  these  woods,  we  are  told  that,  in  order  to 
facilitate  his  coming  and  going,  he  caused  an  avenue  to  be 
cut  capable  of  accommodating  ten  horsemen  abreast.  § 

Though  personal  gain  was  naturally  Essex's  primary  object, 

*  Bagenal  to  Privy  Council,  Oct.  llth,  1574.  Essex  to  Privy  Council,  Oct. 
17th,  1574. 

f  Shirley's  "  History  of  Farney." 
J  Shirley's  "  History  of  Monaghan." 
§  Four  Masters. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  67 

he  cannot  be  fairly  accused  of  wholly  neglecting  the  national 
interests.  Two  acts  must  always  stand  to  his  credit.  One 
was  the  selection  of  Belfast  as  the  site  of  a  new  fort,  and  the 
other  was  the  building  of  a  bridge  over  the  Blackwater,  and 
the  permanent  establishment  of  a  fort  to  guard  the  main 
passage  into  central  and  western  Ulster.  The  first  bridge,  as 
built  by  Essex,  was  a  pontoon  bridge  with  a  stone  buttress 
at  each  end,  and  a  strong  fort  on  the  south-east  side.  It  was 
finished  in  July,  1575,  and  was  then  garrisoned  and  left  in 
charge  of  Captain  John  Cornwall.  The  strategic  importance 
of  this  place  was  very  great,  and  in  Tyrone's  subsequent  re- 
bellion it  was  the  one  spot  for  the  possession  of  which  both 
sides  ceaselessly  intrigued. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  balance  sheet  stands  one  very  bad 
act,  which  Essex's  most  ardent  apologists  have  failed  satis- 
factorily to  explain  away.  The  act  in  question  was  the  seizure 
and  execution  of  Brian  McPhelim  and  Rory  Oge  McQuillin, 
the  two  native  chiefs  who  at  the  moment  divided  up  between 
them  the  whole  of  Antrim,  with  the  exception  of  the  coast 
district  held  by  the  Scotch  McDonnells.  The  exact  facts 
surrounding  this  incident  must  always  remain  a  matter  of 
doubt,  owing  to  the  disconcerting  way  in  which  the  several 
accounts  vary.  In  the  "  Annals  of  Queen  Elizabeth  "  (Camden) 
it  is  stated  that  Brian  was  captured  in  an  engagement  in 
which  200  of  his  men  were  killed.  The  Four  Masters,  on  the 
other  hand,  give  the  following  very  different  story.  Brian 
and  his  wife  were  invited  to  meet  Essex  at  Massareene  under 
a  safe  conduct.  The  invitation  was  accepted,  and,  after  three 
days  and  nights  of  pleasant  feasting,  200  of  his  followers 
were  killed,  and  Brian  and  his  wife  were  treacherously  seized 
and  sent  to  Dublin,  where  they  were  cut  in  four  pieces.  The 
Records  of  Carrickfergus,  again,  say  that  Brian  McPhelim 
and  his  half-brother,  Rory  McQuillin,  were  arrested  at  Belfast 
and  executed  at  Carrickfergus.  The  main  points  of  difference 
between  the  Irish  and  English  versions  are  that  all  the  former 
insist  that  Brian  and  his  wife  were  executed  in  Dublin,  while 
the  English  records  place  the  execution  at  Carrickfergus,  and 
substitute  Rory  Oge  McQuillin  for  Brian's  wife.  Sir  Brian's 
wife  was  unquestionably  arrested  at  the  same  time  as  the  others, 
for  we  get  this  clearly  in  Essex's  letter  to  Sidney  of  November 
17th,  but  there  is  no  word  of  her  execution.  The  probability 

5* 


68  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

is  that  the  English  version  is  the  correct  one,  for,  had  Brian 
been  executed  in  Dublin,  the  responsibility  for  the  act  would 
clearly  have  rested  on  Sidney,  whereas  we  find  Essex  at  great 
pains  to  justify  himself  in  the  matter.  Apart  from  this  error, 
and  apart  from  the  optimistic  estimate  of  the  feast's  duration, 
the  Four  Masters'  account  seems  to  be  near  enough  to  the 
truth.  Both  sides  came  to  the  meeting-place  with  consider- 
able forces  and  in  evident  distrust  of  one  another.  Essex  had 
with  him  his  Belfast  garrison  under  John  Norris,  Nicholas 
Maltby,  the  Governor  of  Lecale,  with  as  many  of  his  men 
as  he  could  spare,  and  the  Baron  of  Dungannon  in  command 
of  some  of  the  Marshal's  men.  The  latter' s  presence  with 
Essex  was  anything  but  a  happy  augury  of  peace,  for  he  had 
just  divorced  Sir  Brian's  daughter  in  order  to  marry  Joan 
O'Donnell.  Whether  Con  McNeil  Oge  accompanied  Essex 
or  not  we  do  not  know,  but,  if  such  was  the  case,  much  that 
subsequently  happened  can  be  explained,  for  he  and  Sir  Brian 
were  enemies  to  the  death. 

Brian  on  his  side  had,  at  any  rate,  not  less  than  200  men 
with  him,  for  both  sides  agree  as  to  the  number  of  his  casualties. 
Whether  there  was  any  feasting  or  not  is  doubtful,  but  the 
initial  proceedings  were  most  certainly  friendly  on  the  sur- 
face, for  Essex  justifies  his  action,  in  giving  the  signal  to 
attack,  by  the  claim  that  he  had  discovered  a  plot  of  Brian's 
to  murder  Maltby  in  the  same  way  that,  on  a  previous  occa- 
sion, he  had  murdered  a  certain  Mr.  Moore  during  a  friendly 
parley,  and  that  in  taking  the  initiative  he  was  merely  fore- 
stalling the  other  side.  Such  purely  ex  parte  statements  are 
not  easy  to  substantiate,  and  in  Irish  minds,  at  any  rate, 
Essex's  name  will  for  ever  be  associated  with  an  act  of  base 
treachery.  In  the  purely  historical  mind,  a  reasonable  sus- 
picion of  the  Governor's  bona  fides  is  not  lessened  by  the 
reflection  that  the  two  chiefs  executed  were  at  the  moment 
the  native  lords  ruling  over  the  lands  he  was  proposing  to 
colonize.* 

Brian  McPhelim  and  Rory  Oge  McQuillin  were  executed  in 

*  McQuillin's  country  was  in  the  present  Barony  of  Kilconway.  Originally 
the  Route  district  lying  to  the  north  of  Kilconway  had  all  been  McQuillin's 
property,  but  the  McDonnells  had  gradually  pushed  the  original  owners  south 
as  they  themselves  became  stronger.  The  actual  boundaries  dividing  the  two 
countries  were  never  of  a  permanent  character,  but  fluctuated  continually  in 
sympathy  with  the  respective  strength  at  the  moment  of  the  McDonnells  and 
the  McQuillins. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  60 

June,  1575.  Sir  Brian  left  a  son  known  as  Shane  McBrian, 
and  a  nephew  known  as  Neil  McHugh,  and  these  two  at  once 
started  contending  for  the  dead  man's  lands  in  North  Clande- 
boye — a  contest  which  they  kept  up  without  intermission,  and 
with  ebb  and  flow  results,  for  over  twenty  years.  In  South 
Clandeboye,  and  in  the  vaguely-bounded  districts  that  sur- 
rounded it,  Sir  Brian's  death  left  the  way  clear  for  the  return 
of  Con  McNeil  Oge  to  the  home  of  his  ancestors.  Even  here, 
however,  his  reinstatement  was  not  effected  without  the  appear- 
ance on  the  scene  of  a  rival  claimant  in  the  shape  of  Brian 
Feartagh,  or  rather  of  his  more  ambitious  and  energetic  son, 
Neil  McBrian  Feartagh.  Con,  however,  was  the  stronger 
both  in  native  following  and  in  Government  support,  and 
Neil  McBrian  had  to  wait  another  fifteen  years  before  his 
opportunity  came.  When  it  did  come,  his  triumph  was  com- 
plete, for  he  managed  to  capture  Con  (at  that  time  an  outlaw), 
hand  him  over  to  the  Government  and  triumphantly  step 
into  his  place. 

The  three  new  landlords  of  the  Clandeboyes,  Shane  McBrian, 
Neil  McHugh  and  Con  McNeil  Oge,  though  they  were  very 
clear  gainers  by  the  death  of  Sir  Brian,  were  by  no  means  at 
ease  in  their  newly-acquired  possessions,  for  the  reflection  not 
unnaturally  came  to  them  that  they,  in  their  turn,  might  be 
sacrificed  as  their  predecessor  had  been,  in  order  to  clear  the 
way  for  Essex's  Plantation  scheme.  Out  of  this  reflection, 
and  out  of  the  fears  that  it  gave  rise  to,  grew  a  very  deadly 
hatred  of  the  Earl  of  Essex.  Whether  Essex  realized  the  full 
intensity  of  this  feeling  is  not  clear,  but  he  could  hardly  have 
failed  to  grasp  the  one  point  which  most  closely  affected  him 
personally,  which  was  that,  in  place  of  the  two  local  chiefs 
whom  he  had  done  to  death,  there  had  risen  up,  hydra-like, 
three  others  equally  crafty,  equally  irreconcilable,  and  equally 
determined  to  frustrate  his  schemes  by  any  means  fair  or  foul. 
Nor  did  the  clouds  on  the  horizon  end  there,  for  he  was  now 
beginning  to  understand  that,  even  should  he  succeed  in  getting 
rid  of  the  three  new  land-chiefs,  others  with  equally  strong 
credentials  would  at  once  rise  up  in  their  place,  and  carry  on 
the  war  against  the  introduction  of  English  settlers.  Essex 
began  to  weary  of  his  undertaking.  He  recognized  by  now 
that  he  was  too  well  hated  to  carry  it  through  by  popular  agree- 
ment, and  too  weak  to  force  it  through  with  the  sword.  His 


70  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

interest  in  the  larger  undertaking,  too,  seems  to  have  waned 
in  exact  ratio  to  the  successful  progress  of  his  private  property 
schemes.  He  had  served  himself  better  than  he  had  served 
his  Queen ;  and,  content  with  this  conclusion,  he  definitely 
abandoned  all  idea  of  introducing  English  blood,  and  deter- 
mined to  utilize  the  unexpired  portion  of  his  two  years'  grant 
in  pushing  his  interests  in  the  wider  fields  of  western  Ulster. 

His  first  step  in  this  new  direction  was  to  invite  Tirlough 
Luineach  to  come  into  Newry  and  parley,  but  that  cautious 
chieftain — with  Brian  McPhelim's  recent  fate  before  his  eyes 
— declined  the  honour,  and  prudently  sent  his  wife  instead. 
Lady  Agnes,  a  highly  cultured  lady,  who  could  speak  with 
equal  fluency  in  Gaelic,  English  or  French,  made  a  marked 
impression  on  Essex,*  who  described  her  as  "  a  wise  and  civil 
[civilized]  woman,  and  a  great  instrument  for  peace."  Bagenal, 
who  was  present  at  the  interview,  was  no  less  struck,  and  wrote 
her  down  "  a  very  nobell  wyse  woman."  The  main  condition 
which  Essex  tried  to  impose  on  this  "  nobell  wyse  woman  " 
was  that  Tirlough  Luineach  should  reduce  the  number  of  his 
mercenary  Scots  to  300,  and  that  these  must  be  Camp- 
bells or  McLeans,  and  in  no  case  McDonnells.  Lady  Agnes, 
without  giving  any  definite  undertaking  on  the  part  of  her 
lord,  said  she  would  do  her  best,  and  so  departed,  Tirlough 
Luineach  being  given  ten  days  in  which  to  make  his  decision. 
It  would  be  interesting  to  know  exactly  what  passed  between 
husband  and  wife  in  the  privacy  of  Dunalong  Castle,  and 
whether  Lady  Agnes  was  really  the  "  well-wisher  for  peace  " 
that  she  appeared  to  be.  If  so,  her  influence  was  not  equal 
to  her  intentions,  for  Tirlough  Luineach  stoutly  declined  to 
yield  to  Essex's  terms,  pointing  out,  with  some  show  of  reason, 
that  his  compliance  would  lay  him  open  to  attack  and  ruin 
at  the  hands  of  O'Donnell  and  other  hostile  neighbours.  Such 
excuses  had  no  interest  whatever  for  Essex,  who — on  the  pre- 
text that  Tirlough  Luineach  had  defied  the  Queen's  mandate 
— now  set  out  on  one  of  the  customary  punitive  expeditions 
into  Tyrone.  He  had  the  satisfaction  of  crossing  the  Black- 
water  by  his  own  new  bridge,  by  this  time  sufficiently  com- 
pleted to  allow  of  the  passage  of  his  troops,  and  from  that 
point  to  Clogher  he  conformed  with  tradition,  and  at  the  same 
time  registered  his  displeasure  at  Tirlough  Luineach' s  obstinacy, 
*  Hill's  "  McDonnells  of  Antrim." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  71 

by  destroying  all  the  corn-stacks  he  could  find.  At  Clogher 
he  called  a  halt,  and  from  there  made  a  successful  raid  south 
into  Fermanagh,  and  carried  off  400  of  Maguire's  cattle, 
with  which  welcome  provision  for  his  troops  he  went  on  to 
Omagh,  where  he  encamped.  Here  Tirlough  Luineach  put 
in  a  sudden  appearance  with  a  force  of  800  men  and  attacked 
the  camp,  but  the  attack  failed,  and  Tirlough  Luineach  him- 
self only  narrowly  escaped  capture  by  leaving  behind  his  horse 
and  mantle,  and  plunging  into  the  dense  oak  woods  with  which 
Omagh  was  then  surrounded.*  From  Omagh  the  army  con- 
tinued its  march,  without  further  incident,  down  the  left  bank 
of  the  Mourne  as  far  as  Lifford.  Here  the  O'Donnell  appeared 
on  the  scene  with  200  horse  and  300  gallowglasses,  but  his 
intentions  were  not  hostile,  for  he  was  on  anything  but  friendly 
terms  at  the  moment  with  Tirlough  Luineach,  and  saw  in  the 
advent  of  the  Government  force  possibilities  for  pushing  his 
own  parochial  fortunes.  Con  McCalvagh,  too,  came  out  of 
Lifford  Castle,  of  which  he  had  resumed  occupation  after 
Shane's  death,  and  the  three  conferred  together,  while  Essex's 
force  was  revictualling  from  two  ships  which  had  been  sent 
round  from  Carrickfergus  to  the  Foyle,  and  which  now  lay 
half-way  between  Deny  and  Lifford.  Essex  suggested  to  the 
two  O'Donnells  that  they  should  join  him  against  Tirlough 
Luineach,  holding  out  the  usual  inducements  in  the  way  of 
material  advantages  to  be  gained. 

In  Donegal,  at  the  time  of  Essex's  visit,  the  struggle  for  the 
ascendancy  between  the  house  of  Hugh  McManus  and  the 
house  of  Calvagh  was  still  in  full  vigour,  and  indeed  was  destined 
to  outlive  the  century.  In  this  struggle  Con  had  the  influence 
and  effective  support  of  his  father-in-law,  Tirlough  Luineach, 
between  whom  and  himself  there  was  a  lasting  and  sincere 
affection.  When,  therefore,  Essex  suggested  to  Hugh  that 
he  should  join  him  against  Tirlough  Luineach,  he  was  putting 
forward  a  proposition  which  there  was  no  need  to  make  twice. 
Hugh  embraced  the  offer  with  avidity.  With  Con,  however, 
it  was  quite  another  matter.  He  was  asked  not  only  to  fight 
against  his  father-in-law,  but  against  the  man  who  had  been, 
and  still  was,  his  consistent  supporter  in  his  claims  to  the  lands 
of  Donegal.  The  suggestion  was  a  preposterous  one,  and  he 
very  stoutly  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  it. 

*  Waterhouse  to  Burleigh,  June,  1575. 


72 

Essex  could  hardly  have  expected  any  other  reply,  but  he 
expressed  great  indignation,  had  the  unfortunate  Con  at  once 
arrested,  and  sent  him  to  Dublin  as  a  prisoner.  This  very 
questionable  act  was  undoubtedly  prompted  by  Hugh 
O'Donnell,  who  had  always  coveted  Lifford,  and  who  seized 
upon  the  Castle  and  all  his  nephew's  cattle  the  moment  the 
latter  was  safely  out  of  the  way.  In  fact,  it  is  more  than  likely 
that  Con's  arrest  was  one  of  the  conditions  on  which  Hugh 
agreed  to  join  Essex  against  Tirlough  Luineach,  and  in  any 
other  schemes  which  he  might  have  in  the  north.  It  is  satis- 
factory to  be  able  to  record  that  Con  was  well  treated  in  Dublin, 
and  very  soon  effected  his  escape,  after  which  he  hid  about  in 
the  woods  till  Sidney  sent  him  his  pardon  after  Essex's  death 
in  the  autumn. 

Essex  and  his  new  ally  did  no  fighting  in  Tyrone,  for  the 
wary  Tirlough  Luineach  could  not  be  induced  to  accept  battle. 
"  The  Irish,"  Essex  complained  to  the  Privy  Council  in  great 
disgust,  "  will  never  show  fight,  except  upon  great  advantage 
of  numbers  and  position."*  Tirlough  Luineach  probably  had 
his  own  reasons  for  avoiding  a  direct  encounter.  He  was 
never  of  a  provocative  nature,  and  his  own  common  sense,  as 
well  as  that  of  his  wife,  must  have  warned  him  that  he  had 
everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain  by  a  pitched  battle,  no 
matter  what  the  issue  might  be.  Essex,  however,  was  dis- 
appointed and  contemptuous,  and,  wearying  after  a  time  of 
crowing  ceaseless  challenges  which  were  never  taken  up,  he 
turned  his  back  on  the  invisible  Tirlough  Luineach,  and,  after 
burning  as  much  of  his  corn  as  he  could  find,  passed  on  into 
Coleraine.  The  alliance  with  O'Donnell  had  proved  in  the 
end  of  no  value  whatever  to  Essex,  but  of  considerable  value 
to  the  crafty  Celt,  who  had  not  only  got  possession  of  Lifford, 
but  had  managed  as  well  to  spirit  away  into  the  wilds  of  Donegal 
the  great  bulk  of  Con's  cattle,  though  his  bargain  with  Essex 
had  been  that  the  latter  should  have  the  cattle,  while  O'Donnell 
had  the  land  and  Castles.  Essex  chafed  bitterly  over  this 
fresh  proof  of  native  infidelity,  but  he  was  too  wise  to  attempt 
the  hopeless  task  of  pursuing  his  false  ally  into  the  impene- 
tratable  bogs  and  morasses  of  Donegal.  He  contented  himself 
with  burning  everything  that  he  could  find  to  burn,  and  then 
set  his  face  eastwards.  No  adventures  seem  to  have  befallen 
*  Cal.  State  Papers.  Essex  to  Privy  Council,  1573. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  78 

him  in  Coleraine,  and  he  was  just  preparing  to  cross  the  Bann 
into  the  McDonnell's  country  when  his  appetite  for  battle 
was  assuaged — though  not  in  the  way  he  anticipated — by  an 
encounter  with  Sorley  Boy,  in  which  Essex  had  so  decidedly 
the  worst  of  it  that  he  was  forced  to  abandon  all  idea  of  cross- 
ing the  river  and  asserting  his  authority  in  the  Route,  and  had 
to  return  to  Newry  via  the  left  bank  of  the  Bann  and  the 
western  shore  of  Lough  Neagh. 

Essex's  two  years'  grant  had  now  expired,  and  he  had  no 
wish  to  renew  it.  The  whole  enterprise  had  proved  a  dismal 
failure,  and  had  practically  ruined  its  originator,  who  had  lost 
everything  in  the  venture  except  the  favour  of  the  Queen, 
who — in  spite  of  everything — still  appraised  him  as  "  a  rare 
treasure  and  the  principal  ornament  of  her  nobility."*  Pre- 
suming upon  his  one  remaining  asset,  he  crossed  over  to  England, 
and  there  put  in  a  personal  application  for  a  confirmation  of 
his  grant  of  Farney,  and  for  the  additional  grant  of  Magee 
Island  off  the  east  coast  of  Antrim.  Both  applications  were 
granted,  and,  with  the  patents  in  his  pocket,  he  landed  again 
in  Ireland  on  July  22nd,  1576,  and  made  for  Dublin,  where 
for  three  weeks  he  was  the  guest  of  Loftus,  the  Chancellor. 
On  August  10th  he  set  out  from  the  capital  to  meet  Sidney, 
who  was  returning  from  a  visit  to  Connaught,  and  together 
the  two  rode  back  to  Dublin.  On  the  following  day  Essex 
was — by  the  Queen's  command — invested  by  the  Deputy  with 
the  commission  of  Earl  Marshal  of  Ireland  for  the  remainder 
of  his  life.  His  tenure  of  this  office  was  unhappily  short. 
A  week  after  his  investiture  he  was  taken  ill  of  dysentery,  and 
on  September  22nd  he  died,  after  writing  a  touching  letter 
to  the  Queen,  in  which  he  commended  his  ten-year-old  son  Robert 
to  her  tender  care.f 

Essex  was  thirty-six  years  of  age  when  he  died.  It  was 
supposed  by  some — and  more  especially  by  his  secretary,  Sir 
Edward  Waterhouse — that  he  had  been  poisoned  at  the  insti- 
gation of  Leicester,  who  certainly  married  the  widow  with 
most  indecent  haste  ;  but  the  evidence  against  Leicester  is 
not  convincing,  and  we  may  reasonably  assume  that  Essex's 
death  was  a  natural  one.  Essex's  last  act  was  his  worst,  and 
though  it  was  not  carried  out  under  his  direct  eye,  it  is  fully 

*  Queen  to  Essex,  April  llth,  1575. 
f  Shirley's  "  History  of  Monaghan." 


74  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

established  that  he  gave  exact  instructions  to  his  Lieutenant 
as  to  the  procedure  to  be  followed.  There  is  more  than  a 
suspicion  that  the  whole  revolting  business  was  undertaken 
partly  to  avenge  his  recent  discomfiture  at  the  hands  of  Sorley 
Boy  on  the  Bann,  and  partly  to  minimize  in  the  Queen's  mind 
the  barrenness  of  his  Ulster  performances. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  by  a  very  clear  breach  of  faith 
on  the  part  of  the  Queen,  Rathlin  Island  had  been  included  in 
the  schedule  of  lands  which  Essex  was  commissioned  to  plant 
with  English  settlers.  When  Essex  returned  south  after  his 
abortive  expedition  into  Tyrone  and  Coleraine,  he  left  orders 
with  John  Norris,  the  Constable  of  Belfast,  to  proceed  north, 
with  300  foot  and  80  horse,  and  inflict  all  the  injury  possible 
on  Sorley  Boy  and  his  belongings.  In  conformity  with  these 
instructions  Norris  set  out  in  July,  1575,  with  three  English 
frigates  in  attendance.  The  co-operation  of  the  frigates  put 
completely  out  of  court  any  question  of  successful  opposition 
on  the  sea  coast,  and  Sorley  Boy,  "  with  all  his  gentlemen,"* 
withdrew  to  Brian  Carragh's  country  in  Loughinshollin,  on  the 
fringe  of  Glenconkein,  while  the  wives  and  children  of  the 
settlement  were  sent  across  to  Rathlin  Island.  Norris,  contrary 
to  Sorley  Boy's  expectations,  paid  no  attention  to  the  male 
members  of  the  clan,  but  concentrated  all  his  efforts  on  the 
Island.  Boats  from  his  frigates  conveyed  his  troops  across 
the  five  miles  of  water,  and  a  landing  was  effected  on  July  22nd. 
Three  days  were  then  spent  in  bombarding  the  Castle,  following 
which  an  assault  was  launched,  in  the  course  of  which  the 
Constable  of  the  Castle  was  killed,  but  the  attack  was  beaten 
off.  The  garrison  of  40  men  then  called  for  a  parley,  and 
the  Captain  in  command  came  out  and  asked  that  they  should 
all  be  put  across  to  Scotland.  This  was  refused,  and  finally 
the  inmates  of  the  Castle  to  the  number  of  200,  80  per  cent, 
of  whom  were  women  and  children,  came  out  unconditionally, 
and  were  all  butchered  out  of  hand,  except  the  Captain,  his 
wife  and  children.^  The  soldiers  then  hunted  the  island, 
which  is  five  miles  long  by  a  mile  in  breadth,  and  from  caves 
and  rocks  dragged  out  400  more  of  the  McDonnell  women  and 
children,  all  of  whom  were  massacred. 

Essex  in  his  triumphant  report  of  the  total  extermination  of 

*  Essex  to  Walsingham,  July  81st,  1575. 

t  Carew  MSS.     Essex  to  Queen,  July  31st,  1575. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  75 

the  Scotch  population  of  the  island,  says  that  Sorley  Boy  from 
the  mainland  was  a  witness  of  the  bloody  work  "  and  was  like 
to  have  run  mad  with  sorrow,"*  which  in  the  circumstances 
is  not  surprising. 

The  Rathlin  Island  massacre  is  the  blackest  spot  in  Elizabeth's 
administration  of  Ulster.  It  was  an  act  of  barbarism  for  which 
there  was  no  shadow  of  justification.  By  the  terms  of  the 
arrangement  entered  into  with  Captain  Piers,  the  island  had 
been  definitely  assigned  to  Sorley  Boy,  in  consideration  of 
his  evacuating  the  mainland  for  six  months.  He  had  evacuated 
it  for  four  years,  in  order  that  the  English  Plantation  scheme 
might  have  a  fair  trial.  When  this  had  finally  been  proved 
a  failure  he  had  returned,  not  in  any  spirit  of  aggression  against 
the  English,  for — as  we  have  seen — he  had  been  of  signal  ser- 
vice to  the  Carrickfergus  garrison  in  an  emergency,  but  with  the 
idea  of  once  more  peaceably  occupying  the  lands  which  were 
his  by  inheritance. 

The  Rathlin  Island  incident  seems  at  the  time  to  have  excited 
neither  horror  nor  even  adverse  criticism.  The  Queen,  in 
fact,  highly  commended  Norris  for  his  conduct  of  the  affair  ; 
nor  do  we  read  that  Essex's  dying  hours  (during  which  he  gave 
evidence  of  a  high  standard  of  piety)  were  in  the  smallest  degree 
disturbed  by  the  ghosts  of  his  innocent  victims.  Loftus  wrote 
to  Burleigh  :  "  If  my  judgment  be  anything,  there  hath  been 
seldom  more  true  honour  and  virtue  put  in  any  nobleman 
than  is  in  him."  Sorley  Boy's  opinion,  however,  was  other- 
wise. Essex  himself  was  beyond  the  reach  of  his  vengeance, 
but  his  instrument,  John  Norris,  was  not :  for  he  and  most  of 
the  troops  that  had  taken  part  in  the  Rathlin  Island  expedition 
were  in  Carrickfergus.  On  the  6th  September,  i.e.,  just  six 
weeks  after  the  massacre,  Sorley  Boy,  at  the  head  of  a  force 
mainly  composed  of  the  fathers,  brothers  and  sons  of  the  Island 
victims,  was  responsible  for  a  deed  of  extraordinary  and, 
indeed,  of  unprecedented  daring.  For  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  Ireland  a  strong  English  garrison  was  assaulted  in 
its  own  fortress.  Animated  with  an  intense  fury  at  the  thought 
of  the  butchery  of  their  wives  and  children,  the  McDonnells 
hurled  themselves  against  the  ramparts  of  Carrickfergus.  The 
garrison  consisted  of  Captain  John  Norris's  and  Captain  Baker's 
companies,  both  of  which  had  taken  part  in  the  massacre. 

*  Essex  to  Walsinpham,  July  31st,  1575. 


?6  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

In  addition  to  these,  Captain  Maekworth,  who  was  Constable 
at  the  time,  armed  all  the  able-bodied  townsmen,  and  made 
them  line  the  ramparts  alongside  of  the  regulars.  They  required 
little  persuasion,  for  no  one  had  any  illusions  as  to  the  fate 
that  awaited  all  if  Sorley  Boy  broke  through.  A  most  desperate 
battle  ensued.  The  Scots  failed  to  actually  penetrate  the 
town,  but  the  Dublin  Privy  Council  had  to  admit  that  the 
victory  was  theirs.  Captain  Baker,  and  no  fewer  than  100 
of  the  regulars  were  killed,  and  sixteen  of  the  armed  civilians, 
including  those  prominent  citizens,  Webster  Elderton  and  Jeffory 
Graf  ton.*  The  material  losses  of  the  garrison  were  also  very 
serious,  for  in  his  retirement  Sorley  Boy  managed  to  carry  off 
with  him  everything  on  four  legs  that  the  town  possessed. 

After  the  above  bloody  fight  at  Carrickfergus,  Sorley  Boy 
sulkily  withdrew  to  the  Glynns,  and  from  that  rocky  retreat 
plotted,  and  indeed  openly  threatened,  fresh  reprisals  against 
the  murderers  of  his  women-folk.  Carrickfergus,  shaken  to 
its  foundations  by  the  ferocity  of  the  recent  assault,  was  ner- 
vous and  uneasy.  Only  too  acutely  did  the  townspeople  realize 
that  their  lives  and  all  their  belongings  hung  in  the  balance. 
Prompt  action  of  one  kind  or  another  seemed  urgently  called 
for.  Only  one  man  in  Ireland,  however,  was  capable  of  dealing 
with  the  situation.  Everyone  recognized  that.  The  one  man 
was  Sidney.  Sidney  had  only  just  landed  on  Irish  soil,  but  the 
very  first  call  upon  his  remarkable  powers  was  from  the  fright- 
ened men  of  Carrickfergus.  Would  he  come,  they  pleaded, 
and  pacify  the  outraged  Sorley  Boy  ?  Sidney  recognized  the 
seriousness  of  the  situation,  and  at  once  set  out  for  the  north 
with  the  absurdly  inadequate  force  of  600  foot,  hurriedly 
collected.  He  reached  the  Glynns  early  in  October,  and  at  once 
summoned  Sorley  Boy  to  come  before  him  and  explain  his 
recent  conduct.  Nothing  could  be  more  eloquent  of  Sidney's 
extraordinary  personality,  or  of  the  calming  influence  of  his 
anachronous  sense  of  fair  play,  than  the  result  of  this  inter- 
view with  Sorley  Boy.  The  Scot  who,  in  the  passes  of  his 
own  rocky  and  wooded  Glynns,  could  probably  have  crushed 
Sidney's  little  force  without  difficulty,  was  soothed  into  tame- 
ness  by  the  mere  rumour  of  his  approach.  Sidney  found  him 
reasonable  and  submissive,  but  still  chafing  bitterly  over  the 
Rathlin  affair,  in  which  he  complained  that  some  of  his  own 

*  McSkimmin's  "  History  of  Carrickfergus." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  77 

children  had  been  killed.  Sidney  was  by  no  means  insensible 
to  the  justice  of  the  old  chief's  grievance,  and  he  gave  sub- 
stantial proof  of  his  sympathy  by  at  once  withdrawing  the 
Rathlin  garrison  and  handing  the  island  back  to  Sorley  Boy. 
In  order  to  justify  this  rather  revolutionary  action  in  high 
quarters,  he  invented  the  excuse  that  the  island  had  no  fresh- 
water. As  a  matter  of  fact  it  abounds  in  excellent  springs. 

Having  in  thfs  way  smoothed  over  the  main  trouble,  Sidney 
then  went  on  to  the  Route,  where,  as  a  part  of  the  arrange- 
ment which  had  been  come  to  with  Sorley  Boy,  he  turned  that 
chief's  eldest  son,  Donald  Gorm,  out  of  some  of  the  McQuillin's 
lands  on  which  he  had  recently  encroached.  This  done,  he 
turned  south  again,  and  on  his  return  journey  visited  Carrick- 
fergus.  In  view  of  the  late  peril  which  had  threatened  the 
entire  community,  the  Deputy  made  a  thorough  inspection 
of  the  town  defences.  The  town,  as  it  then  stood,  was  in  the 
form  of  a  triangle,  with  the  old  Abbey  of  St.  Francis — at  that 
time  rechristened  the  "  Palace,"  and  converted  into  a  common 
storehouse — forming  the  north-east  corner.  So  demoralized 
were  the  inhabitants  by  the  various  attacks  of  the  past  three 
years,  that  Sidney  found  only  five  families  of  repute  still 
remaining.  The  turf  rampart  which  surrounded  the  town  had 
in  many  places  crumbled  away,  and  was  in  any  case  a  most 
inadequate  defence  against  the  attacks  of  a  strong  and  deter- 
mined enemy.  Sidney  promised  that  he  would  have  it  replaced 
by  a  stone  wall.*  Buoyed  up  by  this  promise,  and  by  Sidney's 
report  of  his  compromise  with  Sorley  Boy,  the  townsmen  re- 
covered their  confidence,  and  we  learn  that,  within  two  years 
of  Sidney's  visit,  the  population  had  risen  once  more  to  200. 
The  town  by  that  time  owned  40  fishing  boats  and  60  ploughs. 
There  were  two  market  days  a  week  to  which  ships  came  from 
England,  Scotland,  the  Isle  of  Man  and  France,  the  latter 
bringing  good  Gascony  wine,  a  hogshead  of  which  the  mer- 
chants were  glad  to  barter  for  eight  good  cowhides.  Local 
trade  also  revived  now  that  Smith's  foolish  restrictions  had  been 
removed,  as  a  result  of  which  fat  beeves  were  brought  in  from 
the  country  round  which  fetched  6s.  8d.  a  head,  as  well  as 
numbers  of  eggs,  of  which  20  could  be  bought  for  a  penny.f 

*  McSkimmin's  "  History  of  Carrickfergus." 

f  Sidney  to  YValsingham,  March  1583.     By  1397  the  price  of  beeves  had  risen 
to  26s.  8d!  a  head. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Tirlough  Luineach  assists  McQuillin  and  kills  Donald  Gorm  —  He  is  reproved 
by  Sidney  —  Applies  for  title  of  Earl  of  Omagh  —  Con  McCalvagh  —  Sidney 
restores  his  lands  —  O'Donnell's  arrears  of  rent  —  McMahon  and  Magennis  — 
The  O'Neil's  objections  to  the  minor  chiefs  paying  rent  to  the  Crown- 
Sidney  leaves  Ireland  for  ever  —  Drury  appoints  Deputy  —  He  summons 
Tirlough  Luineach  to  the  Blackwatcr  —  Dungannon  puts  away  his  wife 
and  marries  Tirlough  Luineach's  daughter. 


had  established  Sorley  Boy  in  the  possession  of 
Rathlin  Island,  but  he  had,  at  the  same  time,  turned 
his  eldest  son,  Donald  Gorm,  out  of  the  southern  part  of  the 
Route  in  favour  of  the  McQuillins,  who  had  undoubtedly  the 
older  title  to  the  land.  Donald  Gorm,  as  may  be  supposed 
was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  this  judgment,  and  the  Deputy's 
back  had  hardly  been  turned  before  he  began  gently  pushing 
the  McQuillins  out  again.  These  in  turn  appealed  to  Tirlough 
Luineach,  who,  in  response,  came  across  the  Bann  and  settled 
the  dispute  by  the  old-fashioned  but  effective  expedient  of 
killing  Donald  Gorm  and  a  goodly  number  of  his  followers. 
This  was  hardly  in  itself  an  offence  of  the  first  magnitude, 
for  —  as  Tirlough  Luineach  justly  pointed  out  —  he  was  merely 
enforcing  the  land  boundaries  marked  out  by  the  Deputy 
himself.  None  the  less  it  was  not  —  in  the  interests  of  Govern- 
ment authority  —  a  lapse  to  be  lightly  looked  over,  seeing  that 
Lady  Agnes,  only  three  months  before,  had  undertaken  on 
behalf  of  her  lord  that  he  would  not  break  the  peace  with 
the  Sorley  Boy  faction. 

Tirlough  Luineach  was  accordingly  ordered  to  come  to  Newry 
and  give  an  explanation  of  his  conduct  to  the  Deputy.  No 
native  chief  had  any  fears  of  treachery  or  of  underhand  dealings 
where  Sidney  was  concerned,  and  —  instead  of  sending  his 
wife  as  he  had  done  when  Fitzwilliam  was  Deputy  —  the  O'Neil 
now  answered  the  summons  in  person,  without  hesitation  or 
distrust.  In  order  to  suitably  celebrate  the  occasion,  he 
brought  with  him  £400  in  cash,  which  he  managed  to  spend 

78 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  79 

in  three  days,  during  the  whole  of  which  period  he,  and  all 
his  retinue,  were  happily  drunk.*  Tirlough  Luineach,  when 
sufficiently  recovered,  was  sternly  rebuked  by  the  Deputy 
for  his  late  breach  of  the  peace.  He  was  told  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  this  act  of  aggression,  he  must  greatly  reduce 
the  number  of  his  hired  Scots,  so  as  to  put  it  beyond  his  power 
to  commit  similar  depredations  in  the  future.  To  this  con- 
dition Tirlough  Luineach  humbly  agreed,  and  in  return  was 
given  the  custody  of  Henry  McShane,  whom  Sidney  had  brought 
with  him  (probably  for  this  very  purpose).  Tirlough  Luineach 
further  petitioned  for  the  title  of  Earl  of  Omagh,  but  this  was 
not  granted  him.  He  was  offered  in  substitution  the  title  of 
Earl  of  Clanconnell,  but  this  did  not  attract  him,  and  the  title 
was,  in  fact,  never  used. 

Tirlough  Luineach  was,  unfortunately,  a  slave  to  drink,  but  he 
was  none  the  less  a  man  of  many  good  qualities.  Not  the  least 
admirable  trait  in  his  character  was  his  unswerving  devotion 
to  his  son-in-law,  Con  McCalvagh.  This  unfortunate  man 
had  written  a  long  and  pathetic  letter  to  the  Queen  ten  years 
before,  in  which  he  set  out  the  tale  of  his  many  wrongs.  His 
chief  grievance  was  that  he  had  been  kept  for  three  years  a 
prisoner  by  Shane  O'Neil,  and  had  thereby  been  defrauded  of 
his  inheritance,  which  had,  in  the  meanwhile,  been  usurped 
by  that  base  opportunist,  Hugh  McManus.  Elizabeth  had 
replied  in  suitable  terms,  expressing  sympathy  with  his  mis- 
fortunes, and  promising  that  she  would  do  her  best  to  have 
him  appointed  the  official  tanist ;  in  the  meanwhile  Fitzwilliam 
—who  was  Deputy  at  the  time — was  instructed  to  make  him 
an  allowance  of  6s.  8d.  a  day.  The  pension  had  been  regularly 
paid,  but  nothing  had  been  done  to  reinstate  him  in  his  lost 
lands,  till  Sidney  took  the  matter  in  hand  in  1577,  and  with 
his  usual  thoroughness  carried  it  through.  The  astonishing 
part  of  the  business,  and  a  standing  monument  to  Sidney's 
powers,  was  that  not  only  did  he  put  through  a  transaction 
which  must  have  been  painfully  distasteful  to  O'Donnell,  but  he 
actually  succeeded,  in  addition,  in  extracting  from  that  slippery 
chief  £1,000  arrears  of  rent  long  owing  to  the  Crown,  without 
bloodshed  or  any  threatening  display  of  force.  Hugh  McManus 
remained  the  O'Donnell,  but  Con  was  reinstated  in  his  old 
possessions  of  Castle  Finn  and  Lifford,  and  of  all  the  lands  be- 
*«CarewuMSS.,  Aug.  1574. 


80  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

tween.  Having  in  this  w&y  disposed  of  the  Donegal  diffi- 
culty, Sidney  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  cases  of  McMahon 
and  Magennis.  The  former  was  £440  in  arrear  of  rent,  arid 
this  he  claimed  he  was  not  able  at  the  moment  to  make  good  ; 
but  he  undertook  to  pay  up  as  soon  as  possible,  and  in  the 
meanwhile  both  he  and  Magennis  agreed  to  abolish  the  tanistry 
system,  and  to  hold  their  lands  direct  from  the  Crown,  on  the 
primogeniture  principle,  for  an  annual  payment  of  250  beeves. 
As  the  value  of  store  cattle  was  at  the  time  5s.  or  under,  the 
exaction  can  hardly  be  called  excessive.  The  question  of 
rent  was  then — as  ever — the  main  source  of  trouble  between 
England  and  Ireland.  The  rents  demanded  by  the  Crown  were 
— as  has  been  shown — absurdly  small,  and  many  of  the  more 
enlightened  among  the  lesser  chiefs  were  quite  prepared  and 
indeed  willing  to  pay  them  ;  but  the  disturbing  factor  was 
always  the  O'Neil,  first  Con  Bacagh,  then  Shane,  then  in  a 
lesser  degree  Tirlough  Luineach,  and,  last  but  not  least,  Hugh. 
The  objections  of  the  O'Neils  were  based  on  the  traditional 
idea  that  the  lesser  Ulster  chiefs  were  their  urraghs,  or  vassals, 
who  should  pay  rent  to  no  one  but  themselves  ;  and,  as  the 
rent  paid  to  the  Crown  diminished  the  resources  on  which  they 
could  themselves  draw,  they  not  only  refused  to  pay  any  rent 
themselves,  but  threatened  with  fire  and  sword  any  and  all 
who  did.  When  the  threat  was  carried  out — as  it  very  frequently 
was — it  then  became  the  duty  of  the  Deputy  to  retaliate  on 
the  offending  O'Neil  by  a  punitive  expedition  into  his  country. 
Here  we  have  the  cause  of  all  the  Ulster  troubles  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Grasping  chiefs  very  little  removed  from 
brigands,  and  in  any  case  most  pitiless  tyrants  over  their  own 
serfs,  viewed  with  a  jealous  and  sordid  eye  the  alienation  of 
even  a  fraction  01  their  prospective  plunder.  They  lacked  the 
intelligence  to  see  that  their  own  financial  interests  lay  in 
paying  the  small  head-rent,  and  cultivating  the  country  into 
productiveness,  rather  than  in  wasting  the  country  and  thinning 
the  population  by  their  everlasting  armed  protests,  which 
merely  had  the  effect  of  making  the  country  incapable  of  paying 
rent  to  anybody. 

In  the  autumn  of  1578  Sidney  left  Ireland  for  ever,  if  we 
can  believe  his  own  account,  a  very  much  poorer  man  than  he 
had  come,*  and  his  place  was  taken  by  Drury.     Drury's  ad- 
*  Sidney  to  Walsingham,  March,  1583. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  81 

ministration,  and  that  of  Grey  who  succeeded  him,  was  unevent- 
ful as  far  as  the  northern  province  of  Ireland  was  concerned. 
The  confidence  and  tranquillity  that  had  followed  on  Sidney's 
politic  dealings  with  the  chiefs  lasted  throughout  Drury's 
term  of  office .  It  was  beginning  to  wane  when  Grey  took  up 
the  reins  of  Government,  but  that  functionary's  entire  energies 
were  needed  to  deal  with  Desmond's  rebellion  in  the  south,  and 
the  north  was  left  pretty  much  to  itself.  Every  attempt 
was  made  to  drag  Ulster  into  the  southern  rebellion,  but  though 
Tirlough  Luineach  made  occasional  demonstrations  in  force 
in  the  direction  of  the  Pale,  he  showed  no  disposition  to  be 
actively  aggressive.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  his  wife 
now  proved  the  "  wise  counsellor  "  that  Sidney  had  described 
her,  and  that  she  prevented  her  lord  from  being  weakly  dragged 
into  a  bloody  contest  of  which  she  foresaw  that  the  inevitable 
end  must  be  defeat.  Lady  Agnes's  efforts  in  this  direction, 
if  not  proved,  were  at  any  rate  strongly  suspected  by  the 
Queen,  and,  in  recognition  of  her  supposed  good  offices,  she 
was  presented  with  one  of  Elizabeth's  magnificent  velvet  dresses, 
which,  however,  we  are  told,  was  so  damaged  in  places  by  Her 
Majesty's  untidy  fashion  of  eating  that  it  had  to  be  provided 
with  a  new  lap  before  presentation.* 

In  1579  Tirlough  Luineach  responded  to  a  summons  by 
Drury  to  meet  him  at  the  Blackwater  fort.  The  O'Neil  was 
at  that  time  popularly  supposed  to  be  on  the  high  road  to  the 
grave.  He  had  been  shot  in  the  stomach,  some  little  time 
before,  by  a  ball  from  a  caliver,  which  his  jester  Donnelly  had 
accidentally  let  off  during  a  carouse  at  Tirlough  Luineach's 
Castle  at  Strabane.j"  The  natural  vigour  of  his  constitution 
must  have  been  remarkable,  for — in  spite  of  his  habitual  pota- 
tions— he  eventually  made  a  complete  recovery.  At  the 
time  of  his  meeting  with  Drury,  he  was  still  too  weak  to  ride, 
and  he  was  carried  40  miles  in  a  litter  to  the  place  of  meeting. 
He  wore  the  high  steepled-crowned  taffeta  hat  set  with  bugles 
that  the  Earl  of  Argyle  had  given  him  as  a  wedding  present, 
and  we  are  told  that  he  also  affected  the  "  glibbe,"  or  shaggy 
mane  of  hair,  which  the  habit  of  the  Irish  was  to  shake  over 
their  eyes  when  questioned,  so  that  their  expression  should 
not  give  them  away. 

*  Gcrrard  to  Walsinghatn,  Jan.  8th,  1579. 
f  "  Hibernia  Anglicana." 


82  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Tirlough  Luineach,  as  usual,  was  drunk  most  of  the  time, 
but  sober  enough  to  effect  his  main  object,  which  was  to  per- 
suade the  Baron  of  Dungannon,  who  was  with  Drury,  to  put 
away  his  second  wife,  Joan  O'Donnell,  and  marry  one  of  his  own 
daughters,  whom  he  had  diplomatically  brought  with  him  for 
the  purpose.  Tirlough  Luineach  hoped  that  this  transaction 
would  have  the  double  effect  of  creating  a  rupture  between 
O'Donnell  and  Dungannon,  and  of  attaching  the  latter  to 
his  own  party  ;  while  Dungannon,  who — like  everyone  else 
— thought  that  Tirlough  Luineach's  days  were  numbered, 
calculated  that,  with  the  O'Neil's  daughter  as  his  wife,  he  might 
safely  consider  that  he  had  one  foot  already  on  the  coronation - 
stone  at  Tullahogue. 

Drury,  who  greatly  feared  an  alliance  between  the  two 
branches  of  the  O' Neils,  did  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  the  affair 
from  going  through,  but  without  success.  The  marriage  was 
then  and  there  solemnized,  Dungannon,  at  the  same  time, 
giving  a  very  young  child  of  his  in  marriage  to  Ross  McMahon. 
Tirlough  Luineach  was  delighted  with  the  success  of  his  diplo- 
matic efforts,  and,  in  the  course  of  the  carouse  which  followed, 
he  genially  nominated  Dungannon  his  tanist.  This  last  trans- 
action, however,  was  prudently  kept  a  secret,  in  deference 
to  the  well-known  prejudices  of  the  Queen  against  the  tanistry 
system. 

In  the  course  of  the  discussion  which  took  place  fifteen  years 
later  in  the  matter  of  Mabel  Bagenal's  marriage  to  the  Earl 
of  Tyrone,  efforts  were  made  to  prove  that  the  marriage  was 
not  legal  on  the  grounds  that  Tyrone  had  not  taken  the  proper 
steps  to  divorce  his  former  wife,  Joan  O'Donnell.  In  this 
discussion  no  mention  is  made  of  Tirlough  Luineach's  daughter, 
which  might  at  first  be  construed  into  primd  Jade  evidence 
that  the  marriage  of  Tyrone  (or  Dungannon,  as  he  was  at  the 
time)  with  that  lady  did  not  take  place.  It  is  quite  clear, 
however,  that,  if  the  object  at  the  time  was  to  prove  that  the 
marriage  of  Tyrone  with  Mabel  Bagenal  was  irregular  because 
he  was  still  tied  to  Joan  O'Donnell,  no  intervening  alliance 
would  affect  the  point  in  question,  because  any  such  alliance 
would  have  been  equally  irregular.  That  Dungannon  was 
married  to  Tirlough  Luineach's  daughter  both  in  form  and 
substance  is  unquestionable.  The  evidence  is  as  strong  as 
evidence  can  be  on  any  historical  point  in  sixteenth-century 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  88 

Ireland.  On  February  llth,  1579,  Drury  wrote  to  Burleigh 
to  the  effect  that  Dungannon  was  contemplating  the  marriage, 
which  he  himself  was  combating  and  with  apparent  success. 
On  February  22nd  Treasurer  Fyton  wrote  to  Burleigh  announ- 
cing that  Dungannon  was  again  proposing  to  marry  Tirlough 
Luineach's  daughter.  Then,  on  March  30th,  Drury  definitely 
informed  the  Privy  Council  that  "  Dungannon  has  taken  Tir- 
lough Luineach's  daughter,  and  sent  away  his  wife." 

It  is,  however,  probable  that  the  alliance  was  of  very  short 
duration,  and  that,  the  moment  his  political  differences  with 
Tirlough  Luineach  arose  over  the  land  question,  Tyrone  un- 
ceremoniously turned  the  lady  out  into  the  cold. 


6* 


CHAPTER  VII 

The  tanistry  system — Coyne,  livery  and  bonaght — Oppression  of  the  peasantry 
by  the  chiefs — Armed  forces — Spenser's  description  of  the  kerne  and 
gallowglasses — Inability  of  the  chiefs  to  control  their  men — The  case  of 
Phelim  McTirlough  O'Neil — The  apotheosis  of  the  O'Neil — Low  estimate 
of  the  peasantry  by  their  chiefs — Sidney's  sympathy  with  the  peasantry — 
The  accumulating  evil  of  the  tanistry  system. 

PROSAIC  regularity,  which  makes  for  an  orderly  sequence 
of    events,    is  abhorrent  to  the  Celtic  mind,  and  more 
particularly  is  this  the  case  where  a  happy  uncertainty  surrounds 
the  alternative,  as  for  instance,  when  a  suddenly-created  vacancy 
requires  filling  by  the  popular  voice,  or  some  other  capricious 
referendum.     In  such  a  case,  anything  in  the  nature  of  assured 
routine  is  fatal  to  the  pleasurable  excitement  which  circulates 
when  ardent  partisanship  runs  riot,  and  is  therefore  universally 
unpopular.     The  basic  cause  of  this  unpopularity,  in  common 
with  the  basic  cause  of  most  human  likes  and  dislikes,  when 
stripped  of  make-believe,  is  plainly  sordid.     No  honest  analyst 
of  motives   can  get  away   from  this  unromantic   conclusion. 
In  cases,  that  is  to  say,  where  automatic  succession  is  unpopular, 
it  is  unpopular  because,  by  eliminating  the  element  of  partisan- 
ship, it  also  eliminates  the  expected  guerdon  of  the  partisan, 
which  is,  after  all,  the  driving  power  of  all  elections,  whether 
decided  by   the   ballot   or  the   sword.     The   tanistry   system, 
which  in  plain  English  meant  a  general  scramble  for  a  dead 
chief's  assets  by  all  his  nearest  relatives,  was  for  this  reason 
universally  popular  in  Ireland,   except  among  the  peasantry 
and  agriculturists,  who  formed  part  of  the  assets  scrambled 
for,  and  who  generally  got  killed  in  the  scramble.     In  English 
high  quarters  the  tanistry  system  had  long  been  looked  upon 
as  the  fundamental  curse  of  the  country.     Henry  VIII.  had 
been  the  first  to  recognize  that  most  of  the  ills  of  Ireland  were 
traceable  in  one  way  or  another  to  this  common  root. 

Tanistry  may  be  defined  as  the  ancient  Irish  custom,  accord- 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  85 

ing  to  which  the  succession  to  a  vacant  chiefry  rested  upon 
popular  favour  instead  of  on  the  established  rights  of  primo- 
geniture.    In  the  present  democratic  age,  when  the  tendency 
is  to  substitute  as  far  as  possible  the  elective  principle  for  the 
hereditary,  a  revival  of  the  tanistry  system  would  find  many 
supporters.     It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  in  Ireland 
in   the   sixteenth   century   the   popular   voice — as   at   present 
understood — made  no  sound  in  these  county  elections.     Armed 
force — usually   foreign   and   imported — was   the   factor   which 
decided  the  contest  with  cold  steel,  always  bared  and  sometimes 
reddened.     The  inevitable  effect  of  such  a  system  was  that, 
during  t  he  lifetime  of  the  reigning  chiefs,  every  potential  candi  - 
date  kept  in  his  train  as  many  armed  retainers  as  his  resources 
would  permit  of,  with  the  idea  that,  when  the  crucial  moment 
arrived,  there  might  be  a  substantial  argument  at  the  back 
of  his  official  claim.     The  effect  was  to  burden  the  country 
with  a  mass  of  idle,  cruel  and  dissolute  men,  who  were  an 
intolerable  infliction  to  the  peasantry.     Sussex,  though  himself 
a  gross  and  clumsy  administrator,  and  by  no  means  free  from 
the   charge   of   adopting   native   methods,    had   sufficient   dis- 
crimination to  gauge  the  enormity  of  the  evil.     "  The  election 
to  the  captaincy  of  the  country,"  he  says  in  his  report  on  the 
state  of  Ireland  in  1562,  "  is  the  chief  cause  why  the  Irish  do 
keep  great  numbers  of  idle  men  of  war,  that  thereby  they  might 
be  the  stronger,  hoping  by  their  strength  to  be  the  liker  to  be 
elected  captain  upon  an  election.     These  men  of  war,  being 
brought  up  and  fed  with  idleness,  cannot  be  restrained  in  time 
of  peace  from  stealing  and  a  number  of  other  enormities.     To 
maintain  them  in  their  life,  they  have  finding  and  expenses 
upon  the  country,  whereby  be  brought  in  coyne,  livery,  bonaght, 
and  all  other  Irish  exactions,  which  be  the  only  ground  and  causes 
of  all  the  uncivil  and  detestable  orders  of  this  realm." 

The  coyne,  livery  and  bonaght  referred  to  may  be  briefly 
explained  as  follows  : 

"  Coyne  "  was  a  licence  to  the  armed  bands  to  take  from 
those  on  whom  they  were  billeted  everything  that  they  wanted 
in  kind  ;  "  livery  "  was  a  similar  licence  in  respect  of  their 
horses.  "  Bonaght,"  which  was  the  worst  of  the  three,  was  a 
tax  by  which  the  unhappy  tillers  of  the  soil  were  made  to  find 
the  military  pay  of  the  kerne  and  gallowglasses  quartered 
upon  them.  The  term  "  bonaghts,"  in  the  plural,  was  also 


86  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

loosely  used  to  designate  the  bands  who  were  maintained  on 
the  bonaght  system.  It  may  be  easily  understood,  then,  that 
the  bonaghts  were  as  welcome  to  the  Irish  peasantry  as 
locusts  to  the  Egyptians.  The  kerne  and  gallowglasses  who 
were  free-quartered  on  the  people  were  a  law  unto  themselves, 
and  did  with  the  peasants  as  they  would.  What  their  treat- 
ment of  these  poor  wretches  was  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  observations  of  the  poet  Spenser.  "  These  "  (the 
kerne  and  gallowglasses)  "  be,  I  think,  the  most  barbarous 
and  loathely  conditions  under  heaven,  for  from  the  time  that 
they  enter  into  that  course  "  (coyne,  livery  and  bonaght) 
"  they  do  use  all  the  beastly  behaviour  that  may  be.  They 
oppress  all  men,  they  spoil  as  well  the  subject  as  the  enemy  ; 
they  steal,  they  are  cruel  and  bloody,  full  of  revenge  and 
delighting  in  daily  executions  ;  licentious,  swearers  and  blas- 
phemers, common  ravishers  of  women  and  murderers  of 
children."  If  the  chiefs  had  been  in  a  position  to  exercise 
any  control  or  discipline  over  these  men  of  war  the  position 
of  the  peasants  might  have  been  more  tolerable,  but  they 
were  not.  Most  of  them  were  afraid  of  their  own  fighting  men. 
They  could  lead  them  for  evil,  but  they  were  quite  powerless 
either  to  check  or  punish  their  excesses.  Henry  Bagenal,  who 
had  been  born  in  Ireland  and  who  knew  Ulster  in  and  out, 
declared  that  both  Tirlough  Luineach  and  Dungannon  were 
afraid  of  their  followers  ;  and  this  is  borne  out  in  a  letter  which 
Mr.  Solicitor  Wilbraham  wrote  to  Burleigh  in  December,  1591. 
"  Neither  Tirlough  Luineach  nor  the  Earl  dare  punish  their 
followers,"  he  writes.  In  the  case  of  Dungannon  (better  known 
as  the  Earl  of  Tyrone)  we  have  repeated  evidence  that  he 
was  quite  powerless  to  control  his  followers,  and  he  himself 
frankly  admitted  as  much  after  the  execution  of  Hugh 
Roe  McMahon  in  1591,  when  he  excused  his  rebellion  on 
the  grounds  that  he  too — like  McMahon — ran  a  risk  of  being 
executed  for  this  or  that  act  of  his  followers  over  which  he 
had  no  control.  We  get  a  rather  interesting  insight  into  the 
inability  of  this  great  chief  to  exercise  any  restraining  influence 
over  those  who  were  nominally  his  followers  in  the  circum- 
stances surrounding  the  murder  of  Phelim  McTirlough  O'Neil 
in  1592.  Tyrone  (as  he  then  was),  who  was  at  the  time  at  Castle 
Toome,  on  the  northern  shore  of  Lough  Neagh,  sent  for  Phelim 
to  come  and  see  him,  under  a  guarantee  of  safe  conduct.  Phelim 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  87 

came,  and  he  and  Tyrone  walked  together  to  the  banks  of  the 
river  Bann,  where  they  had  their  talk.  Tyrone  then  crossed 
the  river  in  a  cot,  and  was  barely  at  the  other  side  before 
"  Owen,  Hugh  and  Henry  O'Hagan  came  to  Phelim  and 
flattered  him,  putting  hands  about  his  neck.  Then  presently 
the  said  Owen,  who  clasped  him  about  the  neck,  drew  his 
sword  and  struck  off  one  of  his  hands."  (To  prevent  him  defend- 
ing himself.)  "Then  the  other  two  struck  at  him,  wherewith 
he  was  mortally  wounded."*  Tyrone  was  asked  by  the 
O'Cahans  a  fortnight  later  if  he  would  not  take  steps  to  punish 
the  O'Hagans  for  violating  his  safe  conduct,  but  he  gave  an 
evasive  reply,  and  we  know  that  he  took  no  such  steps. 

In  1594,  again,  Tyrone,  after  his  interview  with  Sir  Robert 
Gardiner,  begged  that  Captain  Lee  and  Garrett  Moore,  who 
were  both  personal  friends  of  his,  might  ride  back  part  of  the 
way  with  him,  which  they  were  glad  to  do.  But,  as  soon  as 
they  got  into  Tyrone's  country,  the  O'Hagans  threatened  the 
two  Englishmen  with  their  spears  and  drove  them  back  in  spite 
of  their  chief's  protests.  The  actual  relations  existing  between 
chiefs  and  people  were  curious.  It  would  seem  as  though  the 
former  figured  rather  as  semi-deities  than  as  material  leaders. 
The  primitive  god  punishes  or  rewards  according  to  his  mood, 
which  is  more  often  than  not  malevolent.  In  the  light  of  this 
interpretation  of  deity,  the  more  notable  Ulster  chiefs  were 
undoubtedly  little  gods,  for  their  power  over  life,  limb  and 
property  was  absolute.  As  gods,  too,  their  persons  were  sacred. 
Mountjoy  put  a  price  of  2,000  marks  on  Tyrone  alive,  and  1,000 
marks  dead,  but  no  man  could  be  found  to  lay  a  hand  on  him. 
The  curious  feature  of  the  case,  however,  is  that  the  religious 
atmosphere  which  surrounded  the  person  of  the  chief  was  very 
far  from  giving  him  full  executive  authority.  This,  in  Tyrone's 
case,  was  vested  in  the  O'Hagans  ;  in  the  case  of  Shane  in  the 
Donnellys. 

To  return  to  the  bonaght  system,  the  absence  of  any  head 
control  or  restrictive  discipline  left  the  peasants  wholly  at  the 
mercy  of  the  fighting  men,  from  whom  they  received  none.  The 
Irish  peasants  of  the  sixteenth  century  were  reckoned  by  their 
chiefs,  and  by  the  standing  armies  of  their  chiefs,  as  of  less 
account  than  cattle.  Neil  Garv  frankly  told  Docwra  in  1601 
that  he  would  not  have  cared  a  straw  if  1,000  of  his  people  had 
*  Ever  McRory  O'NeiJ  to  Deputy,  Cal.  State  Papers  1598,  Vol.  170, 14. 


88  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

died  of  a  famine  of  his  own  creation.  Nor  was  it  as  though  the 
peasantry  could  look  to  the  armed  parasites  who  sucked  their 
blood  for  protection  from  outside  enemies.  Such  was  far  from 
being  the  case.  At  the  first  approach  of  enemy  raiders  they 
were  left  to  their  fate,  and  as  the  success  of  a  tribal  invasion 
was  solely  gauged  by  the  number  of  cattle  seized,  and  the 
number  of  defenceless  inhabitants  killed,  the  only  hope  of  the 
latter  lay  in  effective  concealment.  Sidney,  who  passed  through 
Connaught  at  a  time  when  one  chief's  swordsmen  were  raiding 
a  neighbour's  peasantry,  was  filled  with  pity  for  the  state  of  the 
poor  hunted  natives,  who,  "  almost  distraught  out  of  their  wits 
by  daily  terror  for  their  lives,  would  have  mcved  the  stoniest 
heart  to  pity." 

In  the  eyes  of  the  wise-heads  of  England  these  chronic  tribal 
massacres    were    all    due    to    the    tanistry    system,   and    both 
Henry  VIII.  and  Elizabeth  worked  assiduously   to   substitute 
the  custom  of  primogeniture,  but  it  is  to  be  doubted  whether 
in  this  endeavour  they  had  the  whole-hearted  support  of  their 
officers  in  Ireland.     These  had  their  own  axes  to  grind,  and  a 
peaceful  and  contented  Ireland  was  not  wholly  to  their  financial 
advantage.     So  the  tanistry  system  continued  to  flourish.     The 
evil  was,  in  fact,  a  growing  one,  for  it  is  obviously  easier  and 
pleasanter  to  do  no  work  and  to  rob  and  kill  those  who  do,  than 
to  work  and  be  killed  for  doing  so.     The  ranks  of  the  swords- 
men were  therefore  being   constantly  recruited  from   among 
those   who   would   otherwise   have   been   cultivating  the   soil, 
so  that  as  the  burden  on  the  land  increased  so  did  its  productive- 
ness decrease.     Another  evil  of  the  system,  as  Perrot  pointed 
out  to  the  Privy  Council  ten  years  later,  was  that  "  men  care  but 
for  their  own  time  when  they  cannot  build  for  their  children." 
Although  the  attempt  to  substitute  the  primogeniture  custom 
for  the  tanistry  system  was  very  far  from  popular,  many  of 
the  minor  chiefs,  such  as  Magennis,  O'Hanlon  and  O'Reilly, 
expressed  a  welcome  appreciation  of  the  proposed  change.     The 
acquiescence,  however,  of  living  chiefs  had  obviously  no  binding 
effect  on  a  situation  which  could  only  arise  after  their  death. 
The  moment  this  occurred,  the  dead  chief's  conversion  to  the 
new  system  counted"  for  nothing,  and  all  his  relations  at  once 
began  fighting  for  the  vacancy  with  the  usual  sacrifice  of  inno- 
cents. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

Tirlough  Luineach  nominates  Shane  Oge  his  tanist — Release  of  Shane's  sons — 
Henry  McShane — His  misfortunes — His  brothers — Con  McCalvagh  becomes 
Tirlough  Luineach's  commander-in-chief — Tirlough  Luineach's  expedition 
against  the  O'Reillys—Death  of  Shane  Oge — Capture  of  Con — Energetic 
action  of  Tirlough  Luineach — Death  of  Con  McCalvagh — His  character — 
Fight  at  Drumleen — Hugh  Gallagher — Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell — His  alliance 
with  Tyrone's  daughter — His  capture  by  Perrot. 

THE  official  nomination  of  Dungannon  as  tanist  was  a 
serious  blow  to  the  aspirations  of  Shane's  sons,  and  it 
was  riot  long  before  Tirlough  Luineach  himself  bitterly  repented 
of  his  rash  move.  The  Blackwater  carouse,  indeed,  was  the 
last  occasion  on  which  the  O'Neil  and  the  future  Earl  of  Tyrone 
appeared  as  anything  but  candid  enemies.  The  first  serious 
breach  was  caused  by  Dungannon's  shameful  treatment  of  his 
new  wife,  who,  after  a  few  years,  succumbed  to  ill-usage  and 
neglect.  Tirlough  Luineach  felt  the  affront  to  his  blood  very 
deeply,  and,  after  his  lands  had  several  times  been  raided  and 
harried  by  his  son-in-law,  he  felt  that  it  was  time  to  act.  He 
accordingly  made  a  public  repudiation  of  his  rash  nomination, 
and,  in  place  of  the  treacherous  and  ungrateful  Dungannon, 
named  Shane  Oge  O'Neil  (a  son  of  old  Shane)  as  his  official 
tanist.*  Both  Shane  Oge,  and  his  brothers  Henry  and  Con, 
had  up  to  this  point  been  Tirlough  Luineach's  prisoners,  but, 
in  order  to  signalize  his  change  of  attitude,  and  his  final  renuncia- 
tion of  his  unworthy  son-in-law,  they  were  all  three  now  released. 
It  would  seem  that  at  first  Tirlough  Luineach  was  in  some  little 
doubt  as  to  which  of  the  three  to  select,  but  Tyrone's  letter  to 
Drury  makes  it  quite  clear  that  Shane  Oge  was  his  final  choice, 
being  probably  preferred  before  Con  on  account  of  his  name,  and 
of  his  pure  Irish  blood.  Henry,  the  eldest,  was  never  in  any 
sense  an  eligible  candidate,  any  spirit  he  might  originally  have 
inherited  having  been  crushed  out  of  him  long  back  by  pro- 
tracted imprisonment.  His  father,  Shane,  had  originally  left 
*  Tyrone  to  Drury,  Jan.  1579. 
89 


90  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

this  most  unfortunate  man  in  Dublin  Castle  as  a  pledge  for  his 
own  good  behaviour  ;  but  though — by  the  custom  of  the  times 
— Henry's  life  had  been  forfeited  by  the  rebellious  and  defiant 
acts  of  his  father,  the  punishment  was  not  exacted.  Henry  was 
kept  in  confinement  till  1575,  when  Sidney  took  him  away  with 
him  on  his  expedition  to  the  north,  and  he  was  transferred  into 
the  keeping  of  Tirlough  Luineach,  as  part  of  a  bargain  arrived 
at.  Tirlough  Luineach  kept  Henry  for  nine  years,  but  in  1584 — 
thinking,  no  doubt,  to  relieve  himself  of  a  prisoner  who  was  of 
no  political  value,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  gain  favour  with  the 
Deputy—  he  took  him  to  Newry  and  there  formally  transferred 
him  into  the  keeping  of  Sir  John  Perrot.  So  poor  Henry  went 
back  once  more  to  Dublin  Castle,  where  he  joined  his  brother 
Art.  Tyrone  did  his  best  to  get  Perrot  to  hang  the  two 
brothers,*  but  without  success,  and  in  1591  they  both  escaped, 
in  company  with  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell.  Art  died  on  the  way, 
but  Henry  and  Hugh  Roe  succeeded  in  reaching  Dungannon, 
where  the  latter  was  sent  on  his  way  with  a  blessing,  and  the 
former  put  in  chains  by  Tyrone.  At  Dungannon  Henry  once 
more  found  a  brother  as  a  fellow-prisoner,  in  the  shape  of  Brian, 
and  later  on  Con  was  destined  to  join  them  ;  after  which  the 
three  brothers  were  separated,  two  being  kept  in  Leinster  and 
one  in  Ulster  on  different  islands  or  "  Crannoges." 

In  1580  Dungannon,  though  discarded  and  disinherited  by 
the  reigning  O'Neil,  was  still  the  Government  nominee  for  the 
succession,  and — in  spite  of  several  most  uncivilized  lapses — 
was  still  Elizabeth's  hope  for  the  regeneration  of  Ulster.  The 
chance  of  his  peaceable  accession — in  spite  of  all  his  short- 
comings— was  enhanced  by  the  striking  unworthiness  of  all 
the  other  eligible  candidates.  At  the  time  when  Tirlough 
Luineach  disowned  Dungannon  as  his  tanist  and  successor, 
Shane's  sons  were  all  in  very  low  water,  and  with  no  pronounced 
following,  outside  of  the  Donnelly  sept.  Henry,  Con  and  Shane 
Oge  were  Tirlough  Luineach's  prisoners,  Art  and  Hugh  were  in 
Scotland,  Brian  was  Dungannon 's  prisoner,  and  Tirlough,  the 
youngest,  was  living  in  great  poverty  and  under  English  pro- 
tection in  Carrickfergus.j1  Tirlough  Luineach's  eldest  and 
favourite  son  Henry  had  been  accidentally  killed  in  1578, 
during  an  unsuccessful  raid  into  the  O'Gallagher  country 

*  H.  Hoveden  to  Deputy,  Jan.  30th,  1585, 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  178, 72. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  91 

(central  Donegal),  and  his  two  surviving  sons,  Art  and  Cormac, 
were  degenerates  of  little  account.  The  sons  of  Tirlough 
Braselagh,  the  representatives  of  the  elder  branch  of  the  O' Neils, 
were  the  only  other  possible  candidates,  and  they  had  but  a 
scanty  backing. 

Tirlough  Luineach:s  selection  of  Shane  Oge  as  his  tanist  was 
only  tentative,  and  was  not  destined  to  have  any  marked  effect 
on  the  future  course  of  events,  for  reasons  which  came  about  as 
follows  :  Tirlough  Luineach,  in  his  younger  days,  had  been  a 
good  warrior,  in  fact  he  had  been  Shane's  chief  commander 
in  the  field  ;  but,  as  he  grew  older,  his  military  ardour  rather 
abated,  and  of  later  years  he  had  left  active  operations  in  the 
field  to  others,  and  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  the  wine 
flagon.  So  deep  were  his  potations  that  in  1583  he  was  actually 
reported  dead,  and  was,  in  fact,  laid  out  with  honours  in  his 
Castle  of  Strabane.  The  inevitable  sycophant  galloped  over 
to  Dungannon  and  imparted  the  glad  tidings  to  the  Baron,  who 
immediately  betook  himself  to  Tullahogue,  and  there  went 
through  the  ceremony  of  investiture.  Tirlough  Luineach, 
however,  was  not  dead,  but  only  very  drunk,  and,  after  lying 
in  a  death-like  trance  for  twenty-four  hours,  he  astonished  the 
assembled  mourners  by  getting  up  and  walking  unsteadily 
away.* 

Tirlough  Luineach 's  most  trusted,  and  at  the  same  time  his 
most  successful,  general  in  the  field  was  his  favourite  son-in- 
law.  Con  McCalvagh,  of  whom  he  was  extremely  fond ;  in  fact, 
the  affection  between  these  two  was  of  a  very  remarkable  order. 
It  will  be  remembered  that,  when  Essex  persuaded  O'Donnell 
to  join  him  against  Tirlough  Luineach,  Con  stoutly  refused  to 
be  a  party  to  the  transaction.  He  was  in  consequence  arrested 
and  sent  to  Dublin  Castle,  to  the  unmeasured  joy  of  his  wicked 
uncle  O'Donnell,  who  promptly  seized  upon  Con's  strongholds 
of  Lifford  and  Castle  Finn,  as  well  as  upon  all  his  cattle.  Tir- 
lough Luineach  strongly  suspected  O'Donnell  of  having  insti- 
gated Con's  arrest  for  his  own  evil  ends,  and  from  that  time  on 
the  two  were  at  bitter,  though  somewhat  desultory,  enmity.  Con 
very  soon  effected  his  escape  from  Dublin  Castle  with  the  friendly 
connivance  of  Sidney,  to  whom  the  injustice  of  Essex's  high- 
handed action  was  apparent.  But,  though  free,  Con  found 
himself  practically  homeless,  and  without  a  following,  and,  in 
*  Fcnton  to  Walsingham,  June  19th,  1583, 


92  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

this  predicament,  his  father-in-law  took  him  in  and  found  him 
a  home  in  Strabane. 

Con  now  became  the  recognized  commander  of  Tirlough 
Luineaeh's  field  forces,  and  in  1581  he  inflicted  a  very  heavy 
defeat  on  his  uncle  at  Kiltole,  near  Raphoe.  Six  hundred  of  the 
O'Donnells  were  killed,  and  Sir  John  O'Dogherty  and  McS weeny 
Dogh  were  taken  prisoners.  The  former  died  very  shortly  after- 
wards. After  the  battle,  the  two  rival  chiefs  moved  eastwards, 
and  encamped  on  opposite  sides  of  the  Foyle,  while  their 
respective  wives — Lady  Agnes  and  Ineenduv — carried  on  poli- 
tical negotiations  across  the  water.  No  negotiations,  however, 
could  cancel  the  legitimate  fruits  of  victory,  and  Lifford  passed 
once  more  into  the  hands  of  Con,  the  son  of  Calvagh.  Con  was 
not  destined  to  enjoy  his  recovered  possessions  for  long.  His 
health  had  for  some  time  past  been  failing,  and  it  soon  became 
apparent  to  Tirlough  Luineach  that  he  would  have  to  look  out 
for  a  new  commander.  The  obvious  person  indicated  by  all 
the  circumstances  was  Shane  Oge,  and,  shortly  after  the  battle 
of  Kiltole,  Tirlough  Luineach  resolved  to  give  this  son  of  old 
Shane  a  trial.  A  suitable  opportunity  was  found  in  the  un- 
popular behaviour  of  Sir  Hugh  O'Reilly,  who  for  some  time  past 
had  been  conducting  himself  as  a  law-abiding  citizen,  and  in 
various  other  ways  outraging  the  time-honoured  traditions 
of  Ulster.  Shane  Oge,  accompanied  by  his  brother  Con,  was 
sent  with  300  horsemen  to  bring  this  misguided  chief  to  a  more 
suitable  frame  of  mind.  At  first  the  enterprise  went  smoothly 
enough.  No  opposition  was  met  with,  and  the  usual  work  of 
devastation  and  indiscriminate  slaughter  proceeded  quite 
satisfactorily,  till  the  raiders  unsuspectingly  rode  into  an 
ambush,  which  had  been  skilfully  laid  for  them  by  O'Reilly's 
two  sons  John  and  Philip.  The  O'Reillys  had  only  been  able 
to  get  together  34  horse  and  40  foot,  but  the  overthrow  of  the 
invaders  from  Tyrone  was  immediate  and  thorough.  Shane 
and  five  others  were  killed,*  his  brother  Con  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  the  remainder  spurred  vigorously  for  home.'f' 

The  capture  of  Con  roused  Tirlough  Luineach  from  his 
habitual  lethargy,  and,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  a  formid- 
able army,  he  bore  down  on  the  O'Reillys,  and  promptly  de- 

*  Carew  MSS.,  Sept.  1581. 

t  Sir  N.  Maltby  to  Leicester,  Sept.  21st,  1581.  Loftus  to  Privy  Council, 
Oct.  1581, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  93 

manded  Con's  release.     Sir  Hugh  had  no  option  but  to  comply. 
He  had  no  army  with  which  to  face  Tirlough  Luineach's  num- 
bers, and  Con  McShane  went  back  to  Strabane.     It  was  freely 
rumoured  that  Tirlough  Luineach  then  nominated  Con  McShane 
as  his  tanist  in  the  place  of  his  dead  brother,  but  it  is  quite  certain 
that  he  did  not  repeat  the  experiment  of  putting  his  armed 
forces  under  the  command  of  an  amateur,  for  six  months  later, 
i.e.,  in  the  spring  of  1582,  we  find  Con  McCalvagh  once  more 
conducting  a  raiding  party  into  Sligo.     Very  little  opposition 
was  met  with,  and  the  greater  part  of  Sligo  was  wasted  and 
pillaged,  and  the  town  itself  burnt.*     This  proved  to  be  Con 
McCalvagh's  last  appearance  in  the  field,  for  his  health  now 
declined  very  rapidly,  and  in  March,  1583,  he  died.     He  had 
inherited  many  of    the  good  qualities  of  his  father  Calvagh. 
He  was  an  able  commander  in  the  field,  and  of  a  generous  and 
honest  disposition.     Cusack,  who  liked  him  greatly  as  a  boy, 
had  taught  him  to  both  speak  and  write  English.     The  Four 
Masters'  tribute  to  his  memory  does  not  add  greatly  to  his 
renown  :   "  He  was  a  sedate  and  affable  man,"  they  say,  "  who 
spent  much  of  his  wealth  in  the  purchase  of  poems  and  pane- 
gyrics."    Poor  Con's  "wealth"  during  the  greater  part  of  his 
life  was  limited  to  the  6s.  8d.  per  day  which  was  allowed  him 
by  the  English  Government. 

Tirlough  Luineach  now  found  himself  in  some  difficulty  in 
the  matter  of  a  military  commander.  After  the  disastrous  failure 
of  Shane  Oge  in  Cavan,  he  was  not  greatly  inclined  to  entrust 
his  armed  forces  to  the  leadership  of  either  of  the  other  sons  of 
Shane  who  were  at  the  time  in  his  custody.  The  need,  however, 
for  an  efficient  commander  was  very  urgent,  and  this  fact  was 
soon  to  be  painfully  brought  home  to  him  by  the  result  of  the 
battle  of  Drumleen.  In  this  encounter,  which  took  place 
six  months  only  after  Con  McCalvagh's  death,  the  Tyrone  men 
were  very  ignominiously  worsted  by  O'Donnell.  They  were 
forced  back  to  the  bank  of  the  flooded  Finn,  and — as  at 
Fersatmore  seventeen  years  before — of  those  who  took  to  the 
water  in  order  to  escape  the  sword  a  number  were  drowned. "j" 

After  his  victory  O'Donnell  marched  straight  on  to  Lifford, 
which  he  levelled  to  the  ground,  and  then,  crossing  the  Mourne, 
burned  Stiabane.  Tirlough  Luineach,  whose  forces  were  now 

•  Maltby  to  Walsingham,  July  12th,  1582.     Four  Masters. 
Four  Masters. 


94 

completely  demoralized,  did  not  await  his  coming,  but  took  him- 
self off  to  the  better  security  of  Dunalong,  which  O'Donnell  was 
either  too  careless  or  too  cautious  to  invest.  The  disaster  at 
Drumleen  made  it  quite  clear  to  Tirlough  Luineach  that,  unless 
he  was  quite  prepared  to  lose  all  his  prestige  and  the  greater 
part  of  his  possessions,  he  had  no  time  to  lose  before  providing 
himself  with  an  efficient  commander  to  take  the  place  of  the  late 
Con  McCalvagh.  Such  a  man  opportunely  presented  himself  in 
the  shape  of  one  Hugh  Gallagher  (otherwise  known  as  Hugh 
McDegany)  who  represented  himself  to  be  a  son  of  Calvagh 
O'Donnell,  and  therefore  half-brother  to  the  late  Con.  On  the 
strength  of  this  assumed  lineage  he  laid  claims  to  the  lands  of 
Lifford  and  Castle  Finn,  and  appealed  to  Tirlough  Luineach  to 
help  him  against  Hugh  McManus,  as  he  had  helped  his  half- 
brother  before  him.  Hugh  Gallagher,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was 
an  impostor.  The  Four  Masters  will  have  none  of  his  preten- 
sions, but  pronounce  him  to  have  been  the  son  of  Dean  Gallagher, 
as  most  unquestionably  he  ought  to  have  been.  The  man 
clearly  had  some  military  capacity,  and  Tirlough  Luineach, 
recognizing  this,  was  not  disposed  to  look  too  closely  into  the 
question  of  his  parentage,  but  accepted  him  for  what  he  claimed 
to  be,  and  appointed  him  his  official  commander-in-chief. 
Gallagher — for  all  the  doubts  that  were  thrown  on  his  claims  to 
O'Donnell  blood — was  not  without  a  considerable  following  of  his 
own  in  Donegal ;  and  the  alliance  with  Tirlough  Luineach  so 
increased  his  prestige  and  armed  resources  that  the  stability 
of  Hugh  McManus' s  position  was  for  the  time  rather  seriously 
threatened.  It  was  rarely  indeed,  however,  that  a  reigning 
chieftain  was  actually  supplanted,  and  Gallagher — realizing 
this — wisely  determined  to  abandon  the  direct  quest,  and  to 
focus  all  his  energies  on  the  more  attainable  goal  of  the  succes- 
sion. In  this  aim  he  had  no  very  formidable  rival  in  Hugh 
McManus' s  eldest  son  Donnell,  whose  mother  had  been  one  of 
the  many  daughters  of  Tirlough  Luineach.  Donnell  was  a 
weak  creature,  with  little  of  the  ambition  or  virility  of  Gallagher, 
and  if  it  had  come  to  a  fight  between  these  two,  Donnell' s  chances 
would  have  been  small. 

Behind  Donnell,  however,  was  a  much  more  disturbing  figure, 
in  the  shape  of  one  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell,  the  eldest  sr>n  of  Hugh 
McManus' s  second  wife  Ineenduv.  This  boy  was  only  fourteen 
years  of  age  at  the  time  when  Gallagher  took  over  the  command 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  95 

of  Tirlough  Luineach's  forces,  but  he  was  very  highly  spoken  of, 
and  there  were  many  prophecies  current  in  the  country  as  to 
the  great  future  that  lay  before  him.  There  was  an  old  tradition 
that,  when  Hugh  O'Donnell  the  son  succeeded  Hugh  O'Donnell 
the  father  on  to  the  Kilmacrenan  stone,  Ireland  would  be 
united  under  one  King,  who  was,  of  course,  to  be  the  second 
Hugh.  Hugh  Roe,  however,  had  something  more  substantial 
than  prophecies  at  the  back  of  his  claim  to  the  succession.  He 
had,  in  the  first  place,  in  his  mother  Ineenduv,  a  partisan  of 
untiring  energy  and — through  her  Scotch  connection — with 
exceptional  opportunities  for  raising  a  formidable  fighting  force 
when  required.  He  was  also — incidentally — betrothed  to  an 
illegitimate  daughter  of  the  man  whom  we  may  in  future  call 
the  Earl  of  Tyrone,  and  whose  support  he  could  therefore  be 
assured  of  in  any  conflict  for  the  succession.  As  a  matter  of 
fact — though  Hugh  Roe  lived  with  this  lady  and  was  commonly 
reckoned  as  Tyrone's  son-in-law,  and  though  Tyrone  speaks  of 
him  as  his  son-in-law  at  the  time  of  his  capture  by  Perrot* — 
he  did  not  actually  go  through  the  form  of  marriage  with  her 
till  the  year  1597.  He  had  in  the  meanwhile  deferred  the  cere- 
mony in  the  hopes  of  procuring  in  marriage  the  daughter  of  the 
Earl  of  Clanricarde,  an  alliance  which  would  have  brought  the 
greater  part  of  Connaught  under  his  dominion.  Only  when  this 
failed  did  he  finally  make  Tyrone's  daughter  his  legal  wife.'f 
However,  even  the  informal  alliance  was  a  source  of  strength. 
It  was  common  talk  in  the  north  that  young  Hugh  Roe  was  the 
rising  star  of  Donegal,  and  a  star  whose  orbit  Ineenduv  was  fully 
determined  should  not  be  interfered  with  by  the  transit  of  any 
interfering,  meddling  bodies.  Nevertheless,  it  was  at  the 
outset  very  seriously  interfered  with,  and  that  by  the  indirect 
means  of  Hugh  Gallagher.  That  scheming  impostor,  with  a 
view  to  disposing  of  his  more  formidable  rival,  unfolded  to  Perrot 
a  plan  by  which  young  Hugh  Roe  might  easily  be  snared  and 
kept  out  of  harm's  way  till  the  future  of  Ulster  was  more 
assured,  and  Perrot,  scenting  ransom  in  the  transaction,  eagerly 
fell  in  with  the  suggestion. 

A  small  ship  laden  with  strong  and  seductive  wine  was  sent 
round  to  Lough  Swilly.  Some  casks  were  sent  ashore  at  Rath- 
mullen  and  broached  for  the  benefit  of  McSweeny  Fanad  and 

*  Tyrone  to  Leicester,  Feb.  1588. 

t  Bagenal  to  Deputy,  April  6th,  1597. 


96  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

his  people,  who  speedily  became  very  drunk  indeed.*  Hugh 
Roe  heard  the  good  tidings — as  Gallagher  took  very  good 
care  that  he  should — and  was  quickly  on  the  spot.  By  that 
time  the  McSweenys  had  disposed  of  most  of  the  available 
supply,  but  the  young  O'Donnell's  appetite  was  sufficiently 
whetted  by  the  little  that  remained.  He  was  told  that  no 
more  could  be  landed,  but  that  there  was  plenty  more  on  the 
ship  if  he  liked  to  make  the  journey  across  the  Lough  in  a  cot 
which  was  waiting.  Hugh  Roe  asked  for  nothing  better  ;  the 
ship  was  boarded,  and  good  Gascony  without  stint  was  placed 
before  him,  with  which  he  rapidly  drunk  himself  into  uncon- 
sciousness. By  the  time  he  recovered  his  senses  he  was  well 
on  his  way  to  Dublin. 

This  happened  in  1587.  Ineenduv  never  forgave  Gallagher 
for  his  share  in  the  transaction,  and,  two  years  later,  she  managed 
to  have  him  waylaid  and  assassinated  while  on  his  way  to 
attend  a  meeting  at  Mongavlin.  This,  however,  is  getting 
ahead  of  events,  and  it  is  time  to  leave  the  parochial  affairs 
of  Donegal  and  to  return  to  matters  of  wider  national  interest. 

*  Four  Masters. 


CHAPTER   IX 

Lord  Grey's  activity  against  the  Scots — He  lays  waste  the  Route — Defeat  of 
Dawtrey  and  Chatterton — Invasion  of  Fanad  by  the  McCleans  under  Art 
and  Hugh  McShane — Exaggerated  accounts  of  the  numbers — Perrot's  for- 
midable preparations — Flight  of  the  Scots — Perrot  attacks  the  Bann 
country — Capture  of  Oliver  Lambert  by  Brian  Carragh — He  is  transferred 
to  the  keeping  of  Art  and  Hugh  McShane — Perrot  invests  Dunluce  Castle — 
Its  great  strength — Extermination  of  the  garrison — Perrot  returns  south, 
leaving  Bagenal  in  charge — Battle  of  Glenarm — Defeat  and  flight  of  Bagenal 
— Invasion  of  Rathlin  Island — Flight  of  Sorley  Boy — Competition  between 
Angus  McDonnell  and  Sorley  Boy  for  the  Glynns — Angus  obtains  a  grant 
of  the  Glynns — Landing  of  Alexander  McDonnell — He  retakes  Dunluce 
Castle  and  Coleraine  Friary — Is  defeated  in  Inishowen  by  Captain  Merriman 
— Death  of  Alexander  Oge  McDonnell. 

SIR  JOHN  PERROT,  great  as  his  faults  may  have  been 
in  other  directions,  was  certainly  one  of  the  most  ener- 
getic Deputies  Ireland  had  yet  seen.  He  was  accused  by  his 
enemies  of  unduly  favouring  the  Irish  chiefs  to  the  detriment 
of  Her  Majesty's  interests  ;  and  it  was  further  hinted  that, 
where  Her  Majesty  had  lost,  Sir  John  Perrot  had  gained,  which 
is  more  than  probable.  With  a  view  to  distracting  the  Queen's 
attention  from  his  questionable  relations  with  the  Irish  chiefs, 
and  the  consequent  dwindling  of  her  revenues  from  these  sources, 
Perrot  thought  it  good  to  embark  on  a  series  of  vigorous  cam- 
paigns against  the  Scots  in  the  north.  It  is  true  that  this 
policy  was  in  a  sense  forced  upon  him  by  events  for  which  his 
predecessor  was  responsible.  Acting  on  the  advice  of  Fenton, 
the  Permanent  Secretary  and  the  inveterate  enemy  of  the 
Ulster  Scots,  Lord  Grey  had  ordered  Captains  Dawtrey  and 
Chatterton  to  muster  the  Carrickfergus  garrison  and  march 
north  to  the  assistance  of  McQuillin,  who  was  very  decidedly 
getting  the  worst  of  a  dispute  with  Sorley  Boy  over  the  boun- 
dary question.  On  approaching  the  Route,  the  English  force- 
was  joined  by  McQuillin  and  by  Hugh  McPhelim  (Sir  Brian's 
brother),  who,  since  his  release  from  Dublin  Castle,  had  estab- 
lished himself — with  the  Government  approval — in  the  Castle 
of  Edenduffcarrick*  on  the  north  shore  of  Lough  Neagh.  These 

*  Shane's  Castle. 

97  7 


98  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

two  chiefs  were  at  the  moment  in  alliance  against  the  Scots, 
but  were  too  weak  to  take  the  offensive  unaided.  The  arrival 
of  Dawtrey  and  Chatterton,  however,  put  an  altogether  different 
complexion  on  the  affair.  The  English  and  the  Irish  joined 
forces,  and  the  combined  party  advanced  over  the  disputed 
border,  and  was  able  to  lay  waste  much  of  the  Route  without 
interference.  Had  they  then  returned,  all  might  have  been 
well,  but  they  unfortunately  overstayed  the  limits  of  prudence, 
with  most  unhappy  results.  The  Four  Masters  laconically 
record  the  sequence  of  events  as  follows  :  "  Great  depredations 
were  committed  on  Sorley  Boy  by  Hugh,  the  son  of  Phelim 
Bacagh,  by  McQuillin  and  the  English.  Sorley  Boy  went  in 
pursuit  of  the  preys,  defeated  those  who  were  before  them, 
deprived  them  of  the  preys  and  slew  Hugh  McPhelim  and  a 
Company  or  two  of  the  English."  The  truth  was  that  the 
invading  party  was  too  greedy,  and  spent  so  long  a  time  plunder- 
ing, that  Lady  Agnes  was  able  to  send  a  party  of  Scots  from 
Strabane  across  the  River  Bann  to  co-operate  with  Sorley  Boy,* 
who,  otherwise,  would  have  been  too  weak  to  offer  much  resist- 
ance. The  result  was  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  invaders. 
Hugh  McPhelim,  Captain  Chatterton  and  seventy  of  the  English 
were  killed,  and  all  the  driven  prey  recovered. "j"  This  disaster 
was  naturally  the  subject  of  very  unfavourable  comment  on 
the  part  of  the  Queen,  but — mainly  owing  to  the  change  of 
Deputy — no  serious  steps  were  taken  to  restore  the  Govern- 
ment prestige  till  the  accession  of  Perrot  a  year  later.  Perrot's 
expedition  to  the  north,  however,  was  prompted  by  something 
more  pressing  than  an  altruistic  desire  to  avenge  a  reverse  for 
which  his  predecessor  was  responsible.  A  party  of  McCleans, 
from  Scotland,  really  very  few  in  number, J  but  magnified  by 
native  estimates  into  an  army  of  many  thousands,  had  landed 
in  Lough  S willy  under  the  leadership  of  Hugh  and  Art  McShane, 
and  had  eaten  bare  the  neighbouring  district  of  Fanad.  Their 
avowed  aim  was  the  re-establishment  of  Shane's  sons  (the  mother 
of  Hugh  and  Art  had  been  a  McClean)  in  the  chiefry,  or  at  all 
events  in  the  succession  to  the  chiefry,  of  O'Neil.  The  more 
immediate  objects  of  their  hostility  were  Dungannon,  who  had 
usurped  the  succession,  and  Tirlough  Luineach,  who  held  two 

*  Maltby  to  Burleigh,  April,  1583. 

t  Lords  Justices  to  Privy  Council,  April  29th,  1583. 

J  Privy  Council  to  Deputy,  Aug.  31st,  1584. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  99 

other  sons  of  Shane  (Henry  and  Con)  in  captivity.  The  invad- 
ing party  from  Scotland  was  joined  by  O'Cahan,  and — as  was 
only  to  be  expected — by  the  whole  sept  of  Donnellys.  These 
latter,  however,  only  numbered  some  three  hundred,  and  the 
whole  enterprise  appears  to  have  been  very  far  from  formidable. 
None  the  less,  the  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  terrified 
McS weeny s  found  ready  credence  in  Dublin,*  and  Perrot,  within 
two  months  of  the  day  when  he  received  the  sword,  got  together 
a  strong  mixed  force  and  set  out  to  meet  the  Scotch  menace  in 
the  north.  A  barque  laden  with  provisions  and  convoyed  by 
Her  Majesty's  ship  Handmaid,  under  command  of  Captain 
Carlisle  (a  son-in-law  of  Walsingham),  was  ordered  to  co-operate 
by  sea  ;  and,  while  the  land  party  was  slowly  marching  north, 
these  two  ships  were  sent  ahead  with  the  idea  of  frustrating 
any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Scots  to  escape  by  sea.  These, 
however,  somehow  got  news  of  the  Deputy's  intentions,  and,  by 
the  time  the  two  Government  ships  sailed  into  Lough  Swilly, 
the  McCleans  were  already  half-way  back  to  Scotland.  Hugh 
and  Art  McShane,  who  had  for  several  years  past  made  their 
home  in  Scotland,  did  not  return  with  the  others,  but  were  taken 
charge  of  by  the  Donnellys,  and  for  the  tiriie  being — in  view  of 
Perrot's  approach — remained  hidden  in  Glenconkein. 

Perrot,  having  had  all  the  trouble  of  getting  together  his 
expeditionary  force,  had  no  intention  of  being  baulked  of  a 
prey  by  the  mere  fact  of  the  McCleans  having  escaped  him.  As 
soon,  therefore,  as  he  learnt  that  these  had  taken  to  the  sea,  he 
determined  to  change  his  objective  from  Donegal  to  the  Route, 
a  decision  that  was  not  uninfluenced  by  the  knowledge  that  the 
two  sons  of  Shane  were  in  hiding  somewhere  to  the  east  of  the 
Foyle.  Towards  the  Bann,  then,  he  turned  the  head  of  his 
column.  With  him  went  the  Earls  of  Ormonde  and  Thomond, 
the  Baron  of  Dungannon,  Sir  Henry  Bagenal,  who  had  now 
succeeded  his  father  as  Marshal,  and  Sorley  Boy's  old  enemy, 
Captain  John  Norris,  of  Rathlin  Island  fame.  To  provide 
against  any  possibility  of  a  hostile  flank  movement  on  the  part 
of  Tirlough  Luineach  or  Lady  Agnes,  both  the  O'Neil  and  his 
wife  were  ordered  to  report  themselves  to  the  Deputy  on  the 
Bann,  which  they  obediently  did.  Perrot's  dispositions  were 
singularly  thorough.  After  passing  Lough  Neagh  he  divided 
his  forces,  John  Norris,  his  brother  Henry  and  Dungannon 
*  Perrot  to  Privy  Council,  Aug.  21st,  1584. 

7* 


100  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

exploring  the  country  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Bann — more 
particularly  Brian  Carragh's  country,  which  they  thoroughly 
devastated — while  Perrot  himself,  with  the  two  Earls,  worked 
the  country  on  the  right.  There  was  nothing  in  the  nature  of 
a  pitched  battle,  but  desultory  skirmishing  took  place  all  the 
time,  in  the  course  of  which  Henry  Norris  was  wounded  in  the 
knee,  and  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  Oliver  Lambert  was  taken  pri- 
soner by  Brian  Carragh.  Lambert,  immediately  upon  his 
capture,  was  carried  off  into  Glenconkein,  where  Brian  Carragh 
(who  was  an  obscure  scion  of  the  McDonald  clan)  handed  him 
over  to  the  keeping  of  Hugh  and  Art  McShane.  He  appears 
to  have  been  well  treated,  so  well  treated,  in  fact,  that,  after 
two  months  of  captivity,  he  wrote  to  Perrot  from  the  Blackwater 
expressing  the  opinion  that  Hugh  McShane  was  "  an  honest, 
Courteous  and  wise  young  man,  civilly  brought  up  and  speaketh 
English."* 

(n  the  meanwhile,  Perrot  took  possession  of  the  Coleraine 
Friary  and  Dumferte  ( Bally reagh)  Castle,  which  was  found 
unoccupied,  and  finally,  towards  the  middle  of  September, 
arrived  opposite  Dunluce  Castle  in  the  Route,  which  was  found 
to  be  garrisoned  by  Angus  and  Alexander  McRandall  Boy  and 
forty  Scots.  "  I  am  encamped  before  Dunluce,"  Perrot  wrote 
to  the  Privy  Council  on  September  15th,  "  the  strongest  piece 
of  this  realm,  situated  on  a  rock  hanging  over  the  sea,  divided 
from  the  main  with  a  broad  deep  rocky  ditch,  natural  and  not 
artificial,  and  having  no  way  to  it  but  a  small  neck  of  the  same 
rock,  which  is  also  cut  off  very  steep.  It  hath  in  it  a  strong 
ward,  whereof  the  Captain  is  a  natural  Scot,  who,  when  I  sent 
to  summon  them  to  yield,  refused  talk,  and  proudly  answered, 
speaking  very  good  English,  that  they  were  appointed  and 
would  keep  it  to  the  last  man  for  the  King  of  Scotland's  use.""}" 
Two  days  later  he  added  in  another  letter,  "  Having  shipping 
at  hand,  I  have  appointed  from  200  to  300  footmen  to  go  to 
Rathlin  Island  to-morrow  for  the  taking  thereof.  "J  In  the 
meanwhile  a  culverin  and  two  small  brass  sakers  from  the 
pinnace  were  landed  below  the  Castle  and  dragged  up  round 
the  edge  of  the  cliff.  These  vigorous  measures  proved  in  the 
end  effective,  but  Perrot 's  contemplated  trip  to  Rathlin  Island 

*  Lambert  to  Deputy,  Oct.  23rd,  1584. 
t  Perrot  to  Privy  Council,  Sept   15th,  1584. 
J  Carew  MSS.,  Sept.  17th,  1584. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  101 

had  to  be  put  off  for  many  weeks,  for  the  Scots  proved  as  good 
as  their  word,  and  not  till  the  two  McRandall  Boys  and  all 
the  garrison  had  been  killed,  did  the  Castle  pass  into  Perrot's 
hands.*  By  that  time  the  winter  was  so  far  advanced  that 
the  Rathlin  Island  expedition  had  to  be  postponed  to  the 
spring,  Perrot  putting  forward,  as  his  excuse,  a  fear  lest  the 
rivers  might  rise  with  the  winter  rains  and  hinder  his  return. 
Captain  Carlisle  was  turned  from  a  sailor  into  a  soldier,  and 
put  in  charge  of  Coleraine  Friary,  and  an  Englishman  named 
Peter  Carey  was  left  as  Constable  of  Dunluce,  with  special 
injunctions  that  he  should  on  no  account  give  employment 
within  the  walls  to  any  Irish,  a  warning,  which,  unhappily 
for  him,  he  failed  to  take  to  heart. 

Perrot  himself  had  moved  south  at  the  end  of  September 
to  Newry,  where  Tirlough  Luineach  met  him  with  Henry 
McShane.  Tirlough  Luineach  had  now,  in  deference  to  Perrot's 
wishes,  which  were  a  reflection  of  the  wishes  of  the  Queen, 
once  more  made  Dungannon  his  tanist  ;"j"  and,  as  a  kind  of 
earnest  of  his  sincerity  in  this  matter,  he  now  formally  handed 
Henry,  the  eldest  of  Shane's  sons,  back  into  the  keeping  of 
the  Deputy.  J  So  poor  Henry  returned  with  Perrot  to  Dublin, 
and  once  more  became  a  tenant  of  the  Castle.  John  Norris 
was  left  for  another  month  in  Antrim,  to  continue  the  cam- 
paign against  the  Scots,  §  but  he  failed  to  accomplish  any- 
thing further,  and  at  the  end  of  October  he  returned  to  Munster, 
of  which  he  was  President,  with  the  added  dignity  of  knight- 
hood. Henry  Bagenal  then  took  over  the  command,  but  the 
campaign  still  dragged  on  uneventfully,  and  towards  the  end 
of  December  the  English  force  moved  to  Glenarm,  where 
Donald  Gorm  (James  McDonnell's  son)  was  beginning  to  be 
too  self-assertive  for  the  taste  and  dignity  of  the  Government. 
Here  Bagenal  met  with  an  unfortunate  reverse,  for  Donald 
Gorm  made  a  surprise  attack  upon  his  camp  one  night,  and 
not  only  carried  off  the  bulk  of  his  horses,  but  killed  and  wounded 
an  inconvenient  number  of  officers  and  men  ;||  in  fact,  we 
learn  that  Sir  William  Stanley,  and  every  English  officer 

*  Bagenal  to  Perrot,  Nov.  16th,  1584. 
f  Lords  Justices  to  Walsingham,  March  26th,  1585. 
j  Perrot  to  Privy  Council,  Oct.  1584. 
§  Cal.  State  Papers,  Oct.  25th,  1584. 

||  Bagenal  to  Deputy,  Jan.  7th,   1585.     Sir  William    Stanley    to   Bagenal, 
Jan. 5th,  1585. 


102  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

accompanying  the  force,  was  wounded,  with  the  solitary  ex- 
ception of  Bagenal  himself,  who  only  escaped  unhurt  by  a 
precipitate  and — according  to  Captain  Lee — a  premature 
flight,  as  to  which  many  scathing  comments  were  subsequently 
made.*  Henry  Bagenal  was  by  no  means  the  soldier  in  the 
field  that  his  father  had  been,  and  on  several  subsequent 
occasions  proved  himself  a  man  of  very  moderate  valour. 

In  March  of  the  following  year  (1585)  the  deferred  Rathlin 
Island  Expedition  was  launched.  Captain  Thornton  succeeded 
in  capturing  a  Scotch  galley,  and  in  this  the  English  force 
was  taken  across  in  relays.  To  make  up  the  necessary  numbers, 
contingents  were  supplied  from  all  the  forts  in  the  district,  as 
it  was  felt  that  the  occasion  called  for  a  special  effort  if  the 
prestige  of  the  Government  was  to  be  restored.  Sir  Henry 
Bagenal,  Sir  William  Stanley,  Captain  Berkeley,  Captain 
Henshaw,  Arthur  Savage  and  young  Ralph  Bagenal  were  all 
of  the  party.  This  time  the  course  of  events  ran  smoother. 
A  landing  was  effected  without  opposition,  and  the  Castle 
was  found  to  be  unoccupied  ;  but  at  the  northern  end  of  the 
island  the  Scots  were  found  in  some  force,  and  at  that  point 
some  spirited  fighting  took  place,  in  which  both  Sorley  Boy 
and  Donald  Gorm  took  part.  Sir  William  Stanley  was  again 
wounded,  and  young  Ralph  Bagenal,  we  are  told,  did  much  to 
retrieve  the  tarnished  reputation  of  his  family  by  fighting  very 
valiantly.  The  Scots,  who  naturally  had  been  expecting  the 
attack,  had  a  number  of  galleys  in  readiness  at  the  north  end 
of  the  island,  and  in  these  they  were  able  to  effect  their  escape 
to  Cantyre,  when  the  pressure  of  the  English  became  too  severe. 
The  women  and  children  had  already  been  sent  across  to 
Scotland. 

So  once  more  Rathlin  Island  passed  out  of  the  keeping  of 
Sorley  Boy.  Captain  Henshaw,  with  a  small  garrison,  was 
left  on  the  island,  with  Arthur  Savage  as  his  lieutenant.  We 
are  told  that  they  had  little  joy  of  their  commission,  the  island 
being  very  bleak  and  barren,  covered  with  rock  and  heather, 
and  with  no  trees  to  form  a  shelter  from  the  north  winds. 

Perrot  was  highly  delighted  with  the  capture  of  Rathlin 
Island,  and  wrote  with  pride  to  the  Council  in  England  that 
Sorley  Boy,  his  son  Alexander,  and  all  his  nephews  had  fled 
to  Scotland  ;  that  the  Route  was  utterly  wasted  and  Ulster 

*  Capt.  Lee  to  Walsingham,  Feb.  2nd,  1585. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  103 

finally  cleared  of  Scots.  In  the  meanwhile,  Angus,  the  eldest 
son  of  the  late  James  McDonnell  and  Lady  Agnes,  was  with 
his  mother  at  the  Court  of  James  VI.,  trying  to  induce  the 
young  Scottish  King  to  intercede  with  Elizabeth  to  obtain  for 
him  a  grant  of  the  Glynns.  This  was  a  matter  over  which 
Angus  and  Sorley  Boy  had  recently  fallen  out  very  seriously, 
as  each  had  set  his  heart  on  the  possession  of  this  coveted 
corner  of  Antrim.  The  moment  Sorley  Boy  had  been  driven 
out  of  Rathlin  Island  he  assumed  the  position  of  a  humble 
suppliant  for  pardon,  coupling  his  submission  with  the  promise 
of  eternal  loyalty  to  the  Queen  if  he  might  only  be  given  a 
grant  of  the  Glynns.  Angus  put  in  a  very  similar  petition, 
outbidding  his  uncle,  however,  by  adding  to  his  own  promise  of 
loyalty  an  undertaking  that,  if  he  were  given  the  grant,  he 
would  keep  all  other  Scots  out  of  Ulster,  including  Sorley  Boy. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  this  undertaking  was  taken  seriously 
or  had  an  appreciable  effect  on  the  final  result.  That  which 
ultimately  decided  Elizabeth  in  favour  of  the  younger  man 
was  her  firm  adherence  to  the  principle  of  primogeniture,  which 
clearly  marked  Angus  out  as  the  rightful  heir  to  his  father's 
estates. 

Sorley  Boy  was  by  now  over  eighty  years  of  age,  but  still 
full  of  energy  and  vigour,  and  he  had  no  idea  of  sitting  tamely 
down  and  seeing  himself  dispossessed  by  his  nephew  in  his 
old  age.  He  slipped  across  from  Cantyre  to  Rathlin  Island 
in  a  small  boat,  and  bribed  one  of  Captain  Henshaw's  soldiers 
to  get  a  letter  which  he  had  written  conveyed  to  Perrot  in 
Dublin.*  This  the  soldier  agreed  to  do,  and  faithfully  carried 
out  his  undertaking.  The  letter  merely  contained  a  renewal 
of  his  humble  protestations  of  loyalty,  and  the  prayer  that  he 
might  be  allowed  to  die  in  his  beloved  Glynns.  "  It  is  called 
the  Glynns,"  said  Perrot,  in  writing  to  the  Privy  Council, 
"  because  it  is  full  of  rocky  woods  and  glades,  and  it  is  backed 
by  a  very  steep  and  boggy  mountain  "  [Knocklayd].  "  It  lies 
opposite  to  Cantyre,  in  Scotland."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
Glynns,  as  ultimately  defined,  stretched  the  whole  way  from 
Ballycastle  to  Glenarm,  but  the  Glynns  proper,  to  which  Perrot 
refers,  and  to  which  Sorley  Boy  was  the  more  devotedly 
attached,  were  the  present  town-lands  of  Rathmoan  and  Cul- 
feightrim. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  118-78-1. 


104  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

In  May,  1586,  all  poor  Sorley  Boy's  hopes,  as  far  as  the 
Glynns  were  concerned,  were  dashed  to  the  ground,  for  Angus, 
on  the  recommendation  of  the  Queen,*  was  given  a  formal 
grant  of  the  seven  baronies  of  the  Glynns,  the  southern  boundary 
of  which  was  now  definitely  determined  as  excluding  Larne 
and  Olderfleet  Castle,  the  two  latter  places  being  reckoned  too 
near  Carrickfergus  for  safety,  f 

It  was  very  soon  proved  that  Angus's  promise  to  keep  all 
other  Scots  out  of  Ulster  was  a  vain  undertaking,  for  he  had 
barely  been  established  in  the  Glynns  before  Sorley  Boy's 
fourth  son,  Alexander — as  a  protest  against  the  Government's 
rejection  of  his  father's  suit — returned  his  official  pardon  and 
landed  in  the  Route  with  400  men.  Here  he  was  joined  by 
Neil  McIIugh  (who  apparently  bore  Sorley  Boy's  family  no 
ill-will  for  having  killed  his  father,  Hugh  McPhelim)  and  by 
Con  McNeil  Oge's  son.  Dunluce  Castle  was  quickly  retaken, 
with  the  help  of  some  Irish  within  the  walls,  who  let  down 
withy  ropes,  by  which  the  walls  were  scaled.  Poor  Peter 
Carey,  the  Constable,  now  paid  the  penalty  for  neglecting  the 
warning  given  him,  for  he  was  hanged  over  the  battlements 
of  the  Castle  at  the  end  of  one  of  the  very  withies  up  which  his 
captors  had  climbed.  J  The  allied  forces  then  crossed  the 
Bann  into  the  O'Cahan  country,  and  there  completely  over- 
powered the  feeble  garrison  which  had  been  left  in  Coleraine. 
All  Perrot's  laborious  work  was  now  undone,  but  the  victorious 
career  of  the  invading  Scots  was  very  near  its  close.  Flushed 
with  their  success  in  the  Route  and  O'Cahan's  country,  they 
ventured  to  cross  the  Foyle  into  Inishowen.  Here,  however, 
they  were  brought  up  short  by  an  unexpected  encounter  with 
a  combined  English  and  Irish  army,  under  Captain  Merriman 
and  Hugh  Gallagher,  which  barred  their  further  progress  at 
the  neck  of  the  Inishowen  peninsula,  near  Colmackatreyne 
( N  e  wto  wncunningham) . 

Merriman,  who  was  sheriff  of  Donegal  at  the  time,  had 
100  English  with  him.  while  Gallagher  was  in  command  of 
his  own  and  Tirlough  Luirieach's  forces.  The  Scots  were 
therefore  very  greatly  outnumbered,  and  Alexander,  recog- 

*  Queen  to  Council,  Feb.  26th,  1586. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  124-29. 

J  Wallop  to  Walsingham,  Nov.  18th,  1585.     Hill's  "  McDonnells  of  Antrim." 
Bagenal  to  Grey,  Nov.  1585. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  105 

nizing  this,  offered  to  fight  Captain  Merriman  a  duel  between 
the  two  armies,  on  the  understanding  that,  if  he  prevailed,  the 
Scots  should  be  allowed  to  go  on  their  way  into  Donegal  un- 
molested. Merriman  accepted  the  challenge,  and,  in  the  duel 
which  followed,  wounded  Alexander  so  severely  in  the  thigh 
that  he  was  forced  to  retire  into  the  ranks  of  his  followers.* 
A  general  battle  ensued  in  which  the  Scots  were  worsted,  and 
twelve  or  thirteen  of  their  number  were  killed.  Alexander, 
though  severely  wounded,  managed  to  swim  across  to  the 
island  of  Inch,  where  he  simulated  death,  and  was  laid  in  a 
grave  covered  with  rushes  and  surrounded  by  ';  keening " 
women. |  Hugh  Gallagher,  however,  got  news  of  the  ruse 
adopted,  and,  following  Alexander  across  to  the  island,  he 
quickly  turned  the  sham  grave  into  a  real  one,  and  sent  the 
Scot's  head  to  Dublin,  where  it  was  exposed,  according  to 
custom,  on  the  spikes  over  the  Castle  gates.  Con  McNeil 
Oge's  son  was  also  killed.  J 

*  "  Hibernia  Anglicana." 

t  Sir  R.  Bingham  to  Burleigh,  Dec.  12th,  1586.     Four  Masters. 

j  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  107-55. 


CHAPTER   X 

Indignation  of  the  Queen  at  the  barren  results  of  Perrot's  expedition — Recon- 
ciliation with  Sorley  Boy — He  comes  to  Dublin  and  is  given  a  grant  of  the 
Route — McQuillin's  counter-claims — Death  of  Sorley  Boy — His  character. 

THE  marked  disproportion  between  the  sums  spent  in 
Ulster  by  Perrot  and  the  results  achieved,  called 
forth  some  highly  sarcastic  comments  from  the  Queen.  She 
wrote  him  a  sharp  note,  in  her  own  handwriting,  in  which 
she  acidly  counselled  him  to  be  more  sure  of  his  information 
in  the  future,  before  he  wasted  her  money  in  such  profitless 
undertakings  as  his  late  journey  to  Ulster  had  proved.*  She 
pointed  out  with  acerbity  that  he  had  spent  much  treasure 
and  accomplished  nothing  that  was  of  the  slightest  value. 
"  Let  us  have  no  more  such  rash,  unadvised  journeys  without 
good  ground,"  she  concluded,  "  as  your  last  fond  journey  to 
the  north."  Perrot  was  much  upset.  He  began  to  realize 
for  the  first  time  that  the  Queen's  temper  in  the  matter  of  the 
Scots  had  undergone  a  change,  and,  adapting  his  own  policy 
to  her  new  mood,  he  sent  Sorley  Boy  a  friendly  invitation  to 
come  to  Dublin  and  talk  things  over  quietly.  At  first  the  old 
man  was  none  too  eager,  being  slightly  distrustful  of  the 
Deputy's  intentions,  but  he  was  finally  won  over  by  Captain 
William  Warren,  whose  father  had  been  fast  friends  with 
Sorley  Boy's  father  in  old  days.  So,  in  early  June,  1586,"j" 
Sorley  Boy  came  to  Dublin,  marching  through  the  Castle  gates 
under  the  gory  head  of  his  son  Alexander.  He  came  on  his 
knees  into  the  presence  of  the  Deputy,  and,  prostrating  him- 
self humbly  before  a  picture  of  Elizabeth,  reverently  kissed 
the  (painted)  hem  of  her  garment. J  He  swore  from  thence- 

*  Queen  to  Perrot,  April  14th,  1586.  The  reference  to  his  imperfect  informa- 
tion was  in  connection  with  the  fabulous  reports  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  Scots 
who  had  landed  in  Fanad  in  Aug.  1584. 

t  Fenton  to  Burleigh,  June  14th,  1586. 

$  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  139-7. 

106 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  107 

forward  to  be  a  good  subject  to  the  Queen,  and,  in  return  for 
these  loyal  protestations,  and  as  a  sign  of  their  acceptance 
as  genuine,  he  was  presented  by  Perrot  with  a  costly  mantle 
of  velvet  and  gold. 

Sorley  Boy  was  furthermore  appointed  Constable  of  Dun- 
luce  Castle,  with  rights  over  all  the  Route,  from  the  Bush  to 
the  Bann,  including  the  town-lands  of  Loughgill,  Ballymonin 
and  Dunseverick.  McQuillin,  who  arrived  in  Dublin  on  the 
heels  of  Sorley  Boy  and  on  the  same  errand,  was  at  the  same 
time  granted  the  four  town-lands  of  Kilconmoray,  Kilmoray, 
Killaquin  and  Clashnaganagh,*  an  arrangement  which  left 
him  very  dissatisfied  indeed,  for  he  complained  that  Sorley 
Boy's  lands  were  by  far  the  richer  of  the  two,  which  was 
probably  correct.  The  Friary  at  Coleraine  and  the  Bann 
fishing  were  excluded  from  any  rights  granted,  being  reserved 
for  the  use  of  Her  Majesty.  Sorley  Boy  left  his  son  Angus 
(or  Ness,  as  he  was  more  commonly  called)  in  the  hands  of 
Sir  Henry  Wallop,  the  Treasurer,  as  a  pledge  of  his  fulfilment 
of  the  conditions  imposed,  which  included  an  undertaking 
that  he  would  not  import,  for  purposes  of  war  or  agriculture, 
more  than  200  men  from  Scotland. 

This  episode  marks  the  close  of  the  long  conflict  between 
Eli/abeth  and  the  Ulster  McDonnells.  Both  Angus  and 
Sorley  Boy  lived  up  to  their  promises,  and,  the  moment  they 
were  left  alone,  became  loyal  and  peaceable  subjects  of  the 
Queen,  Angus,  in  fact,  proving  the  only  loyal  chief  in  Ulster 
throughout  the  protracted  course  of  Tyrone's  rebellion.  Sorley 
Boy  by  that  time  was  dead,  and  his  sons,  who  were  Shane 
O'Ncil's  nephews  on  the  mother's  side,  proved  less  faithful 
than  their  father,  and  inferior  personalities  in  other  respects. 

Sorley  Boy  died  in  January,  1590,  at  the  age  of  eighty-five, 
having  survived  his  wife  eight  years.  Although  his  grant 
was  bounded  by  the  rivers  Bush  and  Bann,  and  although 
Angus  had  been  nominated  lord  of  the  Glynns,  there  is  reason 
to  suppose  that  some  composition  was  arrived  at  between 
uncle  and  nephew  ;  for  it  is  satisfactory  to  be  able  to  record 
that  Sorley  Boy  died  in  his  favourite  Castle  of  Donananie, 
which  was  certainly  not  within  the  limits  of  his  own  grant. 
Of  his  real  character  little  is  known,  and  he  may  have  been 
full  of  the  many  faults  of  his  kind  and  of  his  day,  but  he  is 
*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  124  85. 


108  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

certainly  the  most  picturesque  figure  in  sixteenth-century 
Ulster.  There  is  something  which  stirs  sympathy  in  the 
thought  of  the  old  man,  with  his  long  yellow  locks  turned 
white,  being  relentlessly  pursued  by  one  Deputy  after  another, 
and  yet  never  crushed,  never  seeking  favour  by  means  of  false 
protestations  after  the  manner  of  his  kind,  and  finally  enjoy- 
ing, for  the  last  four  years  of  his  life,  the  lands  for  which  he 
had  fought  for  half  a  century. 

With  the  death  of  Sorley  Boy,  all  the  old  McDonnell  names 
disappear  permanently  from  Ulster  history.  Angus,  in  spite 
of  the  success  of  his  application  for  the  Glynns,  continued  to 
live  in  Cantyre  with  the  remnant  of  his  sons,  his  Ulster  estate 
being  managed  by  an  agent  'named  Randall  McNess.  The 
only  representatives  of  the  clan  who  stayed  in  the  country 
were  Sorley  Boy's  three  sons,  James,  Randall  and  Angus,* 
of  whom  the  first  two  occupied  Dunluce  Castle,  while  the  third 
was  for  the  time  being  a  hostage  in  Dublin. 

*  A  much  younger  illegitimate  son  of  Sorley  Boy  named  Loder,  or  Lothei, 
also  remained  in  Ulster.  He  was  implicated  in  Rory  O'Cahan's  attempted 
rebellion  in  1615. 


CHAPTER   XI 

Perrot's  partition  of  Ulster. 

BY    far   the   most   important    of    Perrot's   administrative 
acts  was   his   division  of   Ulster  into  counties  in  1586. 
The  new  counties  numbered  nine,  and  were  as  follows  :   Cavan, 
Fermanagh   and    Monaghan ;     Armagh,   Down    and    Antrim ; 
Donegal,  Tyrone  and  Coleraine. 

Cavan  had  been  the  country  of  that  exemplary  subject, 
Sir  Hugh  O'Reilly.  The  old  man  died  in  1583,  and  his  son 
Shane  (or  John),  who  succeeded,  spoke  English  as  well  as  his 
father,  and  was  reputed  as  good  a  man  in  other  ways.  His 
good  conduct,  however — as  will  presently  be  seen — was  not 
long  proof  against  Tyrone's  insidious  counsels. 

Monaghan  and  Fermanagh  were  respectively  the  countries 
of  Sir  Ross  McMahon  and  Sir  Cuconnaught  Maguire,  both  of 
whom,  under  the  new  management,  remained  urraghs  (or 
tributary  vassals)  of  O'Neil.  These  three  counties  had,  for 
many  years,  formed  the  most  peaceable  group  in  Ulster,  but 
were  soon  destined  to  be  converted,  by  the  dealings  of  one 
Government  official,  into  the  cradle  of  the  great  rebellion 
which  disturbed  the  last  ten  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign. 

The  next  natural  group  of  three  comprised  Donegal,  Tyrone 
and  Coleraine.  Donegal — which  was  the  old  Tyrconnell — 
was  O'Donnell's  country,  with  O'Boyle,  O'Gallagher  and  the 
three  McSweeneys,  his  acknowledged  urraghs.  O'Dogherty's 
position  in  Inishowen  was  less  clearly  denned,  as  his  lands 
were  systematically  claimed  by  both  O'Neil  and  O'Donnell, 
and  between  the  two  of  them  he  generally  managed  to  keep 
his  independence.  His  two  main  strongholds  were  Derry  and 
Ellaugh  Castle. 

The  county  of  Coleraine,  locally  known  as  the  Kryne,  was 
the  O'Cahan's  country,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Limavady. 
He,  too,  was  an  urragh  of  O'Neil. 

109 


110  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

The  county  of  Tyrone  was  divided  by  Perrot  between  Tir- 
lough  Luineach  and  Dungannon,  whom  we  may  now  call  the 
Earl  of  Tyrone,  that  title  having  been  definitely  conferred  on 
him  by  the  Parliament  of  1585.  The  conditions  of  this  curious 
arrangement  were  that  Tyrone  should  lease  from  Tirlough 
Luineach,  for  a  period  of  seven  years  from  the  date  of  the 
agreement,  the  south-eastern  half  of  the  O'Neil  territory, 
i.e.,  everything  lying  to  the  south-east  of  the  mountain  of 
Mullaghcarn,  for  an  annual  rent  of  a  thousand  marks.  The 
lands  of  which  Tyrone  became  in  this  way  the  absolute  lord — 
for  he  never  paid  a  penny  of  his  rent  during  the  whole  seven 
years — were  Glenconkein  and  Killetagh,  and  all  Tyrone  proper 
east  of  the  line  running  from  the  mountain  of  Mullaghcarn 
to  the  Blackwater,  the  Trough  in  County  Monaghan,  and 
Clan  Brassil  in  County  Armagh.  The  period  of  the  so-called 
lease  was  fixed  at  seven  years,  because  it  was  deemed  a  cer- 
tainty by  all  parties — except  Tirlough  himself — that  by  that 
time  the  O'Neil  would  be  dead. 

The  practical  effect  of  this  most  foolish  and  unjust  measure 
of  Perrot's  was  that  the  newly-created  Earl  of  Tyrone,  in  the 
full  sunshine  of  the  Government  favour,  became  a  richer  and 
more  powerful  chief  than  the  reigning  O'Neil.  His  chief 
Castle  was  at  Dungannon,  for  Shane's  old  house  at  Benburb 
had  never  been  repaired  since  Sidney  had  burned  it,  and  was 
in  ruins,  but  he  had  subsidiary  residences  at  Castle  Roe  on  the 
Bann  and  at  Ballynascanlon.  Tirlough  Luineach  was  limited 
to  his  two  Castles  of  Strabane  and  Dunalong. 

A  curious  condition  of  the  arrangement  made  between  Perrot 
and  Tirlough  Luineach  was  that  the  latter  was  to  dismiss  his 
Scotch  army  and  maintain  in  its  place  a  standing  force  of 
300  English  soldiers,  O'Donnell  being  bound  under  the  same 
agreement  to  maintain  200.  The  late  Marshal,  Sir  Nicholas 
Bagenal,  who  was  now  a  very  old  man  and  a  permanent 
resident  in  Dublin,  warned  Perrot  against  this  scheme,  which 
he  predicted  was  foredoomed  to  failure  ;  as  either  the  English 
would  degenerate  and  adopt  native  habits,  or  else  they  would 
be  gradually  made  away  with  by  a  population  which  viewed 
their  establishment  in  their  midst  with  a  suspicious  and  un- 
friendly eye.  The  religious  question  was  beginning  to  make 
itself  very  strongly  felt  in  Ulster,  and — though  kept  to  a  certain 
extent  below  the  surface — was  in  a  sense  the  dominating 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  111 

factor  in  all  the  Elizabethan  rebellions.  The  periodical 
invasions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Scots  from  the  Western 
Highlands  aroused  neither  resentment  nor  uneasiness  among 
the  natives,  but  there  was  a  very  different  feeling  abroad 
when  the  invaders  were  English  Protestants.  Bagenal  pre- 
dicted a  short  and  troubled  existence  for  Perrot's  resident 
soldiers,  and  he  was  right.  In  Donegal  the  problem  did  not 
arise,  for  O'Donnell  made  no  attempt  to  live  up  to  his  agree- 
ment, and  later  on — by  way  of  a  composition — proposed  a 
payment  of  450  beeves,  which,  needless  to  say,  were  never 
produced. 

Tirlough  Luineach,  however,  faithfully  took  on  his  quota 
of  300,  and  kept  them  as  long  as  they  would  stay.  This,  as 
events  proved,  was  about  six  months,  for  the  Marshal's  prophecy 
turned  out  unhappily  true.  Stragglers  from  the  camp  did 
not  return,  and  the  300  gradually  dwindled,  till  the  survivors 
determined  that  life  would  be  safer  in  the  Pale,  and  made 
their  way  back  there  in  a  body.  In  the  case  of  the  Earl,  Perrot 
made  no  stipulation  as  to  the  maintenance  of  English  soldiers, 
for  Tyrone  was  at  the  moment  the  spoilt  darling  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  superior  to  such  arrangements,  but  he  planted  upon 
him  the  two  English  brothers,  Richard  and  Henry  Ovington 
(corrupted  into  Hoveden),  whose  intended  mission  was  a 
continuance  of  his  English  education,  but  whose  ultimate 
influence  on  the  Earl  was  of  a  widely  different  character.  Two 
hundred  acres  round  the  Blackwater  fort  were  reserved  for  the 
Crown,  and  on  this  land  Captain  Keyes,  the  Constable,  set  to 
work  building,  and  soon  had  rough  quarters  erected,  capable 
of  accommodating  400  soldiers. 

In  Armagh,  Tirlough  Braselagh  had  Clanbrassil  in  the  north, 
Tirlough  McHenry  had  the  Fews  in  the  south,  and  O'Hanlon 
ruled  rather  unsteadily  over  the  centre. 

The  ownership  of  Down  was  a  far  more  complicated  affair. 
Down  was  subdivided  into  South  Clandeboye,  Kilwarlin,  the 
Dufferin,  McCartan's  country,  the  Ards,  Iveagh  (Magennis* 
country),  Lecale  and  Mourne. 

As  may  readily  be  understood,  the  limits  of  real  estate  in 
Ireland  were  never  very  clearly  defined,  except  in  cases  where 
some  natural  boundary,  such  as  a  river,  separated  the  pro- 
perty of  two  neighbours.  In  County  Down  this  vagueness  of 
boundaries  was  especially  noticeable.  Magennis'  country  and 


112  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

McCartan's  country  were  elastic  terms,  the  meaning  of  which 
varied  with  the  predatory  capacity  of  each  successive  owner. 
McCartan's  country  technically  embraced  the  Dufferin,  but, 
at  the  time  of  Perrot's  distribution  scheme,  McCartan  had 
little  strength  of  following,  and  the  country  that  carried  his 
name  was,  to  a  great  extent,  in  the  hands  of  others.  The 
Dufferin,  which  had  once  been  the  property  of  the  Mandevilles, 
was  at  the  time  of  Perrot's  partition  farmed  by  Randall 
Brereton,*  but  before  the  end  of  the  century  it  had  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Sir  Nicholas  Whyte's  family.  It  is  described 
as  a  small  country  in  extent,  but  densely  clothed  with  im- 
penetrable woods,  which  made  it  the  chosen  home  of  brigands 
and  loose  men.  To  the  north  of  it  was  South  Clandeboye, 
to  the  west  of  it  Kilwarlin  with  Killultagh  beyond,  and  to  the 
north  east  of  it  McCartan's  country  and  the  Ards.  To  the 
south-west  lay  Magennis'  country,  to  the  south-east  Lecale, 
and  beyond  that  again  Mourne.  Lecale,  at  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  was  a  treeless  district,  which  nominally 
belonged  to  the  Countess  of  Kildare,  having  been  granted  to 
her  father-in-law  by  Queen  Mary."}"  Its  freedom  from  woods 
made  it  one  of  the  safest  countries  in  Ulster,  and  in  Perrot's 
day  there  was  still  the  remains  there  of  a  small  colony  of  Eng- 
lish, who  had  been  brought  over  in  old  days  by  Sir  John  Cowsie, 
viz.,  Savages,  Russells,  Jordans,  Audleys,  Bentleys  and 
Fitzsimmons,  "  who  still  remain,  though  somewhat  in  poor 
estate."J 

Mourne  was  mainly  farmed  by  the  Bagenals.  Little  Ards 
was  the  property  of  Arthur  Savage,  who  rented  it  to  Captain 
Piers  the  younger,  i.e.,  the  nephew  of  the  old  Carrickfergus 
Constable.  Great  Ards  was  part  of  the  property  of  Con  McNeil 
Oge,  whose  estates  also  included  South  Clandeboye,  Kilwarlin 
and  Killultagh.  This  impulsive  and  unreliable  chief  had 
succeeded  his  brother  Hugh  when  the  latter  had  been  killed 
by  the  Scots  in  1555.  He  had  been  a  prisoner  in  Dublin  Castle 
at  the  time  of  Smith's  and  Essex's  invasions,  and,  indeed, 
the  knowledge  of  this  fact  had,  to  a  large  extent,  been  respon- 
sible for  the  promotion  of  the  whole  enterprise,  for  the  lands 
of  Con  McNeil  Oge  were  those  principally  affected.  During 
Con's  imprisonment  Sir  Brian  McPhelim  and  Brian  Feartagh 

d  exercised  a  divided  lordship  over  his  territories,  and  both 
*  Carew  MSS.,  1594-139.         f  Carew  >ISS-  Oct-  1586-        t  Ibid- 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  113 

were  accused  of  having  had  a  hand  in  the  murder  of  young 
Tom  Smith. 

Essex's  plans  would  probably  have  matured  far  more  satis- 
factorily for  himself  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  persistent  and 
malicious  hostility  of  Fitzwilliam.  This  self-seeking  Deputy 
had  been  from  the  first  a  bitter  opponent  of  Essex's  venture, 
which  he  foresaw  would  result  in  a  dimunition  of  his  secret 
profits.  He  accordingly — out  of  pure  spite,  and  in  the  hope 
that  it  would  add  to  Essex's  embarrassments — arranged  for 
the  escape  of  Con  McNeil  Oge,  who — once  free — lost  no  time 
in  returning  to  his  native  haunts,  which  he  reached  shortly 
before  the  execution  of  Sir  Brian.  The  moment  that  chieftain 
was  dead,  Con  reasserted  his  rights  to  the  lands  he  had  enjoyed 
before  his  imprisonment,  and  proved  no  less  truculent  and 
obstructive  than  had  his  predecessor.  Con  McNeil  Oge  was 
generally  reckoned  a  dangerous  character,  and  probably  with 
justice  ;  at  any  rate,  we  may  be  quite  sure  that  Fitzwilliam 
was  not  entirely  ignorant  of  the  reputation  enjoyed  by  the 
man  whom  he  had  so  maliciously  loosed  on  his  supposed 
colleague.  But  though  Con's  sudden  reappearance  may  have 
contributed  to  Essex's  embarrassments,  and  may  even  have 
hastened  his  final  abandonment  of  the  whole  enterprise,  it 
does  not  appear  that — beyond  the  Carrickfergus  exploit 
already  referred  to — Con  was  particularly  aggressive.  Four 
years  later,  however,  his  hostility  to  foreigners  became  much 
more  marked,  for  information  came  to  Tirlough  Luineach  that 
Con  had  formed  a  plot  to  massacre  all  the  English  in  Lecale, 
Dufferin  and  the  Ards  in  one  day.*  This  plot  Tirlough  Luineach 
communicated  to  Drury,  and  as  a  consequence  Con  was  out- 
lawed and  a  price  put  upon  his  head,  but  his  capture  was  not 
effected  until  a  year  later,  when  he  was  taken  by  Brian  Fear- 
tagh,  the  rival  claimant  to  his  estates,  and  handed  over  to 
Captain  Piers  at  Carrickfergus.  For  five  years  Con  lay  in 
Dublin  Castle,  but  Perrot,  in  pursuance  of  his  anti-Scotch 
policy,  then  liberated  him,  no  doubt  for  a  suitable  considera- 
tion. He  died  in  1589,  almost  at  the  same  time  as  his  old 
enemy,  Sorley  Boy.  Upon  his  death  his  estates  were  settled 
upon  Neil  McBrian  Feartagh,  the  son  of  the  man  who  had 
betrayed  him.  Neil  proved  on  the  whole  a  loyal  subject,  and, 
on  his  death,  his  lands  passed  to  his  son  Con  McNeil.  This 

*  Tirlough  Luineach  to  Drury,  Sept.  1579. 

8 


114  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

son  was  popularly — but  quite  improperly — known  as  Con 
McNeil  Oge,  a  circumstance  which  is  apt  to  give  rise  to  con- 
fusion as  between  the  original  Con  McNeil  Oge,  who  died 
in  1589,  and  the  man  who,  in  1603,  laid  the  foundation-stone 
of  the  great  Ulster  Plantation  by  disposing  of  the  bulk  of  his 
enormous  property  to  two  Scotchmen  named  James  Hamilton 
and  Hugh  Montgomery. 

Antrim  contained  the  Route,  McQuillin's  country,  or  the 
Moyan,  as  it  was  called,  the  Glynns,  North  Clandeboye,  Carrick- 
fergus  and  Magee  Island.  North  Clandeboye  had  originally 
been  divided  between  Hugh  and  Brian,  the  two  sons  of  Phelim 
Bacagh,  Hugh  having  the  north  half  and  Brian  the  south, 
with  the  River  Kellis  acting  as  the  boundary  between  the  two.* 
Upon  the  death  of  these  brothers,  their  lands,  in  the  natural 
course,  descended  to  their  sons,  Hugh  McHugh  and  Shane 
McBrian,  of  whom  the  last-named  was  illegitimate,  "j"  "  whereby 
there  do  be  great  wars  between  them."  In  1586,  Shane 
simplified  the  situation  to  a  certain  extent  by  killing  Hugh, 
but  even  then  he  had  the  younger  brother  Neil  to  deal 
with,  and  the  two  kept  up  a  ceaseless  feud  till  1589,  when 
Fitzwilliam — for  reasons  of  his  own — took  sides  very  definitely 
with  Shane  McBrian,  and  clapped  Neil  McHugh  into  Dublin 
Castle.  This  left  Shane  for  the  time  being  the  undisputed  lord 
of  all  North  Clandeboye,  till  the  inevitable  moment  when 
Neil,  thirsting  for  revenge,  bought  his  way  out  of  Dublin 
Castle,  and  at  once  took  up  the  old  fight  with  his  cousin. 
The  feud  continued  with  fluctuating  results  up  till  the  end  of 
the  century.  Each  of  the  competitors,  in  turn,  wooed  and 
won  the  support  of  the  Government  by  ceaselessly  accusing 
the  other  of  every  conceivable  villainy  ;  and  each,  when  placed 
in  the  position  of  responsibility,  infallibly  proved  worthy  of 
his  own  description. 

*  Hill's  "  McDonnells  of  Antrim." 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  II.- 54. 


CHAPTER   XII 

Quarrel  between  Loftus  and  Perrot — Its  causes — Dublin  University  endow- 
ment— Perrot' s  unfortunate  remark  about  the  Queen — Frivolity  of  the 
other  charges  levelled  against  him — His  recall  and  disgrace — Affection  of 
the  Irish  chiefs  for  Perrot — Prosperity  of  Ireland — Fitzwilliam  returns  as 
Deputy — His  alleged  corruption — His  expedition  to  the  north — Rumours 
of  Spaniards  at  large — Fitzwilliam's  real  motive — O'Toole  and  O'Dogherty 
— Their  arrest  and  imprisonment— Suspicious  conduct  of  Fitzwilliam — 
He  visits  Tirlough  Luineach  at  Lifford — Friendliness  of  the  O'Neil — His 
high  regard  for  Perrot — His  appreciation  of  Perrot's  gift — Tirlough  Luineach 
petitions  to  be  created  Earl  of  Omagh — His  claim  for  rent  against  Tyrone — 
Fitzwilliam  visits  Tyrone  at  Dungannon — His  handsome  entertainment. 

/"CREATIVE  reform  is  very  rarely  popular  even  with  those 
V_x  whom  it  is  designed  to  benefit,  nor  was  Perrot's  redistri- 
bution scheme  any  exception  to  the  general  rule.  The  majority 
of  those  affected  were  openly  antagonistic,  and  even  the  palpable 
gainers  grumbled  at  not  gaining  more.  Far  ahead  of  all  other 
gainers  was  the  Earl  of  Tyrone,  who,  from  being  a  landless 
pensioner  on  charity,  became,  by  the  stroke  of  a  pen,  the  lord 
of  half  Ulster.  From  this  sudden  access  of  greatness  Tyrone 
never  recovered.  From  the  moment  that  he  was  created  a 
territorial  magnate  with  a  revenue  independent  of  the  English 
Treasury,  he  became  a  rebel  in  the  bud,  scheming  without 
intermission  to  overthrow  the  power  which  had  made  him. 
Loftus,  who  cared  little  for  the  interests  of  anyone  except 
himself,  but  who  suffered  from  an  unquenchable  hatred  of 
Perrot,  wrote  to  Burleigh  protesting  that  the  new  arrangement 
gave  Tyrone  all  the  urraghs  from  the  foot  of  Slieve  Gallion  to 
the  Pale,  which,  in  point  of  fact,  it  did. 

Perrot  and  Loftus  hated  one  another  very  earnestly.  For 
this  mutual  antipathy  there  were*various  reasons,  some  substan- 
tial, and  others  merely  childish.  Among  other  things,  Loftus 
had  manoeuvred  the  escape  of  Sir  John  O'Dogherty  out  of  Dublin 
Castle,  in  consideration  of  a  consignment  of  several  hogsheads 
of  Lough  Foyle  salmon.*  Perrot,  who  not  unnaturally  held 
the  view  that  if  anyone  was  to  get  salmon  for  arranging 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  150-52-2. 

H5  8* 


116  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

O'Dogherty's  escape  it  should  be  himself,  had  a  heated  inter- 
view with  the  Chancellor  over  the  matter,  and  blows  were 
very  nearly  exchanged.  Loftus  never  forgave  Perrot  for  finding 
him  out,  and  thenceforward  systematically  opposed  every 
proposition  that  the  Deputy  put  before  the  Council.  On  one 
occasion  his  demeanour  was  so  offensive  that  Perrot  struck 
him  in  the  face.  Poor  Perrot,  who  suffered  severely  from  stone 
and  was  in  constant  pain,  had  not  the  sweetest  of  tempers,  and 
on  another  occasion  actually  knocked  the  old  Marshal,  Sir 
Nicholas  Bagenal,  down  during  a  heated  altercation.*  Methods 
of  argument  such  as  these  were  naturally  unpopular,  and  Perrot 
managed  to  make  a  number  of  enemies,  who,  in  the  end,  com- 
passed his  ruin. 

The  climax  of  the  feud  between  the  Deputy  and  the  Chan- 
cellor came  about  over  the  question  of  the  Dublin  University 
endowment.  This  was  a  pet  scheme  of  Perrot's,  and  one  which 
was  intrinsically  worthy.  The  trouble  arose  over  the  fact  that 
the  scheme  involved  the  appropriation  of  some  of  the  revenues 
of  St.  Patrick's  church  for  the  purpose  of  endowing  the  Uni- 
versity, and  Loftus,  who  was  Archbishop  as  well  as  Chancellor, 
opposed  this  encroachment  upon  his  special  preserves  with  a 
heat  and  bitterness  worthy  of  the  Deputy  himself.  Unfortu- 
nately for  Perrot  and  the  success  of  his  scheme,  Loftus  happened 
to  be  a  great  personal  friend  of  Burleigh,  and  he  prevailed 
upon  the  Lord  Treasurer  to  get  the  Queen  to  put  her  veto  on  the 
proposed  transaction.  When  the  irascible  Deputy  learnt  of 
this  checkmate  to  his  long-cherished  scheme,  he  let  fall  a  hasty 
remark  about  Her  Majesty's  sacred  person  which  was  certainly 
not  pretty,  J1  and  which  Loftus  took  good  care  should  find  its 
way  back  to  the  ears  of  Elizabeth.  From  that  moment  Perrot's 
doom  was  sealed.  Elizabeth  never  forgave  a  personal  slight. 
She  had  too  much  vanity  to  let  an  affront  to  her  person  be  put 
forward  as  the  main  charge  against  one  of  her  Ministers,  but 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  unfortunate  remark,  and  nothing 
else,  brought  about  Perrot's  downfall.J  He  was  recalled  in 

*  Carew  MSS.  Bagenal  to  Leicester,  May,  1587.  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol. 
129-84  and  93. 

t  "  Hibernia  Anglicana."  See  also  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  161-19.  The 
man  who  actually  laid  the  information  as  to  Perrot's  unfortunate  speech  was 
his  secretary,  Philip  Williams. 

J  Perrot's  downfall  was  to  a  great  extent  assisted  by  the  bitter  hostility  of 
Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  at  the  time  in  high  favour  with  the  Queen.  See 
Harleian  Miscellany  II.,  p.  96. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  117 

disgrace,  and,  on  arrival  in  London  in  June,  1588,  was  lodged 
in  the  Tower  on  charges  which  were  so  ludicrously  insufficient 
in  themselves  that  in  some  cases  they  fell  little  short  of  testi- 
monials of  efficiency,  but  behind  which  was  the  outraged  dignity 
of  the  offended  Queen.  The  formal  indictment  was  :  "  that 
he  was  severe  and  forced  the  people  to  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  pryed  into  men's  patents,  and  endeavoured  to  promote 
laws  against  recusants,  and  to  repeal  Poynings'  Act ;  and  this 
impeachment  was  abetted  by  the  Chancellor  (being  also  Arch- 
bishop), whom  the  Deputy  had  disobliged  by  endeavouring  to 
appropriate  the  revenues  of  St.  Patrick's  church  to  the  new 
University,  and  by  carrying  himself  too  magisterially  in  the 
Government.  With  the  Chancellor,  Sir  Henry  Bagenal,  Sir 
Geoffrey  Fenton  and  others  of  the  Council  sided,  so  that  it  grew 
into  a  powerful  faction  by  which  the  Deputy  was  often  thwarted 
at  Council  Boards  or  elsewhere."* 

Unpopular  though  Perrot  may  have  been  with  the  greedy  and 
corrupt  members  of  his  Council,  he  was  astonishingly  popular 
with  the  Irish  chiefs,  who  flocked  to  the  quay  from  all  parts  of 
Ulster  to  bid  him  God-speed.  There  were  congregated  Tirlough 
Luineach,  Tyrone,  O'Donnell  (apparently  bearing  no  ill-will  for 
the  kidnapping  of  his  son  Hugh  Roe),  Sir  John  O'Dogherty, 
Manus  O'Donnell,  Egnechan  O'Donnell,  Con  McNeil  Oge,  Sir 
Ross  McMahon,  Sir  Cuconnaught  Maguire,  Sir  Hugh  Magennis 
and  Sir  Oghie  O'Hanlon,^"  The  friendliness  of  the  Irish  chiefs 
was  afterwards  brought  up  as  evidence  of  Perrot's  corrupt  rela- 
tions with  them,  and  there  is  every  probability  that  he  did  accept 
bribes  ;  but,  having  been  bribed,  he  at  all  events  kept  faith 
with  those  who  had  bribed  him,  which  is  more  than  can  be  said 
of  his  successor. 

In  addition  to  his  subdivision  of  Ulster,  Perrot  introduced 
and  passed  Acts  prohibiting  the  manufacture  of  aqua  vitce 
(whisky),  "  which  sets  the  Irishry  amadding  and  breeds  many 
mischiefs,"  and  for  the  reinforcement  of  Statute  28  Henry  VIII., 
which  forbade  marriages  with  natives.  He  also  attempted,  but 
failed,  to  get  Poynings'  Act  (Henry  VII.)  repealed,  which  laid 
down  that  every  Act  passed  by  the  Irish  Parliament  had  to  be 
confirmed  in  England  before  it  became  law.  All  these  acts 
stand  to  his  credit,  though  the  last-named  was  construed  into 
an  offence  against  the  State. 

*  "  Hibernia  Anglicana."  f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  144-7. 


118  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

On  the  whole,  Perrot — who  was  commonly  supposed  to  be  a 
son  of  Henry  VIII. — may  be  ranked  with  the  very  small  number 
of  Elizabeth's  representatives  in  Ireland  whose  records  are 
creditable  rather  than  otherwise.  His  unpopularity  with  the 
Dublin  officials  is  all  in  his  favour.  Public  morality  at  the  time 
of  his  administration  had  sunk  so  low  that  there  could  be  no 
higher  tribute  to  a  Deputy's  integrity  than  the  disfavour  of 
his  colleagues  on  the  Council.  Perrot  died  in  the  Tower  before 
the  absurd  charges  on  which  he  was  put  there  could  be  either 
proved  or  disproved.  He  had  left  a  name  in  Ireland  which, 
at  all  events,  was  respected  and  admired  by  the  native  chiefs, 
and  he  left  the  country  itself  in  a  state  of  unprecedented  pros- 
perity. "  This  realm,"  says  a  report  on  the  state  of  Ireland  at 
the  close  of  Perrot's  administration,  "  is  now  in  better  estate 
than  ever  I  did  know  it,  being  not  only  peaceable  and  quiet  in 
every  part  thereof,  but  so  plentiful  in  all  kinds  of  provisions  that 
corn  is  little  worth  and  beef  sold  at  3  Ibs.  for  a  white  groat."* 

We  may  now  take  leave  of  the  unfortunate  Sir  John  Perrot 
and  devote  our  attention  to  a  very  much  worse  man.  Perrot 
may  have  been  corrupt,  but  he  was  at  all  events  faithful  to  those 
who  corrupted  him.  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  his  successor, 
was  false  both  to  the  Queen  who  paid  him  and  to  the  chiefs 
who  bribed  him.  Much  of  the  unrest,  which  culminated  in 
Tyrone's  rebellion,  had  its  source  in  the  malpractices  of  this  very 
venal  Deputy.  Perrot  publicly  accused  him  of  having  made 
£10,000  out  of  his  previous  term  of  office.^  According  to  one 
Johnson,  an  attorney  of  the  Queen's  Bench  in  Ireland,  he  had 
paid  £1,000  to  someone  unknown — presumably  Burleigh — for 
the  privilege  of  going  back  for  the  second  time  to  Ireland  as 
Deputy,  J  which,  if  true,  was  a  sufficient  indication  of  his  inten- 
tions. His  first  official  act  showed  a  disposition  to  lose  no  time 
in  getting  back  his  entrance  fee,  if  such,  indeed,  had  been  paid. 
He  organized  an  expedition  in  force  to  the  north  in  November, 
1588,  i.e.,  very  soon  after  his  arrival,  which  was  wholly  un- 
justified by  the  tranquil  condition  of  the  country  as  left  by 
Perrot. 

Fitzwilliam  was  at  the  time  sixty-four  years  of  age,  and — by 
his  own  account — so  unwieldy  of  body  that  he  could  barely 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-126. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  144-7. 
J  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  197-60, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  119 

stand.  Still,  he  had  reasons  of  his  own  for  being  active,  though 
these  reasons  were  by  no  means  those  which  were  furnished  to 
the  Queen.  The  official  excuses  for  an  expedition,  which  was  as 
costly  as  it  was  barren  of  results,  were  :  (1)  To  persuade 
O'Donnell  to  pay  his  arrears  of  rent  now  (including  the  400 
beeves  he  had  agreed  with  Perrot  to  pay  in  commutation  of  his 
failure  to  maintain  his  200  English  soldiers)  amounting  to  2,000 
beeves.  (2)  To  settle  the  land  dispute  between  Tirlough 
Luineach  and  Tyrone.  Fitzwilliam  put  forward  the  further 
pretext  that  he  was  called  upon  in  his  capacity  as  Deputy  to 
destroy  certain  loose  bands  of  Spaniards,  survivors  of  the 
Armada,  who  were  patrolling  the  country  and  creating  a  danger 
to  the  State.* 

It  must  be  admitted  in  Fitzwilliam's  defence  that  wild 
rumours  to  this  effect  were  in  truth  being  freely  circulated  at 
the  moment.  Thousands  of  Spaniards  were  reported  to  have 
landed,  and  to  be  overawing  the  country  in  McSweeny  Dogh's 
district.  These  thousands  eventually  resolved  themselves 
into  a  handful  of  half-drowned  mariners,  whom  the  brothers 
Hoveden  captured  and  sent  up  to  Dublin.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
all  the  Spaniards  who  managed  to  reach  shore  from  the  wrecked 
Armada  were  either  summarily  "  executed  "  by  the  Govern- 
ment authorities,  or  else  killed  by  the  country  people.  A  man 
named  McLoughlin  McCabe  boasted  that  he  himself  had  killed 
eighty  with  his  axe  as  they  struggled  up  one  after  another  out 
of  the  sea.f 

In  point  of  fact,  derelict  Spaniards  were  not  Fitzwilliam's 
quest,  nor  did  he  find  any  such  with  the  exception  of  two  Spanish 
and  five  Dutch  boys  whom  he  loyally  caused  to  be  executed.  J 
The  discreditable  truth  was  that  he  had  been  led  to  believe  that 
fabulous  treasure  in  gold  and  silver  had  been  secured  out  of 
the  wrecked  ships  by  the  Irish,  and  secreted  in  various  safe 
hiding-places  ;§  and  his  hurry  to  get  to  Donegal  arose  from  his 
anxiety  to  get  this  treasure  into  his  hands  before  those  who  had 
the  secret  of  its  whereabouts  had  time  to  dissipate  it.||  He  was 

*  Fitzwiiliam  to  Walsingham,  Oct.  28th,  1588. 

t  Edward  Whyte  to  Stephen  Whyte,  Sept.  12th,  1588.     Carew  MSS. 
\  Bingham  to  Queen,  Dec.  3rd,  1588. 

§  Capt.  Dalvray  to  Carevr,  July  27th,  1589.  Bingham  to  Fitzwilliam,  Sept. 
21st,  1589. 

il  Fynes  Moryson, 


120  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

accompanied  on  this  piratical  expedition  by  Sir  Ralph  Bingham, 
Sir  Lucas  Dillon,  Sir  George  Bourchier,  Sir  Thomas  Le  Strange 
and  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton.  A  strong  fighting  force  was  also 
in  attendance,  to  add  weight  to  any  arguments  he  might  have 
to  put  forward  in  support  of  his  prescriptive  right  to  the 
treasure. 

The  covetous  Deputy  first  of  all  made  a  short  tour  of  the 
Connaught  coast,  but,  finding  nothing  there  but  wreckage, 
crossed  into  Donegal  by  way  of  Ballyshannon.  At  Ballyshannon 
he  sent  one  John  Bermingham  to  Sir  Owen  O'Toole,  the  local 
magnate,  with  an  invitation — almost  amounting  to  an  order — 
for  his  attendance  under  a  safe  conduct.  Sir  Owen  dutifully 
obeyed  the  summons,  and  from  that  time  on  accompanied  the 
expedition.  At  Donegal  O'Donnell  met  the  Deputy,*  also  in 
response  to  a  summons,  but  he  was  old  and  feeble,  and  his  further 
presence  was  not  insisted  on.  From  Donegal  Fitzwilliam  went 
north  to  McSweeny  Dogh's  country,  lying  to  the  west  of  Fanad, 
which  was  the  country  where  the  bulk  of  the  fabled  treasure 
was  reported  to  have  been  landed.  None,  however,  was  dis- 
covered by  the  Viceregal  party,  and  the  disappointed  expedi- 
tion then  moved  down  to  Lifford,  where  Sir  John  O'Dogherty, 
of  Inishowen,  in  obedience  to  a  summons,  also  joined  the  party. 

The  limits  of  Donegal  having  now  been  reached  and  no 
treasure  discovered,  Fitzwilliam's  mood  underwent  a  marked 
change  for  the  worse.  The  two  unfortunate  Donegal  chiefs, 
who  had  come  in  under  a  safe  conduct,  were  placed  under  arrest 
and  from  that  time  on  accompanied  the  expedition  as  closely- 
guarded  prisoners.  O'Dogherty,  it  will  be  remembered,  had 
very  recently  escaped  from  Dublin  Castle  with  the  paid  assist- 
ance of  the  Archbishop.  With  regard  to  the  other  prisoner, 
Sir  Owen  O'Toole,  a  few  words  of  explanation  are  necessary. 

Sir  Owen  O'Toole  was  more  correctly  known  as  Sir  John 
O'Gallagher.  His  real  name  was  Sir  Eoghan  McTuahal 
O'Gallagher,  which  may  be  correctly  anglicized  into  Sir  Owen 
McToole,  but  by  no  means  into  Sir  Owen  O'Toole.  However, 
it  will  be  convenient  to  refer  to  him  by  the  name  by  which  he 
was  generally  known.  At  the  time  of  Fitzwilliam's  visit  he  was 
in  receipt  of  a  pension  of  £100  a  year  from  the  Government. 
He  was  a  great  favourite  with  Ineenduv  and  a  strong  supporter 
of  the  Scotch  faction  in  Donegal ;  in  fact,  he  and  Ineenduv  may 
*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  139-25. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  121 

be  said  to  have  run  the  Government  of  Donegal  between  them, 
O'Donnell  himself  being  weak  and  silly.  Owen  O'Toole,  by  the 
way,  had  married  the  Earl  of  Tyrone's  mother,  Joan  Maguire. 
She  was  a  daughter  of  old  Sir  Cuconnaught  and  was  also  the 
mother  of  Cormac  McBaron.  Art  McBaron  was  illegitimate. 
After  the  murder  of  Ferdoragh  she  had  married  Henry  McPhelim 
Roe  (O'Neil)  and  by  him  had  Tirlough  McHenry  of  the  Fews. 
Then  her  second  husband  died  and  she  married  Owen  O'Toole. 
She  ultimately  died  herself  in  December,  1600.* 

It  was  afterwards  asserted  —  and  possibly  with  truth  —  by 
Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell,  that  O'Dogherty  and  O'Toole  had  come 
in  of  their  own  accord  to  the  Deputy,  and  willingly  accompanied 
him  as  long  as  he  was  within  the  boundaries  of  Donegal  ;  but 
that  they  had  extracted  from  him  a  promise  that  he  would  not 
take  them  beyond  the  limits  of  their  own  country.  No  sooner, 
however,  had  Fitzwilliam  got  these  two  unfortunate  men  safely 
under  guard,  than  he  began  to  try  and  force  from  them  the 
secret  of  the  supposed  hidden  treasure.  This  they  were 
naturally  unable  to  give  him,  for  the  very  good  reason  that  the 
whole  story  was  apocryphal.  Fitzwilliam,  however,  obstinately 
refused  to  believe  this,  and,  in  direct  violation  of  his  pledge, 
carried  both  the  men  off  to  Dublin.  "j"  O'Dogherty  —  though  he 
had  no  Spanish  treasure  to  bribe  with  —  had  other  resources, 
and  after  two  years'  confinement  he  bought  his  release,  possibly 
with  more  Lough  Foyle  salmon.  O'Toole  presumably  had 
nothing  to  bribe  with,  for  he,  poor  man,  was  kept  a  prisoner  for 
six  years.  J  Russell,  when  he  succeeded,  released  him  out  of 
pity,  but  he  was  then  an  old  and  broken  man,  and  died  shortly 
afterwards. 

Fitzwilliam,  who  had  always  a  plausible  story  ready  for  every 
occasion,  wrote  to  Walsingham  that  the  two  chiefs  had  willingly 
consented  to  accompany  him  to  Dublin,  as  pledges  for  the  pay- 
ment of  2,000  beeves,  which  were  owing  to  Her  Majesty  by 
O'Donnell  ;  but  both  Fynes  Moryson  and  the  Four  Masters 
agree  in  ridiculing  this  story,  and  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell's  evi- 
dence before  the  Dundalk  Commission  in  1596  bears  out  their 
view,  which  was  that  both  men  were  seized  and  imprisoned  in 
violation  of  Fitzwilliam's  pledged  word. 

With  his  two  Donegal  prisoners  still  under  custody,  Fitz- 


*  Four  Masters.  t  JWd-     Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-120. 

J  Carew  MSS.  1594-137. 


122  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

william  moved  down  to  the  River  Mourne  on  a  friendly  visit  to 
Tirlough  Luineach.  This  easy-going  and  lethargic  chieftain 
was  at  the  time  living  in  a  new  stone  house — optimistically 
styled  a  Castle — built  on  the  Lifford  side  of  the  river,  which 
he  had  occupied  since  O'Donnell  burned  his  Strabane  Castle 
after  the  battle  of  Drumleen.  The  house  had  been  originally 
built  by  Hugh  Gallagher,  in  the  days  when  he  aspired  to  be  the 
O'Donnell,  and  was  shared  between  him  and  Tirlough  Luineach 
till  the  death  of  the  former  in  1589.  Here  he  now  received  the 
Deputy  and  staff  with  every  demonstration  of  friendliness. 
The  well-stocked  cellar  was  liberally  drawn  upon,  and,  after 
the  O'Neil  had  provided  such  entertainment  as  the  place  afforded, 
the  two  parted  in  apparent  friendliness. 

Tirlough  Luineach's  friendliness  towards  Fitzwilliam  seems 
to  have  been  genuine,  and  to  have  been  honestly  reciprocated  by 
Fitzwilliam,  but  Perrot  was  the  Deputy  who  was  most  deeply 
enshrined  in  the  old  O'Neil's  heart.  The  late  Deputy,  shortly 
after  Fitzwilliam's  treasure-hunting  visit,  sent  him  a  steel 
head-piece  by  the  hand  of  one  John  Garland,  who  relates  that 
Tirlough  Luineach  "  took  it  in  his  hand  and  kissed  it  at  least 
half  a  score  times,  and  then  presently  he  sent  for  two  hogsheads 
[sic]  of  wine  and  christened  your  skull  [head-piece],  and  after 
he  had  drunk  his  fill  he  put  on  his  shirt  of  mail  and  his  jack, 
and  called  for  a  bowl  of  wine  and  drank  it  to  your  honour's 
health  ;  and  withal  he  put  on  the  skull  and  drew  out  his  sword 
with  a  great  oath,  and  said  that  Sir  John  Perrot  was  the  truest 
man  of  his  word  that  ever  he  knew,  and  he  would  prove  it  upon 
any  man  that  would  say  the  contrary,  old  as  he  was,  and  then 
sat  down  and  said,  '  I  am  now  ten  years  younger  by  reason  of 
that  skull.'  "* 

Apparently  no  one  took  up  Tirlough  Luineach's  challenge, 
and  the  proceedings  terminated  peacefully.  On  the  occasion  of 
Fitzwilliam's  visit,  Tirlough  Luineach  was  less  combative  and 
in  all  probability  more  business-like,  for  he  had  two  definite 
petitions  to  lay  before  the  Deputy.  One  of  these  was  that  he 
should  be  created  Earl  of  Omagh,|  and  the  other  that  pressure 
should  be  brought  to  bear  on  Tyrone  to  make  him  pay  the  rent 
owed  for  the  lands  he  leased  from  Tirlough  Luineach,  as  to 
which  the  lessee  was  now  three  years  in  arrear.  Tirlough 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  146-40. 

t  Cal,  State  Papers,  Vol.  129-59.     See  also  Vol.  130-28. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  123 

Luineach  pleaded  that  Tyrone  should  either  be  forced  to  pay 
or  to  give  up  the  lands.  Fitzwilliam  was  full  of  sympathy  and 
of  promises,  but  he  was  a  man  who  did  nothing  for  nothing,  and 
— after  parting  with  the  O'Neil — he  went  on  to  Dungannon  to 
see  whether  Tyrone  could  offer  him  substantial  arguments 
against  the  justice  of  Tirlough  Luineach's  claim. 

Tyrone  was  a  finished  courtier  and  a  man  of  the  world. 
Fynes  Moryson  describes  him  as  "  of  a  high  dissembling  subtlety 
and  of  a  profound  wit."  He  moreover  had  the  advantage  of 
having  been  reared  in  two  of  the  best  houses  in  England,  and 
he  knew  exactly  how  things  should  be  done.  Fitzwilliam,  who 
was  a  lover  of  good  things,  wrote  to  Walsingham  in  high  praise 
of  the  entertainment  provided  for  them  at  Dungannon.  No- 
thing was  wanting,  he  said,  and  both  food  and  wine  were  of 
the  best.*  The  entire  party  left  Dungannon  fully  convinced 
that  Tyrone  was  one  of  the  best  of  fellows,  and  the  most  loyal 
subject  in  Ulster.  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton  and  Sir  Lucas  Dillon 
were  especially  warm  in  his  praise.  Burleigh  wrote  to  the  latter 
asking  for  his  candid  opinion  of  a  man  who,  even  at  this  early 
stage,  was  beginning  to  be  something  of  an  enigma  to  statesmen 
in  England.  Dillon  replied  with  enthusiasm  that  Tyrone  was 
"  greatly  followed  and  valiant,  and,  by  reason  of  his  bringing 
up  and  training,  of  far  better  disposition,  more  tractable  and 
politic  than  any  of  his  ancestors." 

In  all  the  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  poor  Tirlough 
Luineach's  claims  should  have  been  rather  neglected.  The 
Deputy,  it  is  true,  wrote  to  him  that  Tyrone  had  agreed  to  pay 
up  the  3,000  marks  arrears  of  rent,  and  Tyrone  himself  subse- 
quently claimed  to  have  made  such  a  payment,  but  there  is  no 
evidence  to  bear  out  this  statement,  and  the  events  that  shortly 
followed  point  very  strongly  in  the  opposite  direction. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  139-25. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Elizabeth's  displeasure  at  Fitzwilliam's  expedition — Hugh  McShane  arrives 
in  Ulster  from  Scotland — His  interview  with  Capt.  Merriman — He  goes 
up  to  Dublin  and  lays  information  against  Tyrone — Scepticism  of  Fitz- 
william — Tyrone  is  sent  for — His  explanations  and  their  acceptance — 
Hugh  McShane' s  return  to  the  north — His  betrayal  by  Shane  Maguire — 
Tyrone's  conditions  for  his  release — Execution  of  Hugh  McShane — Tyrone 
is  again  sent  for  to  Dublin — He  is  dismissed  with  a  caution — Tirlough 
Luineach's  indignation  at  Hugh's  execution — He  sends  Con  McShane  to 
England — Con  is  waylaid  and  seized  by  Fitzwilliam — He  is  handed  over 
to  Tyrone — Tyrone's  repudiation  of  his  rent— His  mean  nature — His 
enormous  income — Tyrone  burns  Dunalong — He  attacks  Strabane  with 
a  thousand  men — His  poor  generalship — Timidity  of  Hugh  Gallagher — 
Capt.  Mostyn  takes  the  lead — Defeat  of  Tyrone — His  hurried  flight. 

IT  is  to  be  doubted  whether  Fitzwilliam  returned  from  his 
northern  tour  thoroughly  satisfied  with  its  results,  for  none 
of  the  Armada  treasure  had  so  far  materialized  ;  and,  though 
he  had  doubtless  made  some  satisfactory  arrangement  with 
Tyrone  over  the  matter  of  Tirlough  Luineach's  claim  for  rent, 
this  can  have  been  but  a  very  poor  substitute  for  the  other. 
The  Queen — as  may  easily  be  imagined — was  very  far  from 
pleased,  for  the  expedition  had  cost  her  a  great  deal  of  money 
and  had  accomplished  nothing  of  any  material  value  to  her 
revenue  or  interests  generally.  While  she  was  still  in  this  very 
dissatisfied  mood,  an  incident  occurred  which  seemed  to  shake 
to  their  very  foundations  all  the  glowing  reports  forwarded  by 
Fitzwilliam  and  Dillon  as  to  the  Earl's  civilized  and  tractable 
nature. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  in  August,  1584,  Hugh  and  Art 
McShane  had  landed  in  Lough  Swilly  with  a  party  of  Macleans, 
who — after  a  certain  amount  of  local  filibustering — had  re- 
embarked  for  Scotland  on  the  approach  of  two  of  Her  Majesty's 
ships.  Hugh  and  Art,  however,  had  remained  behind,  and  a  year 
later  Perrot  had  succeeded  in  capturing  Art,*  who  was  safely 
lodged  in  Dublin  Castle.  Hugh,  who  had  no  wish  to  join  his 
two  brothers  in  the  Castle,  and  who  was  fully  alive  to  Perrot 's 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  126-43.     Perrot  to  Walsingham,  Feb.  26th,  1586. 

124 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  125 

hostile  attitude  towards  the  Scots,  upon  learning  of  this  catas- 
trophe, went  back  to  Scotland.  Here  he  stayed  during  the 
remainder  of  Perrot's  administration,  completing  arrangements 
for  bringing  over  an  army,  when  opportunity  might  offer,  to 
co-operate  with  Tirlough  Luineach.  Perrot,  who  was  perfectly 
well  aware  of  his  intentions,  sent  him  an  ultimatum  to  the  effect 
that,  if  he  brought  over  any  such  army  during  his  administra- 
tion, it  would  be  interpreted  as  an  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of 
Tirlough  Luineach,  and  this  ultimatum  Hugh  had  respected. 
Perrot,  however,  had  now  gone  back  in  disgrace  to  England,  and 
a  man  who  viewed  all  political  matters  with  very  different  eyes 
was  in  his  place. 

On  learning  of  the  change  of  Deputies,  Hugh  McShane's 
ambitious  schemes  once  more  revived,  and  in  February,  1589, 
he  landed  in  Lough  Swilly,  not  with  the  army  of  2,000  that  he 
was  reputed  to  have  raised,  but  merely  for  purposes  of  prelimi- 
nary consultation  with  Tirlough  Luineach.  This  chief  had  in 
1584 — in  reluctant  response  to  pressure  from  Perrot — once  more 
nominated  Tyrone  as  his  tanist,  but  this  forced  arrangement  had 
not  survived  Tyrone's  repudiation  of  the  head-rent  he  owed 
the  O'Neil  for  occupying  and  rack-renting  the  best  half  of  his 
territory.  The  breach  between  the  two  branches  of  the  O'Neil 
family  was,  in  fact,  wider  now  than  ever,  and,  when  Tyrone 
made  it  quite  clear  that  his  intention  was  absolutely  to  repudiate 
the  arrangement  for  rent  which  he  himself  had  proposed,  Tir- 
lough Luineach,  for  the  second  time,  disinherited  him  and  sub- 
stituted in  his  place  one  of  the  sons  of  Shane.  This  time  the 
son  selected  was  Hugh,  possibly  the  most  efficient  and  eligible 
of  the  family  in  all  respects. 

Hugh's  first  act  after  landing  was  to  interview  Captain 
Merriman,  the  Sheriff  of  the  County.  Merriman  was  very  favour- 
ably impressed,  both  by  the  personality  of  the  young  man,  and 
by  the  good  and  loyal  intentions  that  he  professed.  As  a  result 
of  the  interview,  he  wrote  to  the  Deputy  that  Hugh  had  some 
startling  revelations  to  communicate  to  his  secret  ear,  if  he 
might  be  guaranteed  a  safe  conduct  to  Dublin.  Fitzwilliam,  who 
scented  intrigue  and  opportunities  for  personal  plunder,  was 
interested  and  gave  the  required  guarantee,  and  Hugh  went  up 
to  Dublin.  His  information  was  to  the  effect  that  Tyrone  had 
for  some  time  past  been  in  constant  communication  with  both 
Rome  and  Spain,  with  a  view  to  organizing  a  comprehensive 


126  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

rebellion  on  religious  lines  in  which  the  whole  of  Ulster,  if  not 
the  whole  of  Ireland,  was  to  take  part. 

It  was,  of  course,  sufficiently  obvious  to  Fitzwilliam — as  it 
is  to  us  to-day — that  Hugh's  disclosures  were  not  actuated  by 
love  of  the  Queen,  or  loyalty  to  the  Government,  but  by  the 
simple  desire  to  discredit  Tyrone,  and  to  divert  the  support  of 
the  Government  from  the  Earl  to  himself.  In  Fitz William's  eyes 
the  point  of  main  importance  was  that  Tyrone  was  the  man  in 
possession,  or  at  any  rate  in  half-possession,  and  that  Tyrone 
was  therefore  the  man  who  could  afford  to  pay  in  order  to  remain 
in  possession.  He  accordingly  threw  ridicule  on  Hugh's  story, 
which  he  denounced  as  a  spiteful  attempt  to  malign  the  good 
Earl.*  However,  for  the  sake  of  appearances,  the  latter  was 
summoned  up  to  Dublin  to  make  his  explanations,  which, 
it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say,  he  succeeded  in  doing  to  the  com- 
plete satisfaction  of  the  Deputy.  He  assured  him  of  his  undying 
loyalty  to  the  Queen,  reminded  him  of  the  notorious  villainies 
of  the  late  Shane  O'Neil,  and  gave  it  as  his  honest  opinion  that 
the  sons  were  worse  than  the  father.  In  support  of  this  latter 
opinion  he  cited  a  case  which  had  recently  occurred  in  his 
own  country  where  Con  McShane  had  raided  him  and  indiscrimi- 
nately killed  men,  women  and  children. 

Fitzwilliam  lent  a  sympathetic  ear,  agreed  that  Shane's 
sons  were  untrustworthy  villains,  and  finally  dismissed  the 
injured  Earl  with  conciliatory  pats  on  the  back,  and  admonitions 
to  studiously  tread  the  narrow  path  of  loyalty  and  virtue. 

Captain  Merriman,  who  was  one  of  the  bravest  and  most 
honest  men  in  Ireland,  was  much  more  impressed  by  Hugh 
McShane's  story  than  was  the  Deputy  ;  in  fact,  when  he  heard 
that  the  latter  had  made  light  of  it,  he  even  felt  called  upon  to 
write  to  Walsingham  informing  him  of  the  favourable  im- 
pression that  Hugh  had  made  upon  him,  and  adding  his  opinion 
that,  "  if  O'Neil  were  gone,  Tyrone  would  prove  as  bad  a  member 
as  ever  came  of  his  name. ""I"  Such  a  warning  coming  from  such 
a  humble  source  would  have  had  little  weight  had  it  not  been 
startlingly  endorsed  by  the  events  which  immediately  followed. 

Hugh  McShane,  after  his  interview  with  Fitzwilliam,  made 

his  way  back  as  quickly  as  might  be — though  by  a  circuitous 

road,  in  order  to  avoid  Tyrone's  country — towards   Strabane, 

breaking  his  journey  at  various  convenient  points.     One  of  these 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  144-38.  f  Cal-  Stat«  Papers,  Vol.  148-9. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  127 

was  at  Belleek  in  Fermanagh,  where  he  sought  the  hospitality 
of  Shane  Maguire,  who  had  been  a  friend  of  his  in  days  gone  by. 
Maguire,  however,  was  now  less  friendly,  and,  discerning  an 
opportunity  for  profit  in  the  situation,  he  sent  to  Tyrone  asking 
what  he  would  offer  for  his  guest.  Tyrone  replied  that  he  would 
give  twenty  horses,  which  Maguire  considered  satisfactory,  and 
the  bargain  was  closed.*  In  some  accounts  of  the  affair  it  is 
suggested  that  Tyrone  sent  across  a  party  who  apprehended 
Hugh,  but  this  is  unlikely,  in  view  of  the  extreme  rapidity  with 
which  the  whole  transaction  had  to  be  carried  through.  The 
more  correct  version  is  undoubtedly  that  given  in  the  "  Annals 
of  Lough  Ce,"  which  is  as  follows  :  "  Hugh  was  taken  by  Shane 
Maguire  in  treachery  in  the  house  of  a  horseman  of  Maguire's 
people,  for  which  the  Earl  gave  him  twenty  horses." 

Tyrone  now  had  two  of  Shane's  sons  (Brian  being  already 
his  prisoner),  and  he  wrote  to  Tirlough  Luineach  suggesting  that 
one  of  the  three  brothers,  Hugh,  Brian,  or  Con  (who,  for  reasons 
which  are  not  known,  had  been  released  by  Tyrone  a  couple 
of  months  before  and  was  now  once  more  with  Tirlough  Luin- 
each),']'  sh011^  always  remain  at  Dungannon  as  a  pledge  for  the 
good  conduct  of  the  other  two.  On  these  terms  he  said  he  was 
prepared  to  liberate  either  Hugh  or  Brian.  Hugh,  as  may  be 
supposed,  was  quite  ready  to  fall  in  with  the  arrangement, 
but  Con — who  was  the  only  one  of  the  three  concerned  at  large — 
took  a  very  different  view.  He  made  a  journey  to  Dungannon 
to  discuss  the  proposition  with  Tyrone  (and  presumably  with  his 
two  brothers),  and  was  then  given  a  fortnight  in  which  to  talk 
the  matter  over  with  Tirlough  Luineach  and  come  to  some 
decision.  What  Tirlough  Luineach's  view  of  the  matter  may 
have  been  is  not  on  record,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  Con  was 
not  converted  to  the  idea  of  sacrificing  his  own  liberty  in  order 
to  release  his  brother,  for  the  fourteen  days  were  allowed  to 
lapse,  and  on  the  fourteenth  day  Hugh  was  hanged  on  a 
convenient  thorn  tree. 

Tyrone  was  accused  in  many  quarters  of  having  done  the  hang- 
ing with  his  own  hands,  but  this  he  stoutly  denied,  and  probably 
with  truth.  J  That  he  was  hard  put  to  it  to  find  a  hangman  is 
beyond  doubt,  for  the  Donnelly  sept,  who  had  been  Shane's 
foster-brothers,  did  their  best  to  make  the  execution  an  im- 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  150-71.  f  Cal-  State  Papers,  Vol.  141-22. 

I  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  151-20. 


128  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

possibility  by  forbidding  any  man  to  have  a  hand  in  the  hanging 
of  the  late  O'Neil's  son.  In  the  end,  however,  Tyrone  found  two 
Meath  men,  named  Naughten  and  Cormac  McMurphy,  who  acted 
as  manual  assistants  to  his  brother  Cormac,  who  was  the  chief 
executioner.*  Tyrone  himself  looked  on.  As  a  result  of  this 
act,  the  Donnelly  sept  seceded  in  a  body  from  the  Earl,  and 
thenceforward  their  far  from  contemptible  influence  was  on  the 
side  of  Tirlough  Luineach. 

A  high-handed  proceeding  such  as  the  hanging  of  a  man 
who  had  just  laid  important  information  before  the  Govern- 
ment, could  hardly  be  overlooked  even  by  such  an  opportunist 
as  Fitzwilliam,  and  the  Earl  was  summoned  before  the  Privy 
Council  to  give  an  explanation  of  his  action.  His  defence  was 
curiously  crude  for  a  man  of  his  imaginative  powers.  Hugh, 
he  said,  was  a  traitor  and  the  son  of  a  traitor  ;  he  had  frequently 
raided  his  country,  and  had  been  guilty  of  many  notable 
murders.  "  Many  women  and  infants,"  he  declared,  "  had 
by  him  been  murdered,  besides  many  that  with  great  wounds 
had  escaped  his  fury."f  All  this  may  have  been  tru~,  but  most 
probably  was  not,  for  Hugh  had  been  for  several  years  in 
Scotland,  debarred  by  a  stretch  of  sea  from  making  raids  on 
central  Ulster,  even  if  he  had  wished  to.  The  fact  was,  of 
course,  that  Hugh's  personal  character,  good,  bad  or  indifferent, 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  his  untimely  end.  The  man 
was  a  standing  menace  to  Tyrone,  both  on  account  of  the 
special  knowledge  he  possessed  of  the  Earl's  political  designs, 
and  also  because — of  all  Shane's  sons — he  was  the  most  likely 
to  successfully  compete  with  Tyrone  for  the  succession. 

Tyrone  was  mildly  censured  by  the  Privy  Council ;  he  was 
bound  in  his  own  recognisances  to  reappear  when  called  upon, 
and  so  sent  home.  It  is  probable  that  the  incident  would  have 
been  definitely  closed  then  and  there  but  for  the  persistence  of 
Tirlough  Luineach.  The  old  O'Neil  was  greatly  outraged  by 
the  whole  proceeding,  and  he  had  no  idea  of  accepting  as 
final  the  exculpation  of  the  time-serving  Privy  Council.  Con 
McShane  was  sent  off,  in  the  capacity  of  a  special  envoy,  to 
lay  the  whole  chain  of  events  before  Burleigh,  with  a  view  to 
having  Tyrone  arraigned  before  a  properly  constituted  Court. 
Fitzwilliam,  however,  was  duly  warned  of  this  intended  move — 
probably  by  Tyrone — and  he  managed  to  waylay  and  capture 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  151-20.  f  Ibid. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  129 

Con  as  he  was  making  his  way  through  Dublin.  The  moment 
Con  was  in  his  power,  Fitzwilliam  removed  any  doubts  that 
might  previously  have  existed  as  to  his  leanings  in  the  matter, 
by  handing  his  prisoner  over  to  the  man  who  had  just  hanged 
his  brother.  Tyrone  did  not  hang  Con,  though  he  had  cer- 
tainly more  justification  for  doing  so  than  had  been  apparent 
in  the  case  of  Hugh,  for  Con  had  been  guilty  of  many  cruelties 
to  the  Earl's  people.  Moreover,  the  moment  Hugh  was  dead, 
Tirlough  Luineach  had  made  Con  his  tanist,  at  the  same  time 
formally  discarding  and  disinheriting  his  own  illegitimate  son 
Art,  with  whom  he  had  never  been  on  the  best  of  terms.* 
It  can  only  be  supposed  that  Tyrone  feared  the  uproar  that 
would  most  certainly  have  arisen  had  he  hanged  Con  after 
the  solemn  jobation  to  which  he  had  been  treated  by  the 
Privy  Council,  for  he  contented  himself  with  putting  him  in 
prison  alongside  of  his  brother  Brian.  A  year  later  he  was 
destined  to  add  Henry  to  the  collection  of  brothers,  after 
which  his  prisoners  were  separated,  Brian  being  kept  at  Dun- 
gannon,  while  Henry  and  Con  were  confined  in  separate  islands 
in  Leinster. 

Elated  by  the  so-far  favourable  course  of  events,  Tyrone 
now  determined  to  read  the  O'Neil  a  lesson  for  his  audacity 
in  asking  for  the  payment  of  arrears  of  rent,  and,  in  so  doing, 
he  established  a  Hibernian  precedent  which  has  successfully 
survived  the  centuries.  The  Earl  had  now  enjoyed  the  best 
half  of  O'Neil' s  lands  for  six  years  without  paying  one  penny 
of  the  absurdly  inadequate  rent  which  he  had  agreed  to  under 
Perrot's  scheme. "j"  The  lands  out  of  which  Tyrone  had  tricked 
his  late  father-in-law,  and  in  respect  of  which  he  had  steadily 
refused  to  pay  the  agreed  rent,  had  for  him  something  more 
than  an  agricultural  value.  It  is  true  that  he  was  able  to  squeeze 
enormous  rents  out  of  the  serfs  that  the  arrangement  placed 
at  his  mercy, J  but,  in  addition  to  money,  the  lands  conferred 
upon  their  overlord  the  terrorizing  power  which  in  Ireland 
always  exacts  reverence.  He  had  absolute  rule  of  life  and 
limb,  torture  and  mutilation,  over  the  men,  women,  and  children 
of  the  lands  he  rented.  Such  powers  were  looked  upon  as  the 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  148-7. 
t  Tirlough  Luineach  to  Queen,  March  31st,  1590. 

J  Moiintjoy  estimated  that  Tyrone's  income,  when  O'Neil,  amounted  to  over 
£80,000  a  year. 

9 


130  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

hall-marks  of  royalty,  and,  in  the  popular  estimation,  installed 
any  such  as  exercised  them  in  the  outer  ranks  of  the  gods. 
Except  for  the  acquisition  of  these  lands,  and  for  the  territorial 
despotism  which  their  possession  conferred,  Tyrone — on  the 
death  of  Tirlough  Luineach — would  have  entered  the  list  of 
candidates  for  the  succession  on  equal  terms  with  Tirlough 
Luineach's  sons,  Shane's  sons,  and  Tirlough  Braselagh's  sons. 
As  it  was,  however,  his  election  was  a  foregone  conclusion,  for 
he  started  as  the  acknowledged  lord  of  half  the  lands  associated 
with  the  title  of  O'Neil.  Considering,  then,  the  immense 
advantage,  both  moral  and  material,  that  he  derived  from  the 
friendly  arrangement  entered  into  with  Tirlough  Luineach, 
his  repudiation  of  the  small  rent  agreed  upon  argues  in  the 
Earl  a  singularly  mean  and  niggardly  mind. 

Apart  from  the  question  of  rent,  there  may  have  been  some 
reasonable  justification  according  to  the  standard  of  the  day 
for  Tyrone's  attack  on  Tirlough  Luineach.  The  Earl  was 
constantly  accusing  Shane's  sons — acting  for  Tirlough  Luineach 
— of  raiding  his  country  and  massacring  his  people,  and  for  these 
accusations  there  were  probably  some  grounds.  Tirlough 
Luineach  had  been  defrauded  of  his  rent,  and,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  country,  his  indignation  would  find  its  natural 
expression  in  bloody  raids  upon  Tyrone's  people.  There  is  no 
evidence  of  Tyrone  having  so  far  retaliated.  Now,  however, 
he  determined  that  it  was  time  to  act.  He  started  his  campaign 
with  a  surprise  attack  on  Dunalong  Castle,  which  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  burning,  Tirlough  Luineach  being  away  in  his 
Lifford  house  at  the  time.  Having  given  this  preliminary 
indication  of  his  mood,  Tyrone  then  returned  to  Dungannon, 
and  there  made  preparations  for  an  excursion  on  a  far  more 
important  scale  against  Lifford  and  Strabane.  By  the  middle 
of  April,  1589,  his  preparations  were  complete.  He  had  mus- 
tered 1,000  armed  men,  at  the  head  of  which  he  set  out  from 
Dungannon  and  marched  west,  devastating  the  country  as  he 
went,  the  moment  he  had  crossed  his  own  boundary  line.  He 
crossed  the  Mourne  below  Omagh  and  followed  the  left  bank 
of  the  river  down  to  Newtown.  Here  Hugh  Gallagher,  who  was 
in  command  of  Tirlough  Luineach's  forces,  had  taken  up  a 
defensive  position  of  considerable  strength,  but,  on  learning 
of  Tyrone's  numbers,  he  prudently  withdrew  towards  Lifford. 
Tyrone  followed  till  he  had  wedged  Gallagher  in  between  the 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  151 

Mourne  and  Finn,  and  then  he  too  became  the  victim  of  over- 
prudence.  He  had  arranged  with  O'Donnell  that  his  eldest 
son  Donnell  should  arrive  at  Lifford  simultaneously  with  him- 
self, and  that  the  two  forces  should  then  unite  and  overwhelm 
Tirlough  Luineach's  small  defensive  army.  Donnell  had  not 
yet  arrived,  and,  although  Tyrone's  forces  greatly  outnumbered 
Gallagher's,  he  determined  that  it  would  be  safer  to  await  the 
arrival  of  the  Donegal  reinforcements  before  attacking.  Accord- 
ingly on  the  night  of  April  30th  he  encamped  on  Carricklea 
Hill  facing  Lifford,  keeping  a  sharp  look-out  to  the  west  for  the 
approach  of  his  dilatory  ally. 

Now  it  so  fell  out  that,  by  a  piece  of  strangely  happy  fortune 
for  Tirlough  Luineach,  there  were  at  the  moment  at  Lifford 
two  companies  of  English  soldiers  commanded  by  Captain 
Mostyn,*  who  had  lately  been  appointed  Sheriff  of  Donegal 
in  place  of  Captain  Merriman,  but  who  had  been  turned  out 
by  O'Donnell,  and  had  taken  temporary  refuge  with  Tirlough 
Luineach.  Mostyn  pointed  out  to  Gallagher  how  suicidal 
it  would  be  for  the  weaker  side  numerically  to  wait  till 
O'Donnell's  force  came  up,  and  urged  an  immediate  attack 
on  the  hill.  Gallagher,  however,  had  no  liking  for  the  scheme, 
and  declared  with  considerable  emphasis  that  nothing  would 
induce  him  to  attack  at  night,|  but  he  agreed  that  an  attack 
might  reasonably  be  attempted  in  the  morning.  He,  not 
unwillingly,  resigned  the  leadership  to  Mostyn,  who  had  the 
whole-hearted  co-operation  of  Tirlough  Luineach.  The  old 
chief  had  not  taken  the  field  for  some  years,  but,  though  now 
nearly  sixty  years  of  age,  he  gallantly  arrayed  himself  in  mail 
shirt,  with  Perrot's  steel  skull  upon  his  head,  and  placed  himself 
alongside  of  Mostyn. 

At  the  first  streak  of  dawn  the  English  captain  and  the 
Irish  chief,  supported  by  Hugh  Gallagher,  Tirlough  Luineach's 
son  Art,  and  Con  McCalvagh's  son  Neil  Garv,  led  the  assault. 
The  attacking  party  only  numbered  400,  of  whom  nearly  half 
were  English,  while  Tyrone  had  1,000  men  very  strongly  posted, 
but  none  the  less  the  issue  was  never  for  a  moment  in  doubt. 
Before  Mostyn  and  the  old  O'Neil  had  come  within  striking 
distance,  Tyrone's  men  broke  and  fled  in  all  directions,  headed 
by  the  Earl  himself,  who  "  made  away  and  rested  not  till 
he  came  to  Dungannon."  Great  numbers  were  slain  in  the 
*  "  Hibernia  Anglicana."  f  Four  Masters. 

9* 


132  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

pursuit  which  followed,  Tirlough  Luineach's  son  Art — according 
to  local  panegyrists — himself  killing  300  of  the  fugitives.* 
In  the  scrimmage  old  Tirlough  Luineach  received  a  bullet-wound 
in  the  shoulder  and  a  lance-wound  in  the  small  of  the  back, 
and  much  commiseration  from  the  Lord  Deputy  Fitzwilliam, 
who  sent  him  up  a  surgeon  and  "  much  dressing  for  his  wounds. "*f* 
This  was  Hugh  Gallagher's  last  appearance  in  public,  for 
three  months  later  Ineenduv — always  thirsting  to  be  revenged 
on  him  for  the  kidnapping  of  her  beloved  Hugh  Roe,  and  the 
slaughter  of  her  cousin  Alexander — inveigled  him  under  false 
pretences  to  her  house  at  Mongavlin,  where  he  was  waylaid 
and  murdered. 

*  Four  Masters.  f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  158  47 


CHAPTER  XIV 

The  revolt  of  Cavan,  Monaghan  and  Fermanagh — Its  causes  real  and  alleged — 
Tyrone's  part  in  the  affair — Monaghan  and  the  McMahons— Sir  Ross's 
complaints  in  the  matter  of  a  sheriff — Death  of  Sir  Ross — Dispute  over 
the  succession — Hugh  Roe  McMahon — He  is  supported  by  Fitzwilliam — 
He  abuses  the  power  given  him — Arrest  of  Hugh  Roe  McMahon — His  trial 
and  execution — Tyrone  takes  political  advantage  of  the  occurrence — His 
representation  of  the  matter — He  alarms  the  northern  chiefs — Fitz- 
william's  greed — New  divisions  of  Monaghan — Severe  English  criticism  of 
Fitz William's  action — He  denies  the  charges  made  against  him — Ever 
McCooley's  evidence. 

FOR  fifty  years  Cavan,  Monaghan  and  Fermanagh  had 
been  the  model  districts  of  Ulster,  a  fact  due  partly  to 
self-interest,  and  partly  to  their  proximity  to  the  Pale.  But, 
by  a  strange  decree  of  fate,  it  was  now  ordained  that  these 
three  counties  were  to  be  the  prime  movers  in  a  rebellion  which 
was  to  last  ten  years,  and  which  was  to  exercise  the  most 
momentous  and  far-reaching  effects  upon  the  destinies  of 
Ulster.  The  circumstances  which  turned  these  three  good 
counties  into  bad  counties  occasioned  at  the  time  a  very  memor- 
able stir. 

A  certain  amount  of  obscurity  must  always  surround  the 
actual  part  which  Tyrone  played  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the 
rebellion  known  as  Maguire's.  According  to  the  information 
laid  by  Hugh  McShane,  Tyrone  had  for  some  time  past  been 
planning  a  rebellion  on  a  comprehensive  scale,  which  was  to 
take  the  form  of  a  religious  movement,  and  which  was  to  have 
the  active  co-operation  of  Spain  and  the  Vatican.  On  the 
other  hand  there  are  certain  specific  occurrences  connected 
with  Fitzwilliam's  administration  which  all  the  Ulster  chiefs 
subsequently  pointed  to  as  the  first  causes  of  the  rebellion. 
The  point  in  obscurity  is  as  to  whether  these  occurrences  would, 
under  normal  conditions,  have  been  in  themselves  a  sufficient 
cause  for  rebellion,  or  whether  they  were  merely  seized  upon 
by  Tyrone  as  the  public  justification  for  a  course  which  he 
had  long  been  planning  in  secret.  The  latter  theory  is  more 

133 


134  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

in  line  with  the  known  facts.  It  must  also  be  remembered  that 
the  traditional  loyalty  of  Monaghan  and  Fermanagh,  the 
first  two  counties  to  rebel,  had  been  severely  shaken  by  Perrot's 
sacrifice  of  their  independence  to  Tyrone's  growing  ambition. 
All  the  blame  for  this,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  thrown  by  the 
chiefs  and  the  people  of  Monaghan  and  Fermanagh  on  Perrot 
and  his  Government,  and  none  on  Tyrone,*  who  was  the  chief 
gainer  thereby  and  the  instigator  of  the  act.  With  the  two 
counties  in  this  discontented  mood,  came  the  execution  of 
Hugh  Roe  McMahon,  and  Tyrone's  intriguing  mind  instantly 
recognized  in  the  opportune  event  the  required  spur  with 
which  to  goad  McMahon  and  Maguire  into  line  with  his  long- 
cherished  schemes. 

This  much  is  quite  clear,  but  it  is  by  no  means  equally 
clear  that  Hugh  Roe's  execution  would  have  aroused  more  than 
a  very  passing  interest  except  for  the  untiring  energy  of  Tyrone's 
secret  agents. 

The  bald  facts  of  the  case  are  as  follows  :  Sir  Ross  McMahon 
had  for  some  time  past  been  one  of  the  pattern  chiefs  of  Ulster, 
and — as  an  example  to  all  others — he  surrendered  his  lands 
to  the  Queen,  and  received  them  again  from  her,  with  direct 
succession  to  his  heirs  male,  or — failing  these — to  his  brother 
Hugh  Roe.  This  was  all  in  strict  conformity  with  the  English 
law  of  primogeniture.  It  was  an  invariable  part  of  any  such 
arrangement  that  a  sheriff  should  be  appointed  to  represent 
the  dignity  of  the  Government  in  the  county.  McMahon, 
however,  bribed  Fitzwilliam  in  a  considerable  sum  not  to 
burden  him  with  this  undesirable  appendage.  Fitzwilliam  took 
the  bribe,  but  nevertheless  put  the  sheriff  upon  him.*j-  This 
breach  of  faith  so  exasperated  Sir  Ross  that  he  made  an  attack 
upon  the  sheriff  (Captain  Willis),  killed  several  of  his  men, 
and  would  have  killed  Willis  himself  but  for  the  intervention 
of  the  Earl  of  Tyrone.  Sir  Ross  followed  up  the  above  armed 
protest  by  issuing  a  proclamation  to  the  effect  that  there  was 
to  be  no  tillage  in  his  country  for  the  next  three  years,  and — 
having  in  this  way  defied  his  late  friend  the  Government- — died 
decently  in  his  bed  in  June,  1589.  J  Hugh  Roe  at  once  put  in 
his  claim  to  be  appointed  his  successor,  and,  in  furtherance  of 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  132-48. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-126. 

J  Fitzwilliam  to  Burleigh,  March  81st,  1589. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  135 

his  claim,  went  up  personally  to  Dublin,  three  weeks  after 
his  brother's  death,  to  give  any  such  undertakings  and  guarantees 
as  the  Government  might  require  from  him  in  return  for  their 
support.  Prompt  action  was  indeed  rendered  necessary  by 
the  irregular  conduct  of  one  Brian  McHugh  Oge,*  who,  with  a 
backing  of  600  hired  Scots,  defied  Elizabeth  and  all  her  edicts, 
and  forcibly  seized  upon  the  county.  In  this  emergency  it 
was  very  clearly  the  duty  of  the  Deputy  to  give  Hugh  Roe 
his  undivided  support.  The  senior  surviving  brother  of  the 
late  McMahon|  was  obviously  the  legitimate  heir  according 
to  the  English  custom  of  primogeniture,  which  it  was  Elizabeth's 
aim  to  establish  in  Ireland.  He  had  also  been  specifically 
named  by  Elizabeth  during  his  brother's  lifetime  as  the  heir, 
in  the  event  of  Sir  Ross  dying  childless.  Fitzwilliam's  habitual 
cupidity,  however,  so  overcame  his  sense  of  right  that  he 
declined  to  give  Hugh  Roe  the  Government  support  till  he  had 
undertaken  to  pay  him  600  beeves.  As  soon  as  that  arrange- 
ment was  agreed  to,  Fitzwilliam  gave  him  400  foot  and  40  horse 
with  which  to  turn  out  the  usurper.  J 

After  being  placed  in  command  of  his  Uttle  army,  Hugh 
Roe's  conduct — it  must  be  confessed — did  not  come  up  to 
expectations.  He  had  a  private  grievance  against  Ever 
McCooley  of  Farney  on  account  of  some  matter  of  rent  supposed 
to  be  due,  and,  as  Ever  had  no  armed  following  and  Brian 
McHugh  had  600  Scots,  an  expedition  against  the  former  seemed 
to  have  attractions  which  the  other  alternative  lacked.  He 
accordingly  invaded  Farney  with  his  440  soldiers,  killed  two  of 
Ever  McCooley 's  brothers  and  a  number  of  women  and  children, 
and,  after  capturing  Ever  in  his  house  at  Lisanisk,  kept  him  a 
prisoner  till  he  had  paid  the  rent  demanded. §  In  the  mean- 
while, Brian  McHugh  Oge,  being  unopposed  by  any  organized 
armed  force,  continued  his  triumphant  career  of  devastation 
by  capturing  Clones  and  burning  the  Abbey. 
^Fitzwilliam — who  saw  in  this  chain  of  events  no  promise 
of  his  600  beeves — pretended  great  indignation  at  the  misuse 
of  the  Government  troops  which  he  had  supplied,  and  he  sent 
the  story  of  Hugh  Roe's  sins  to  the  Privy  Council  in  England. 

*  All  the  principal  Irish  in  the  Monaghan   dispute   were  McMahons,  but  for 
the  sake  of  brevity  the  final  name  is  left  out. 
t  The  younger  brother  Brian  was  in  Dublin  Castle. 
J  Fynes  Moryson  Itinerary. 
§  Shirley's  "  History  of  Farney." 


136  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Burleigh  recognized  the  magnitude  of  the  offence,  but  he  wrote 
back  in  November,  1589,  instructing  the  Lord  Deputy  to  take 
no  violent  measures  against  Hugh  Roe  for  the  time  being. 
This  was  quite  in  line  with  Fitzwilliam's  own  interests,  for  he 
was  always  living  in  hopes  of  getting  his  cattle ;  but  when, 
at  the  end  of  nearly  two  years,  he  was  still  without  the  beasts 
that  he  -had  bargained  for,  he  lost  patience,  made  a  special 
journey  up  to  Monaghan,  arrested  Hugh  Roe,  tried  him  by 
summary  court-martial  on  a  charge  of  murder  and  arson,  and 
hanged  him  in  front  of  his  own  house  door. 

This  arbitrary  act  provided  the  alleged  pretext  for  the 
rebellion  of  the  northern  chiefs.  On  the  face  of  it,  the  cause 
appears  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  effect  in  a  country  where 
high-handed  executions  were  of  painfully  common  occurrence. 
Hugh  Roe  had  himself  killed  two  of  Ever  McCooley's  brothers, 
and  quite  a  number  of  his  people,  because  Ever  McCooley 
owed  him  rent.  Tyrone  had  very  recently  hanged  his  own 
cousin  Hugh  O'Neil  on  general  grounds  rather  than  for  any 
specific  offence.  By  comparison,  Fitzwilliam's  hanging  of  Hugh 
Roe  on  charges  of  murder  and  arson,  which  were  not  denied, 
appeared  a  defensible  act ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
it  would  have  attracted  no  special  attention,  but  for  the  inter- 
ference of  Tyrone.  This  crafty  chief,  however,  was,  as  we  are 
told  by  Fynes  Moryson,  "of  a  profound  subtlety,"  and  he 
cleverly  used  the  incident  to  the  best  advantage  as  a  lever 
with  which  to  work  on  the  personal  fears  of  the  Ulster  chiefs 
and  sub-chiefs.  If  he  had  simply  held  up  the  incident  as  an  act 
of  injustice  actuated  by  sordid  motives,  the  chances  are  that 
he  would  have  made  no  impression.  Those  whom  he  addressed 
would  have  seen  nothing  wicked  or  unnatural  in  an  act  so  in- 
spired. His  methods  were  surer  and  far  more  subtle,  and 
were  assisted  to  a  considerable  extent  by  the  form  which  Fitz- 
william's own  explanation  took.  It  was  clearly  impossible  for 
the  Queen's  Deputy  to  say  that  he  had  hanged  a  man  because 
he  had  failed  to  pay  him  the  600  beeves  with  which  he  had 
bought  his  support.  Such  a  defence  might  have  excited  little 
criticism  in  Ireland,  but  it  would  have  excited  very  severe 
criticism  from  Queen  Elizabeth  in  England.*  Perrot  was 
in  the  Tower  on  lesser  charges  than  these.  So  Fitzwilliam 

*  The  true  facts  of  the  case  did  ultimately  come  out,  and  were  the  occasion 
of  Fitzwilliam  being  brought  to  trial  in  England. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  187 

gave  forth  that  Hugh  Roe  McMahon  was  hanged  for  murder 
and  arson.  On  this  justification  Tyrone  pounced  like  a  cat. 
What  security  of  life,  he  argued,  could  any  chieftain  boast  if 
he  was  liable  to  be  hanged  by  the  Government  because  his 
followers  had  chanced  to  kill  a  few  women  and  children  and  to 
burn  a  few  houses  ?  That  this  was  his  line  of  argument  is 
made  perfectly  clear  by  his  own  plea  of  justification  put  in  after 
he  had  himself  definitely  joined  the  rebellion.  In  this  plea 
he  admitted  his  inability  to  control  or  restrain  his  own  men,  and 
argued  from  this  that  he  himself  might  at  any  time  be  executed 
for  outrages  committed  by  his  followers,  which  he  was  power- 
less to  prevent.  This  cunningly-framed  argument  at  once 
took  hold  of  the  popular  imagination.  "  Hugh  Roe  McMahon," 
Tyrone  pointed  out  to  the  chiefs,  "  was  executed  for  distraining 
of  his  rights  according  to  custom."*  It  was  felt  by  his  uneasy 
audience  that,  if  this  was  to  form  a  precedent,  every  chief  in 
Ulster  would  henceforward  go  about  with  a  halter  round  his 
neck  ;  for  what  Hugh  Roe  McMahon  had  done — and  been 
hanged  for  doing — they  all  did.  As  Fynes  Moryson  puts  it, 
the  capital  charge  levelled  against  Hugh  Roe  "  was  thought 
no  rare  thing  nor  great  offence."  The  chiefs  grew  nervous 
and  uneasy.  A  report  was  freely  circulated  that  Fitzwilliam's 
design  was  to  hang  the  chiefs  in  detail  on  some  flimsy  pretext, 
as  in  the  case  of  Hugh  Roe,  and  then  to  dispose  of  their  lands 
to  his  own  advantage. 

Unfortunately,  a  decided  tinge  of  probability  was  imparted 
to  these  gloomy  forecasts  by  Fitzwilliam's  own  very  questionable 
conduct  after  the  execution  in  discussion.  All  sorts  of  exag- 
gerated reports  were  afloat  as  to  the  actual  financial  benefits 
that  accrued  to  the  Deputy  over  the  transaction.  These 
reports  had  a  foundation  in  fact,  but  no  more.  What  actually 
happened  was  that  Fitzwilliam  gave  out  that,  as  Hugh  Roe 
had  been  executed  for  murder,  and  as  Brian  McHugh  Oge  was 
a  proclaimed  rebel,  no  McMahon  in  chief  would  be  appointed, 
but  the  five  baronies  of  Monaghan  would  be  apportioned  as 
follows  :  Ever  McCooley  was  to  hold  Farney  under  the  Earl 
of  Essex  (to  whose  father  it  had  been  granted  in  1575).  Brian 
McHugh  Oge  (not  to  be  confounded  with  the  rebel  of  the  same 
name)  was  to  have  Dartrey.  Patrick  McKenna  retained  the 
Trough,  Monaghan  went  to  Ross  Bane  and  Cremourne  to 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1594-137. 


108  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Patrick  McArt  Moyle.*  From  each  of  these  baronies,  however 
(with  the  exception  of  Farney,  which  he  could  not  touch), 
Fitzwilliam  cut  off  a  handsome  slice  for  himself,  which  he  at 
once  put  upon  the  market  and  sold,  the  principal  buyers  being 
Sir  Henry  Bagenal,  Captain  Henshaw,  Baron  Elliott,  Mr. 
Solicitor  Wilbraham,  Parson  O'Conellan,  Hugh  Strowbridge, 
Thomas  Asshe,  Christopher  Fleming  and  Captain  Willis.  The 
actual  sum  total  that  went  into  the  Deputy's  pocket  over  the 
transaction  is  not  on  record,  the  only  known  figure  being 
£400  which  Captain  Henshaw  paid  for  his  share,  j"  but  the 
total  sum  must  have  been  considerable. 

FitzwiHiam's  action  in  the  matter  of  Hugh  Roe  McMahon 
aroused  much  unfavourable  comment  in  England,  and  even 
in  Irish  official  circles.  Russell,  who  succeeded  Fitzwilliam, 
pronounced  the  execution  of  Hugh  Roe  to  have  been  "  against 
conscience  and  justice."  So  deep  a  stir  did  the  affair  make  that, 
within  a  year  of  the  occurrence,  the  English  Council  had 
abolished  all  summary  Court-Martials  in  Ireland,  and  had 
substituted  in  their  place  a  system  of  periodical  Assize  Courts. 
No  action  was  taken  against  Fitzwilliam  himself  till  his  return 
to  England,  but  he  was  then  formally  arraigned  on  the  following 
charges  :  "  That  he  caused  McMahon  to  be  indicted  at  a  special 
session,  whither  he  himself  rode,  and  he  there  caused  the  man 
to  be  hanged  because  he  could  not  pay  him  a  fee  of  800  [sic] 
beeves.  He  also  appointed  a  private  session  where  Michael 
Fitzsimmons  was  in  one  day  indicted,  condemned  and  judged, 
and  the  next  day  executed,  that  his  farm  might  be  bestowed 
on  the  Bishop  of  Meath."J 

Fitzwilliam  was  ill  at  his  house  at  the  time  the  charges  were 
made  against  him,  and  he  replied  in  writing.  He  denied  in  the 
first  case  that  the  country — as  alleged — had  been  divided  up 
between  himself,  Bagenal  and  Henshaw.  The  McMahons,  he 
said,  had  by  far  the  greater  part  of  it.  He  further  claimed  to 
have  created  300  new  freeholders,  whose  rents  in  the  aggregate 
should  have  brought  in  £800  a  year  to  Her  Majesty.  As  to 
his  alleged  covetousness,  he  told  the  Council  that  Ever  McCooley 
had  offered  him  7,000  cows  to  be  made  McMahon,  but  he 
virtuously  turned  aside  from  the  offer,  as  he  preferred  the  Queen's 

*  Shirley's  "  History  of  Farney." 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-126. 

j  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  176-19. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  139 

interest  to  cows.  He  concluded  by  the  statement  that  all 
the  country  rejoiced  at  Hugh  Roe's  death.  This  last  was 
probably  true.  It  was  certainly  corroborated  by  the  evidence 
of  Ever  McCooley  McMahon,  whom  business  of  his  own,  in 
connection  with  Farney,  took  across  to  England  at  the  time 
of  Fitzwilliam's  indictment.  Ever's  opinion  was  that  Fitz- 
william  was  fully  justified  in  executing  Hugh  Roe  McMahon, 
not  only  on  account  of  his  invasion  of  Farney,  "  but  for  other 
just  causes."*  McCooley  was,  of  course,  an  obviously  biased 
witness,  but  his  evidence  seems  to  have  had  some  weight  with 
the  Council  in  England,  and  in  the  end  to  have  been  a  con- 
tributing factor  to  Fitzwilliam's  acquittal.  For  acquitted 
he  was.  The  evidence  bearing  on  the  matter  was  difficult 
to  arrive  at  in  England,  and,  when  obtained,  was  hopelessly 
conflicting.  It  was  also  greatly  in  Fitzwilliam's  favour  that 
none  of  the  acts  with  which  he  was  charged  were  acts  which 
adversely  affected  the  Queen's  pocket  or  fame.  All  other 
offences  ranked  low  by  the  side  of  any  act  or  word  which 
disparaged  the  sacred  person  of  Elizabeth,  as  poor  Perrot  had 
found  out  to  his  cost. 

*  Shirley's  "  History  of  Farney." 


CHAPTER  XV 

Death  of  Sir  Cuconnaught  Maguire — Connor  Roe  and  Hugh  Maguire  dispute 
for  the  succession — Hugh  defies  the  Government — His  explanations — The 
abuses  of  the  sheriffs — General  state  of  corruption  in  Elizabethan  Ireland 
— Causes  of  the  same — Tyrone's  marriage  to  Mabel  Bagenal — His  eager- 
ness for  her  dowry — His  ill-treatment  of  her — Her  return  to  Newry  and 
death — Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell's  first  escape  from  Dublin  Castle — His  betrayal 
by  Phelim  O'Toole — His  recapture  and  second  escape  in  1591 — Suspected 
connivance  of  Fitzwilliam — Garrett  Moore's  part — Death  of  Maplesden 
the  Governor — Russell's  suspicions — The  Queen's  suspicions — Henry  and 
Art  McShane  escape  with  Hugh  Roe — Death  of  Art  McShane — Hugh  Roe 
and  Henry  McShane  reach  Dungannon — Henry  imprisoned  by  Tyrone — 
Hugh  McManus  abdicates  in  favour  of  Hugh  Roe — Battle  of  Glencolumb- 
kill — Death  of  Donnell  O'Donnell — Con  McGalvagh's  nine  sons — Hugh 
Roe  burns  Strabane  and  raids  O'Cahan — Tirlough  Luineach's  helplessness. 

I-N  the  meanwhile,  in  the  neighbouring  county  of  Fer- 
managh— as  ill-fortune  would  have  it — the  chiefry  became 
vacant  very  nearly  at  the  same  moment  as  that  of  Monaghan. 
Sir  Ross  McMahon  and  Sir  Cuconnaught  Maguire  both  died 
in  the  same  year.  The  rival  candidates  in  Fermanagh  were 
Sir  Cuconnaught's  two  sons,  Connor  Roe  and  Hugh.  Connor 
Roe  was  reputed  to  be  legitimate,  but  Hugh,  who  was  many 
years  his  junior — in  fact  young  enough  to  be  his  son — most 
certainly  was  not,  being  the  son  of  Nuala  O'Donnell,  now  the 
wife  of  Neil  Garv.  Fitzwilliam  supported  Connor  Roe,  who 
was  the  proper  heir  according  to  the  law  of  primogeniture, 
but  Hugh,  who  was  a  young  man  of  high  spirit  and  of  wide 
ambitions,  cared  nothing  for  the  law  of  primogeniture,  and 
called  in  the  help  of  his  kinsman  Donnell  O'Donnell  to  support 
his  claim.  Donnell  responded  with  commendable  promptitude, 
and  crossed  the  border  with  a  force  which  completely  over- 
shadowed anything  that  Connor  Roe  could  put  into  the  field. 
In  the  days  when  might  was  right  there  was  no  appeal  against 
such  an  argument,  and,  at  Lisnaskea,  Hugh  was  duly  elected 
the  ruling  lord  of  Fermanagh. 

A  defiance  of  the  Government  authorities  such  as  this  was 
tantamount  to  an   open  declaration   of  rebellion,   and   Hugh 

140 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  141 

Maguire  was  duly  proclaimed  a  traitor.  He  had  but  a  very 
small  armed  following  of  his  own,  and,  when  the  Donegal  men 
had  returned  to  their  own  country,  and  the  forces  of  the  Queen 
were  on  his  trail,  he  became  a  hunted  fugitive,  evading  capture 
in  the  recesses  of  O'Rourke's  (Leitrim)  or  O'Donnell's  country 
rather  than  in  his  own. 

It  is  not  at  first  apparent  why  a  man  who  could  no  doubt 
have  made  a  satisfactory  composition  of  some  sort  with  Fitz- 
william  and  Connor  Roe,  should  have  jeopardized  all  by  an 
act  which  brought  him  neither  riches  nor  power,  and  which 
turned  him  into  a  hunted  outlaw.  His  own  explanation,  given 
seven  years  later  when  all  the  rebel  chiefs  put  down  their 
grievances  on  paper,  was  that  he  had  paid  Fitzwilliam  300 
beeves,  and  Bagenal  150  beeves,  to  be  absolved  for  one  year 
from  the  incubus  of  a  sheriff ;  and  that,  "  notwithstanding 
that  the  Deputy  took  the  bribe,  he  nevertheless  sent  Captain 
Willis  in  as  sheriff  with  100  men."  This  story  was  probably 
true,  for  it  is  quite  in  keeping  with  what  we  know  of  Fitz- 
william ;  but,  even  if  we  accept  it  in  its  entirety,  the  effect  at 
first  sight  seems  altogether  out  of  proportion  to  the  cause. 
Why  rebel,  it  may  be  asked,  because  of  the  mere  imposition  of 
so  respectable  and  orderly  an  officer  as  a  sheriff  ?  The  answer 
is  that  the  sheriffs  were,  alas,  for  the  most  part  neither  re- 
spectable nor  orderly.  They  were  really  supplementary  county 
chiefs  who  bought  from  the  Government  the  right  to  bully, 
punish,  kill  and  extort  in  exactly  the  same  way  that  the  native 
chiefs  themselves  bullied,  punished,  killed  and  extorted.  As 
the  appointment  of  a  sheriff  meant  not  only  divided  authority 
but  divided  spoils  as  well,  it  is  not  surprising  that  there  was  no 
form  of  Government  interference  which  the  chiefs  viewed  with 
such  disfavour.  The  post  was  practically  put  up  to  auction  by 
the  Deputy,  and  the  highest  bidder  then  laid  himself  out  to 
get  back  his  capital  outlay  by  the  shortest  cut  possible.  Hence 
abuses  of  all  kinds.  Elizabeth  was  fully  aware  of  these  abuses, 
and  it  is  only  fair  to  her  memory  to  say  that  she  did  her  utmost 
to  put  a  stop  to  them,  but  the  combination  against  her  was 
too  strong.  When  at  last  she  found  an  honest  Deputy  in  Lord 
Burgh,  she  put  the  matter  plainly  to  him.  "  I  am  informed," 
she  wrote,  "  that  there  have  been  many  foul  abuses  by  the 
selling  of  offices  and  by  making  of  sheriffs  in  perpetuity,  whose 
lewdness  has  been  the  cause  of  many  revolts  in  regard  to  their 


142  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

oppressions."  The  sheriff  question  formed  a  prominent  feature 
in  the  peace  negotiations  which  took  place  in  1595,  and  it  was 
one  of  the  concessions  made  by  Tyrone  on  that  occasion  that 
sheriffs  should  be  accepted  in  the  Ulster  counties,  always 
provided  that  they  were  honest  men,  "  lest,"  he  added  in  the 
beautiful  language  which  invariably  characterized  all  his 
declarations  written  or  spoken,  "  by  their  evil  dealings  we  be 
driven  to  forget  our  loyalty  in  seeking  the  safety  of  our  lives 
and  goods,  as  heretofore  we  have  been  abused  by  the  over- 
greedy  desire  of  lucre  and  ill-dealing  of  such  as  have  borne 
office  in  Ulster." 

It  must  be  remembered  in  reflecting  upon  the  appalling 
corruption  and  rapacity  which  characterized  Elizabethan  ad- 
ministration in  Ireland,  and  which  reached  its  climax  under 
Fitzwilliam,  that  the  better  class  of  English  did  not  find  their 
way  to  Ireland.  Those  who  did  come  voluntarily  were  by 
no  means  the  pick  of  the  population.  "  The  season  why  both 
the  Council,  Clergy  and  English  inhabitants  in  this  kingdom 
have  been  noted  of  so  corrupt  a  disposition,"  Mount  joy  wrote, 
in  his  discourse  on  Irish  affairs  in  1600,  "  is  because  for  the 
most  part  they  are,  in  all  three  kinds,  such  as  England  rather 
refuseth."  Bankrupts,  failures  in  other  walks  of  life,  refugees 
from  justice  or  from  their  importunate  creditors,  needy  adven- 
turers, shady  characters  of  all  descriptions  for  whom  England 
was  getting  too  hot,  these  gravitated  naturally  to  the  sister  isle, 
where  report  had  it  that  fortunes  were  to  be  easily  and  quickly 
amassed  by  such  as  were  not  too  scrupulous  as  to  the  methods 
to  be  employed.  Those  of  the  better  class  who  found  them- 
selves compelled  to  cross  the  Channel,  either  by  force  of  circum- 
stances or  in  obedience  to  the  Queen's  orders,  were  not  long  in 
getting  infected  with  the  general  contagion.  From  the  first 
moment  of  their  landing  in  Ireland  they  found  themselves  in 
an  atmosphere  which  literally  reeked  of  corruption,  and  unless 
their  characters  were  of  cast-iron  they  speedily  learnt  to  do 
in  Ireland  as  others  did.  The  sheriffs,  for  the  most  part,  were 
mere  soldiers  of  fortune.  They  had  no  aim  in  their  vocation 
except  personal  gain,  and  the  powers  that  their  official  position 
gave  them  were  chiefly  used  to  this  end.  As  to  the  sheriffs 
referred  to  by  Elizabeth  who  were  appointed  "  in  perpetuity," 
these  simply  paid  an  annual  head-rent  to  the  Deputy,  and  then 
farmed  the  county  to  their  own  advantage.  The  chiefs,  it  is 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  148 

true,  did  exactly  the  same,  with  this  one  very  marked  difference, 
that  their  head-rents  were  constitutional,  and  were  paid  to  the 
Queen,  whereas  the  sheriffs'  were  illicit,  and  were  paid  in  secret 
to  the  Deputy.  The  net  result  was  that  each  county  had  to 
sustain  the  drain  of  what  would  now  be  called  "  landlord's 
exactions  "  in  duplicate,  the  chief  sucking  it  dry  from  one 
quarter  and  the  sheriff  from  another. 

While  the  general  unrest  in  southern  Ulster  was  gradually 
crystallizing  into  definite  rebellion,  two  contemporaneous 
events  may  be  considered,  each  of  which,  in  its  turn,  had  a 
marked  effect  upon  the  political  outlook  in  the  north. 

Tyrone  had  already  married  three  wives,  one  of  whom   was 
divorced  and  the  other  two  dead,  and  in  1591  he  aspired  to  fill 
up  the  periodical  vacancy  with  Mabel  Bagenal,  the  youngest 
sister  of  the  Marshal.     It  will  be  remembered  that  Tirlough 
Luineach    had    made    a    somewhat    similar    proposition    with 
regard  to  the  old  Marshal's  sister-in-law,  in  respect  of  which 
he  had  been  very  rudely  rebuffed.     The  younger  O'Neil  received 
no  better  encouragement  in  the  matter  of  Mabel,  but  Tyrone 
was  a  very  different  person  from  old  Tirlough  Luineach,  and 
he  was  not  in  the  least  disposed  to  take  "  No  "  for  a  final 
answer.     So  importunate  did  he  in  the  end  become,  that  in 
August,  1591,  Bagenal  thought  it  advisable  to  send  his  sister 
off  to  stay  with  Sir  Patrick  Barnewall  at  Turvey.      As  to  what 
subsequently  happened  we  have  only  Tyrone's  own  account, 
which   is   as   follows  :    Having  learnt  of  the  place  in  which  his 
lady  was  concealed,   Tyrone  arrived  there  one  night  with  a 
select  band  of  followers  and  entered  Sir  Patrick's  house,  where 
the  whole  party  was  pleasantly  entertained,  and  where  much 
wine    flowed.     After   dinner   Mabel    went    off   quite   willingly, 
riding  pillion  behind  Captain  William  Warren,  to  whose  house 
at    Drumconragh    the    whole    party    then    rode.      There    the 
marriage  was  duly  solemnized  by  no  less  a  person  than  the 
Bishop    of   Meath,*    who   afterwards    deposed   that   the    lady 
had  gone  through  the  ceremony  willingly  enough."!"     If  so,  it 
must  have  been  the   wealth  and   position   of  the  bridegroom 
which  attracted,  for  Tyrone  was  well  on  the  way  to  fifty,  and 
Mabel  was  twenty,  and  number  four  !  J 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  149-39,  and  Vol.  160-58. 
t  Meehan's  "  Lives  of  the  Earls." 
J  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  149-58. 


144  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

In  this  affair — romantic  or  otherwise — Tyrone  was  not  quite 
the  lovesick  swain  that  might  be  imagined.  There  was  a 
prosaically  sordid  background  to  his  apparent  infatuation,  for 
Mabel  had  a  marriage  portion  of  one  thousand  pounds  which 
had  been  left  her  by  old  Sir  Nicholas,  and  which  her  brother 
not  unnaturally  refused  to  hand  over.  Even  two  years  after 
the  marriage,  the  Earl  was  still  making  piteous  representations 
to  the  Privy  Council  on  the  subject.* 

Although  the  Bagenal-Tyrone  alliance  can  scarcely  be 
described  as  a  love  match,  the  Earl  seems  to  have  made  certain 
efforts  at  the  start  to  please  his  new  bride.  He  gave  her  a 
Welsh  woman  as  a  tiring-maid,  and  spent  quite  a  considerable 
sum  of  money  on  modernizing  Dungannon  Castle,  which  he 
fitted  up  with  expensive  furniture  got  over  expressly  from 
London."|"  These  new  toys  may  have  pleased  the  Countess  at 
the  beginning,  but  Tyrone's  conduct  in  other  directions  did  not 
at  all  please  her.  His  constancy,  unfortunately,  left  much  to 
be  desired,  with  the  result  that  domestic  harmony  at  Dungannon 
Castle  was  very  short-lived  indeed.  Tyrone  was  much  puzzled 
by  his  wife's  narrow  views.  In  apparently  genuine  surprise  he 
complained  to  the  Privy  Council  that  "  because  I  do  affect 
two  other  gentlewomen,  she  has  me  in  mislike."J  In  the  end 
Tyrone's  patriarchal  relations  with  the  "  other  two  gentle- 
women "  (Magennis's  daughter  and  Angus  McDonnell's 
daughter)  proved  too  much  for  poor  Mabel,  and  within  a  very 
short  time  of  her  marriage  she  left  her  lord  and  went  back  to 
live  with  her  brother  Henry  in  Newry.  She  died  in  1596. 
Tyrone's  abduction  and  subsequent  ill-usage  of  his  sister  did 
much  to  increase  the  hatred  which  already  existed  between 
Bagenal  and  Tyrone,  and  the  mutual  enmity  thus  bred  and 
nourished  was  not  without  its  effect  upon  the  subsequent  trend 
of  events  in  Ulster. 

An  event  of  far  greater  political  importance  was  the  escape  of 
Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell  from  Dublin  Castle.  Perrot  had  been 
approached  by  Ineenduv,  soon  after  Hugh  Roe's  capture,  with 
an  offer  of  two  thousand  pounds  if  he  would  arrange  his 
release  or  escape  ;§  but  Perrot  failed  to  accomplish  the  first, 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1594-137.     Tyrone  to  Privy  Council,  Nov.  1593. 

t  Fitzwilliam  to  Burleigh,  Dec.  1591. 

J  Trevelyan  Papers. 

§  Perrot  to  Walsingham,  March  18th,  1588. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  145 

and,  having  so  failed,  was  afraid  to  attempt  the  second.  The 
offer  was  renewed  to  the  more  facile  Fitzwilliam,  who  made 
strenuous  efforts  to  get  Burleigh  to  agree  to  Hugh  Roe's  release. 
He  put  forward  many  specious  reasons  why  it  was  "impolitic 
to  keep  the  heir-presumptive  to  the  Donegal  chiefry  any  longer 
in  confinement ;  adding  ingenuously  :  "  And  upon  my  honour 
no  reward  maketh  me  write  this  much."*  Burleigh,  however, 
was  obdurate  on  the  subject,  and  Hugh  Roe  remained  in  Dublin 
Castle  till  1590,  when  Fitzwilliam — who  was  both  greedier  and 
more  venturesome  than  Perrot — determined  to  take  the  risk  of 
manipulating  the  young  O'Donnell's  escape. 

The  whole  affair,  however,  proved  a  lamentable  fiasco. 
Hugh  Roe  got  safely  away  as  far  as  the  house  of  a  friend  of  his 
named  Phelim  O'Toole,  but  O'Toole  gave  information  to  Charles 
Segar,  who  was  then  Governor  of  the  Castle,  and  the  prisoner 
was  recaptured,  to  the  no  little  mortification  no  doubt  of  the 
Deputy,  whose  arrangement  with  Ineenduv  was  on  the  basis 
of  payment  by  results. 

A  year  later  things  were  better  managed.  On  this  occasion 
Tyrone  took  charge  of  the  arrangements.  Richard  Weston,  his 
English  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  went  to  Dublin,  taking 
with  him  one  thousand  pounds  in  gold  and  a  quantity  of  sarsnet, 
which  had  been  given  him  by  Captain  Garrett  Moore."j*  The 
sarsnet  was  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  rope,  and  the  cash  was 
to  be  dispensed  as  occasion  might  demand.  Since  Hugh  Roe's 
first  attempted  escape  changes  had  taken  place  in  Dublin 
Castle  ;  these  came  about  as  follows  :  Segar,  the  Governor, 
had  been  offered  large  sums  to  effect  the  release  of  Phelim 
O'Reilly,  and,  being  presumably  an  honest  or  a  timid  man,  had 
made  a  clean  breast  of  the  whole  affair  to  Fitzwilliam.  His 
reward  was  to  be  removed  from  the  government  of  the  Castle, 
which  was  then  bestowed  on  one  John  Maplesden. J  To  John 
Maplesden,  then,  went  Weston  with  his  one  thousand  pounds. 
What  actually  transpired  between  Weston,  Fitzwilliam  and 
Maplesden  is  not  known,  but  subsequent  events  point  sug- 
gestively to  the  conclusion  that,  whereas  Maplesden  got  all 
the  blame,  Fitzwilliam  got  all  the  money.  In  any  event,  the 
money  would  have  been  of  no  use  to  Maplesden,  for  two  days 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  148-24. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  IV .-21. 

J  Fynes  Moryson  Itinerary. 

10 


146  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

after  Hugh  Roe's  escape  he  conveniently  died.*  The  chain  of 
circumstances  is  peculiar — so  peculiar,  in  fact,  that  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  believe  that  Maplesden's  sudden  and  very  opportune 
death  was  entirely  due  to  natural  causes. 

Fitzwilliam,  of  course,  sheltered  himself  behind  the  dead 
Governor.  He  wrote  to  Burleigh  reporting  with  virtuous 
pride  that — not  content  with  the  Governor's  death — he  had 
posthumously  removed  him  from  his  office,  and,  in  addition, 
had  caused  the  head  jailer  to  be  loaded  with  irons  and  cast 
into  a  dungeon.  These  marks  of  zeal  were  apparently  accepted 
in  high  quarters  as  proof  of  Fitzwilliam' s  non-complicity,  for, 
as  far  as  we  know,  nothing  more  was  heard  of  the  matter  at  the 
time.  Russell,  however,  who  succeeded  Fitzwilliam,  would 
seem  to  have  had  his  own  views  on  the  subject  of  Hugh  Roe's 
escape  and  its  causes,  for  we  find  him  pointing  out  in  a  letter 
to  Burleigh  in  1595  that  "  Fitzwilliam  discharged  the  former 
Constable  of  the  Castle,  and  left  his  own  man  in  his  stead, 
which  urgeth  suspicion  of  great  compositions  in  the  matter.""j" 
Burleigh  no  doubt  communicated  this  intelligence  to  the  Queen, 
and  so  set  her  thinking,  for  two  years  later  she  informed  Lord 
Burgh  that  "  she  had  certain  information  that  Hugh  Roe  had 
escaped  by  practice  of  money  bestowed  on  somebody. "  J 

The  escape  itself  was  carried  out  in  a  thoroughly  business-like 
manner.  In  the  Castle,  in  addition  to  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell, 
were  Shane's  two  sons,  Henry  and  Art.  The  sarsnet  provided 
by  Captain  Garrett  Moore  proved  quite  adequate  for  the 
purpose  for  which  it  was  intended.  A  rope  was  made  by  means 
of  which  the  three  let  themselves  down  over  the  wall,  forced 
the  door  on  to  the  bridge  across  the  moat  with  a  convenient 
baulk  of  timber  (no  doubt  placed  there  for  the  purpose),  and 
so  walked  out.  The  sentry  was  absent.  Now  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  £1,000  bribe,  as  well  as  the  sarsnet  and  the 
pocket-money  which  accompanied  it,  had  been  ostensibly 
supplied  for  the  benefit  of  Hugh  Roe  only,  Shane's  sons  being 
the  objects  of  Tyrone's  very  particular  loathing.  The  fact  of 
their  being  included  in  the  escaping  party  is  therefore  rather 
remarkable,  and  furnishes  strong  presumptive  evidence  that, 
in  the  first  place,  Fitzwilliam  was  no  party  to  the  escape  of 

*  Fitzwilliam  to  Burleigh,  June  2nd,  1592. 
t  Russell  to  Burleigh,  April,  1595. 
j  Carew  MSS.,  1597-269. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  ^ 

Shane's  sons  (for  which  he  had  not  been  paid),  and,  in  the 
second  place,  that  Tyrone  was  a  party  to  it,  and  had  planned 
it  with  a  view  to  getting  Henry  and  Art  into  his  own  hands. 
His  immediate  seizure  of  Henry  on  his  arrival  at  Dungannon 
leaves  little  room  for  doubt  on  this  point. 

The  three  fugitives,  having  got  clear  of  Dublin,  made  their 
way  on  foot  as  far  as  Ballynecor,*  where  they  were  able  to  buy 
a  good  horse,  which  helped  them  along  on  their  way.  On  the 
day  following  another  horse  was  bought  from  a  man  named 
Feagh  McHugh,  which  gave  Hugh  Roe  and  Henry  a  horse 
apiece.  Poor  Art  had  no  need  of  one,  for  he  had  grown  very 
fat  in  prison,  and  the  exposure  and  cold  killed  him  on  the  second 
day.  The  two  survivors  now  rode  on  to  Mellifont  Abbey  in 
Louth,  where  Captain  Garrett  Moore  gave  them  fresh  horses  in 
exchange  for  their  worn-out  ones,^  By  this  means  they  were 
able  to  reach  the  house  of  Tirlough  McHenry  in  the  Fews. 
From  there  they  went  on  to  Armagh,  and  finally  reached  Dun- 
gannon safely,  but  in  a  state  of  extreme  exhaustion  and  misery, 
for  the  weather  had  been  intensely  cold.  Here  Henry  McShane 
was  saved  any  further  fatigue,  for  Tyrone  at  once  clapped  him 
into  prison  alongside  of  his  brothers  Con  and  Brian. 

Hugh  Roe,  after  a  good  rest  and  a  long  and  secret  political 
discussion  with  his  father-in-law,  went  on  to  Maguire  at  Belleek, 
and  finally  reached  Donegal ;  but  he  was  very  ill  for  a  long 
while,  and  his  two  great  toes  had  to  be  amputated  as  the  result 
of  frost-bite.  The  situation,  however,  was  well  worth  the  loss 
of  two  toes,  for  Hugh  Roe  was  now  not  only  the  undisputed 
heir  to  the  chiefry,  but  essential  lord  of  Donegal  as  well,  old 
Hugh  McManus,  his  father,  being  quite  past  ruling.  The 
same  could  certainly  not  be  said  of  his  mother.  That  remark- 
able woman  was  as  active  and  ambitious  as  ever.  •  Her  military 
capacity  was  no  less  conspicuous  than  her  political  zeal. 
Between  the  dates  of  Hugh  Roe's  first  and  second  escapes  she 
swept  away  the  last  obstacle  that  stood  in  the  way  of  her 
beloved  son's  succession,  by  completely  crushing  his  half- 
brother  in  a  battle  at  Glencolumbkill,  in  which  Donnell  himself 
and  two  hundred  of  his  followers  were  killed .J  This  was  but 
preliminary  to  the  last  step  which  was  destined  to  set  the 

*  Median  says  that  they  stayed  a  fortnight  with  O'Byrne  in  Glenmalure, 
but  this  is  not  probable. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  IV.-21.  J  Four  Masters. 

10* 


148  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

crown  on  her  long-cherished  ambition.  No  sooner  was  Hugh 
Roe  convalescent,  than  Ineenduv  persuaded  her  lord  to  abdi- 
cate in  favour  of  his  son,  and  in  May,  1592,  Hugh  Roe  was 
officially  installed  as  the  O'Donnell  at  Kilmacrenan.*  The 
election,  however,  was  by  no  means  universally  popular,  on 
account  of  the  candidate's  half -Scotch  origin,  and  many  stayed 
away,  including  old  Hugh  McHugh  Duv,  the  representative  of 
the  junior  line,  Sir  John  O'Dogherty,  the  O' Gallaghers,  and, 
jt  need  scarcely  be  added,  all  the  sons  of  Con  McCalvagh.| 

Although  Neil  Garv  was  the  only  one  of  these  nine  brothers 
who  achieved  any  historical  prominence,  the  fate  of  the  others 
is  not  without  its  bearing  on  the  story  of  Ulster.  Tirlough 
Luineach  having — under  persuasion  by  Perrot — got  rid  of  his 
Scotch  army,  and  being  subsequently  deserted  by  his  English 
bands,  found  himself  practically  defenceless,  a  circumstance 
which  Tyrone  lost  no  time  in  attempting  to  turn  to  his  own 
advantage.  Mainly,  however,  owing  to  the  chance  presence 
at  Strabane  of  Captain  Mostyn  and  some  English  soldiers, 
Tyrone's  first  attempt  miscarried,  and  he  was  badly  defeated 
at  Carricklea,  as  already  described.  This  was  on  May  1st, 
1589,  nearly  two  years  before  Hugh  Roe's  escape.  In  spite  of 
this  extremely  fortunate  victory,  Tirlough  Luineach  was  wise 
enough  to  see  that  he  must  speedily  be  crushed  unless  his 
standing  army  could  be  replaced.  He  accordingly  took  imme- 
diate steps  to  get  over  some  of  the  Scots  that  Hugh  McShane 
had  already  contracted  for  in  Cantyre,  and,  within  three  months 
of  the  battle  of  Carricklea,  we  find  him  with  a  certain  number 
of  these  hardy  warriors  at  his  disposal.  In  the  security  ensured 
by  their  presence  he  rebuilt  Strabane  in  1591, J  and  handed 
back  Lifford  to  the  sons  of  Con  McCalvagh.  This  act  had  the 
natural  effect  of  reviving  the  eternal  feud  between  the  main 
line  of  the  O'Donnells  (at  the  time  represented  by  Ineenduv)  and 
the  descendants  of  Calvagh.  Almost  immediately  after  Con's 
sons  had  resumed  occupation  of  their  ancestral  possessions, 
Calvagh,  the  eldest  of  the  nine  brothers,  was  ambushed  and 
killed  near  the  River  Finn.  A  year  later  the  same  fate  overtook 
the  second  brother  Manus  very  near  the  same  spot.  This 
made  the  third  murder  that  Ineenduv  had  brought  off  within 
twelve  months,  for  Hugh  Gallagher's  assassination  was  sand- 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  165-6-1.  f  Four  Masters. 

#1.  State  Papers,  Vol.  164-36-1. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  149 

wiched  in  between  that  of  the  two  brothers.  Neil  Gary  was 
now  the  eldest  survivor  of  the  nine  (his  brother  Nachten  having 
been  killed  as  early  as  1582),*  and  in  the  autumn  of  1580,  almost 
immediately,  in  fact,  after  the  arrival  of  Tirlough  Luineach's 
Scots,  he  borrowed  some  companies  of  these  warriors,  and,  to 
avenge  the  death  of  his  brothers,  made  a  raid  on  the  O' Gallagher 
country  in  central  Donegal.  All  these  events  took  place  while 
Hugh  Roe  was  still  a  prisoner  in  Dublin  Castle,  and  they  are 
only  of  interest  as  explaining  the  first  of  that  young  man's 
acts  on  attaining  convalescence.  Incidentally,  it  may  be  noted 
that  it  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  the  indolent  and  easy- 
going O'Neil  would  have  ventured  on  so  provocative  a  step  as 
the  reinstatement  of  Con's  sons  in  the  disputed  territory  of  the 
Finn  Valley,  had  he  foreseen  that  Hugh  Roe  would  so  soon 
make  his  escape.  The  wind,  however,  had  been  sown,  and 
the  tempest  had  to  be  reaped.  It  was  not  long  in  coming. 
As  soon  as  the  young  O'Donnell's  toes  were  healed,  he  set  out 
to  avenge  the  various  wrongs  to  his  name  and  prestige.  Making 
a  sudden  dash  across  the  Mourne,  he  ravaged  and  burned  all 
the  Strabane  district,  at  the  same  time  putting  to  the  sword 
every  man  found  capable  of  bearing  arms.f  It  was  unfortunate 
for  Tirlough  Luineach,  in  this  emergency,  that  almost  all  his 
Scots  had  by  now  crossed  the  river  and  taken  service  with  the 
sons  of  Con,  who  were  young  and  energetic,  and  whose  enter- 
prising spirit  opened  a  wider  field  for  the  exercise  of  their 
calling  than  was  to  be  found  with  the  old  O'Neil,  who  was  by 
this  time,  according  to  Fitzwilliam,  "  quite  past  government, 
being  overcome  by  the  drink  which  he  is  daily  in."J  He  was 
also  without  any  efficient  commander.  His  two  sons  Art  and 
Cormac  had  long  ago  deserted  him  and  ranged  themselves 
on  the  side  of  Tyrone,  and  he  was  generally  friendless  and 
deserted.  Lady  Agnes,  his  wife,  was  still  detained  a  prisoner 
in  Scotland  by  her  brother  Angus.  The  old  man  was  therefore 
practically  alone  in  the  world,  and  quite  powerless  to  offer  any 
opposition  to  Hugh  Roe's  devastations. 

Encouraged  by  his  initial  success,  Hugh  Roe  next  swept 
down  upon  O'Cahan,  who,  as  an  urragh  of  Tirlough  Luineach, 
offered  a  legitimate  target  for  his  spleen.  O'Cahan,jj^on  this 
occasion,  reckoned  discretion  to  be  the  better  part  of  valour, 

*  Four  Masters.  j  Four  Masters. 

\  Fitzwilliam  to  Burleigh,  Dec.  30th,  1591,. 


150  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

and  prudently  shut  himself  up  in  his  Castle  of  Limavady,  while 
Hugh  Roe  ravaged  the  whole  of  his  country  unopposed,  and 
returned  in  triumph  and  with  much  prey  to  Donegal. 

Nothing  succeeds  like  success,  and  O'Dogherty,  fearing  a 
similar  visitation  for  Inishowen,  hurriedly  made  his  submission 
to  the  conquering  O'Donnell,  and  was  provisionally  forgiven 
for  his  reprehensible  absence  from  the  inaugural  ceremony  at 
Kilmacrenan. 

The  whole  chain  of  events  is  singularly  instructive  as  an 
illustration  of  the  curious  Irish  reading  of  the  lex  talionis.  The 
casus  belli  in  this  instance  had  been  the  re-establishment  of 
Con  McCalvagh's  sons  in  the  Finn  Valley.  Tirlough  Luineach 
was  responsible  for  this,  for  only  through  his  means  could 
they  get  the  Scotch  fighting  men  whose  backing  alone  made 
the  project  feasible.  As  a  protest  against  the  whole  trans- 
action, Tirlough  Luineach  was  raided,  and  O'Cahan  (who  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  matter,  but  who  was  a  source 
of  revenue  to  Tirlough  Luineach)  was  also  raided  ;  but  the 
sons  of  Con,  whose  annexation  of  lands  was  the  actual  cause 
of  offence,  were  carefully  given  a  wide  berth,  and  left  in  undis- 
turbed possession  of  the  Finn  Valley.  This  curious  misdirec- 
tion of  revenge  was  no  doubt  prompted  by  the  knowledge  that 
Con's  sons  had  a  substantial  fighting  force  at  their  back,  while 
Tirlough  Luineach  and  O'Cahan  had  not. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

Institution  of  Assize  Courts  in  Ulster — The  great  benefits  conferred — The  feudal 
system  in  Ireland — Efforts  of  the  chiefs  to  retain  it — Opinions  of  Wil- 
braham  and  Weston — Tyrone's  religious  attitude — The  unimportance  of 
Irish  popular  opinion — Causes  of  Tyrone's  difficulties  with  the  Scots — 
Insult  to  Angus  McDonnell's  daughter — Political  reasons  for  Tyrone's 
preference  for  Magennis's  daughter — Shane  McBrian  offers  for  Angus's 
daughter — Angus's  fury  against  Tyrone — Tyrone  is  forced  to  organize  an 
Irish  Army — Absence  of  enthusiasm  for  his  cause — Introduction  of  the 
religious  question — Maganran  is  nominated  Primate  of  all  Ireland — His 
death. 

THE  execution  of  Hugh  Roe  McMahon  had — among  other 
things — sounded  the  knell  of  martial  law  in  Ulster. 
The  old  system  of  summary  jurisdiction  was,  by  order  of 
Elizabeth,  superseded  by  periodical  Assize  Courts,  where  not 
only  political  offences  of  the  first  magnitude  were  disposed  of, 
but  where  the  grievances  and  disputes  of  the  proletariat  could 
be  remedied  or  adjusted  by  duly  qualified  persons  having  no 
interest  in  the  verdict.  Curiously  enough,  the  first  experi- 
mental field  of  the  new  system  was  the  county  of  Monaghan 
itself,  where,  according  to  reports  of  members  of  the  Circuit, 
its  advent  was  hailed  with  extravagant  demonstrations  of 
delight  by  the  humbler  sections  of  the  population.*  Such  a 
statement  coming  from  such  a  quarter  would  not  have  a  high 
historical  value  were  it  not  supported  by  the  extreme  probability 
of  its  truth.  Where  the  lower  orders  are  systematically  trodden 
under  heels  of  iron,  any  form  of  redress  and  any  Court  of 
appeal  must  necessarily  be  welcome.  The  condition  of  the 
lower  orders  in  Monaghan  at  the  time  of  the  Circuit  are  set 
out,  in  harrowing  detail,  in  long  descriptive  letters  written 
shortly  afterwards  by  Judge  Weston  and  Mr.  Solicitor  Wil- 
braham.  The  conditions  of  society  which  these  letters  disclose 
are  so  bad  that  it  is  not  difficult  to  believe  that  any  form  of 
justice,  however  crude,  would  come  as  a  godsend  to  those  who 
knew  of  no  law  but  that  of  the  stronger.  Justice  to  the  poor 

*  Mr.  Solicitor  Wilbraham  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  1593. 


152  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

in  Ireland  was  outside  the  experience  of  any  man.  The  feudal 
system,  long  since  dead  in  England,  was  still  in  full  vigour  in 
the  sister  isle.  The  chiefs  exercised  absolute  power  of  life 
and  death,  limb  and  property,  over  their  thralls.  They  were 
untrammelled  tyrants.  The  soil-tillers  were  assessed  no  higher 
than  the  beasts  of  the  field.  Their  lives  had  no  value.  All 
that  they  produced  was  their  lord's,  and  their  only  claim  to  be 
allowed  to  cumber  the  ground  was  so  that  they  might  satisfy 
his  greed.  The  views  of  Neil  Garv  O'Donnell  on  this  point* 
may  be  taken  as  representative  of  the  views  of  all  Irish  chiefs 
of  the  day.  That  people,  who  were  assessed  no  higher  than 
the  lower  animals,  should  now  have  a  judicial  assembly  to 
which  they  could  appeal  for  redress  against  acts  of  tyranny, 
was  to  the  chiefs  an  outrageous  reversal  of  all  that  was  tradi- 
tional and  proper.  The  end  of  such  things,  they  argued,  could 
only  be  the  gradual  paralysis  of  the  chieftain's  divine  rights 
throughout  Ulster,  and  the  substitution  of  those  detestable 
forms  of  arbitration  which  went  by  the  name  of  Justice.  They 
saw  in  front  of  them,  in  short,  a  revolutionary  programme  of 
an  advanced  type,  and,  following  the  example  of  all  tyrants 
of  all  ages,  they  prepared  to  resist  it  by  every  reactionary 
engine  within  their  reach. 

And  so  it  fell  out  that,  in  more  ways  than  one,  Hugh  Roe 
McMahon's  execution  was  responsible  for  the  outbreak  of  the 
ten  years'  rebellion,  for,  cordially  as  the  act  itself  was  hated, 
and  its  recurrence  feared  by  the  chiefs,  the  reformation  in  the 
administration  of  justice,  which  it  made  necessary,  was  even 
more  feared.  No  Russian  Grand  Duke  ever  dreaded  the  eman- 
cipation of  the  serfs  more  than  the  Ulster  chiefs  dreaded  the 
elevation  of  the  peasants  to  the  status  of  human  beings.  Sir 
Geoffrey  Fenton,  who  knew  Ireland  as  well  as  most  men,  was 
convinced  that  Tyrone's  real  grievance  was  "  the  establishment 
of  a  settled  Government  in  Monaghan  and  Fermanagh,  which 
he  and  Hugh  Roe  feared  would  in  time  come  their  way.""j'  Sir 
George  Carew,  another  Anglo-Irishman  of  long  and  wide  ex- 
perience, held  the  same  view.  "  The  universal  desire  of  the 
Ulster  chiefs,"  he  wrote  to  Burleigh,  "  is  to  keep  justice  out, 
so  that  they  may  tyrannize  with  absolute  power,  confiscating 
both  goods  and  lives  at  pleasure."; £  Wilbraham,  the  Solicitor- 

*  See  Ch.  xxix.  j  Fenton  to  Burleigh,  Aug.  2nd,  159i, 

$  Carew  MSS.,  1594, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  153 

General,  after  the  Circuit  of  Down,  says  much  the  same  thing 
in  rather  different  form :  "  Neil  McBrian  Feartagh  and 
McCartan  seek  no  letters  patent  so  long  as  they  may  ravin  at 
pleasure  on  their  tenants,  which  are  thralled  in  misery."  The 
letters  patent  here  referred  to  were  those  which  conferred  on  the 
holder  the  benefit  of  a  lease  in  perpetuity  from  the  Crown. 

Contemporaneous  reflections  such  as  these,  in  all  their 
quaint  crudity  of  language,  often  give  a  clearer  view  of  the 
state  of  a  dead-and-gone  society  than  a  rnore  carefully-worded 
epitome  of  the  same.  The  report  of  Sir  William  Weston,  the 
judge,  after  the  Down  Circuit,  is  particularly  illuminating  both 
as  to  the  unhappy  condition  of  the  country  and  the  causes 
responsible  for  it.  The  two  main  causes  pointed  to  are  in- 
security of  tenure  and  the  absence  of  any  fixed  rent,  the  custom 
being  for  the  chiefs  to  take  from  their  people  anything  and 
everything  they  wanted  according  to  the  caprice  of  the  moment. 
Such  relations  can,  in  no  circumstances,  breed  love  between 
chief  and  thrall,  nor  is  it  conceivable  that  such  existed  in 
Ulster  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  A  certain  super- 
stitious glamour  undoubtedly  surrounded  the  person  of  the 
chief,  but  it  was  not  born  of  love.  Bingham,  in  writing  to 
Burleigh,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  both  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell's 
and  Maguire's  people  would  gladly  cut  their  chiefs'  throats  if 
they  could.*  Bingham  wrote  this  in  August,  1593,  and  six 
months  later — in  allusion  to  Tyrone's  share  in  the  rising — 
Bagenal  wrote  that  "  Tyrone  is  threatening  with  fire  and 
sword  all  who  will  not  join  him."  The  fact  behind  this  com- 
munication is  interesting,  inasmuch  as  it  completely  negatives 
any  idea  of  a  popular  and  universal  aim  behind  the  earlier  part 
of  a  rebellion  which,  for  ten  years,  taxed  all  the  resources  of 
Elizabeth's  Ministers  ;  nor,  indeed,  was  there  any  such  aim,  till 
the  moment  when  Tyrone,  recognizing  that  the  element  of 
universality  was  essential  to  the  continuance  of  the  struggle, 
introduced  the  question  of  religion.  At  the  outset,  however, 
the  rebellion  was  simply  a  revolt  of  the  chiefs  against  innovations 
which  threatened  their  personal  interests,  or — to  put  it  in 
plainer  language  still — which  threatened  their  untrammelled 
despotism  over  their  serfs. 

From  such  a  situation  the  elements  of  successful  rebellion 
would    appeal-   to   be    completely    absent.     Bagenal    wrote   to 

*  Uinghain  to  Burleigh,  Aug.  1598, 


154  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Burgh  in  1592  :  "  The  people  of  Tyrone  do  earnestly  desire 
to  be  delivered  from  the  intolerable  burden  of  the  lawless 
charges  which  the  Earl  and  Tirlough  Luineach  daily  impose 
upon  them."  If  this  were  so — and  it  is  impossible  to  doubt 
the  truth  of  this  statement — the  masses  of  the  Irish  people 
should  by  rights  have  been  ranged  on  the  side  of  the  Govern- 
ment rather  than  of  the  rebel  chiefs.  It  must  be  remembered, 
however,  that  in  Ulster  the  situation  was  remarkable,  and, 
in  fact,  unique  to  this  extent,  that  the  chiefs  in  rebellion  were 
virtually  independent  of  the  goodwill  or  sympathy  of  their 
subjects.  The  tribal  raiding  forces,  it  is  true,  were  home 
products,  but  except  as  raiders  they  had  little  military  value. 
When  any  movement  of  unusual  magnitude  was  on  foot,  the 
reliance  of  the  chiefs  was  almost  entirely  on  hired  foreign  troops 
specially  brought  over  for  the  purpose,  usually  from  Cantyre, 
Argyleshire,  or  the  Western  Isles.  Such  being  the  conditions, 
the  goodwill  or  co-operation  of  the  natives  was  non-essential. 
They  were  not  even  pawns  in  the  game  ;  they  were  rather  the 
board  on  which  all  the  combatants  alike  trampled.  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  for  the  development  of  Tyrone's  scheme,  he 
had,  by  his  own  act,  when  he  hanged  Hugh  McShane,  cut 
himself  off  from  all  hope  of  military  aid  in  the  future  from 
either  the  Macleans  or  the  Campbells.  Hugh's  mother,  the 
Countess  of  Argyle,  had  been  a  Maclean  by  birth  and  a  Camp- 
bell by  marriage,  and  both  these  clans  looked  upon  Hugh's 
execution  as  a  personal  affront  offered  to  their  blood,  and  from 
the  year  1589  onwards  refused  Tyrone  all  support.*  For  the 
next  six  years  he  still  had  the  McDonnells,  on  whom  he  could, 
and  did,  draw  for  troops,  but  in  the  end,  by  another  short- 
sighted act,  he  succeeded  in  alienating  the  sympathies  of  that 
clan  as  effectually  as  those  of  the  Macleans  and  Campbells. 

Shortly  after  his  marriage  with  Mabel  Bagenal,  Tyrone  had — 
to  the  just  indignation  of  that  young  lady — "  affected  two  other 
gentlewomen,"  of  whom  one  was  the  daughter  of  Angus 
McDonnell  and  the  other  the  sister  of  Arthur  Magennis.  The 
patriarchal  simplicity  of  this  arrangement  did  not  appeal  to 
Mabel,  and  after  two  years  of  life  at  ^Dungannon  she  went  back 
to  her  brother  at  Newry.  Shortly  afterwards  Tyrone  grew  weary 
of  Angus' s  daughter  and  sent  her  about  her  ways,  and  when 
Mabel  Bagenal  died,  in  1595,  he  married  Magennis's  sister  with 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  183-77-1.    Carew  MSS.,  1596-261. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  155 

a  considerable  flourish  of  trumpets.  The  probability  is  that 
the  alliance  was  purely  political.  In  fact,  we  are  told  that,  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  neither  the  Irish  chiefs  nor  those  under 
them  ever  married  except  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  some 
political  or  financial  advantage.  Love-affairs  were  never 
cemented  by  marriage,*  because  in  such  cases  there  was  nothing 
tangible  to  be  gained  by  the  ceremony,  and  it  therefore 
appeared  unnecessary. 

Angus  was,  at  the  date  of  Mabel  Bagenal's  death,  a  waning 
power  in  Ulster.  His  agent,  McNess,  could  raise  no  more 
than  sixty  men  in  the  Glynns,  and  was  already  beginning  to  be 
overshadowed  and  threatened  with  extinction  by  the  growing 
power  of  the  sons  of  Sorley  Boy. 

The  Magennis  alliance,  on  the  other  hand,  offered  far  greater 
possibilities.  Old  Sir  Hugh  had  always  been  a  loyal  subject, 
and  was  consequently  cordially  hated  by  Tyrone,  who,  in 
order  to  mark  his  displeasure,  raided  him  in  1595  (after  burning 
Bagenal's  flour  mills  at  Newry),  and  carried  off  fifteen  hundred 
of  his  cattle.  Old  Sir  Hugh  did  not  long  survive  this  attack, 
for  he  died  on  January  12th  in  the  following  year,  1596.  Tyrone, 
however,  was  still  very  bitter  against  the  family,  and  instead 
of  approving  the  succession  of  Sir  Hugh's  eldest  son  Arthur, 
he  nominated  one  Glasney  McCawley  (Magennis)  as  tanist  of 
the  country,  f  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Arthur  was  his  own 
son-in-law.  This  last  step  had  the  desired  effect,  as  Tyrone  well 
knew  that  it  would.  Arthur  Magennis  discarded  the  cause  of 
Elizabeth,  and  made  abject  submission  to  the  Earl,  who,  in 
return,  married  his  son-in-law's  sister,  and  conferred  upon  the 
brother  of  his  new  wife  the  lordship  over  the  whole  of  Lecale, 
Kilwarlin  and  McCartan's  country,  in  addition  to  that  of  his 
own  lands  of  Iveagh.  The  situation  was  now  satisfactorily 
smoothed  out  for  all  parties  concerned,  with  the  exception  of 
Angus  and  his  daughter.  Shane  McBrian,  who  was  lord  of 
North  Clandeboye,  and  therefore  a  neighbour  of  Angus  in  the 
Glynns,  came  forward  with  a  sporting  offer  to  marry  the  cast-off 
lady, |  seeing,  no  doubt,  opportunities  in  the  situation  for  con- 
solidating his  lands  and  those  of  the  adjoining  Glynns,  but  the 
offer  was  not  favourably  received. 

*  See  Appendix  A  to  Introduction  Carew  MSS.,  1589-1600. 
t  Russell  to  Burleigh,  Jan.  20th,  1595. 
j  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  188-9. 


156  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Angus' s  rage  at  the  humiliation  to  his  blood  knew  no  bounds, 
and,  from  the  day  when  Tyrone  married  Magennis's  sister,  he 
became  his  implacable  foe.*  While  Tyrone  was  on  his  honey- 
moon at  Castle  Roe  on  the  Bann,  the  old  McDonnell  wrote 
Russell  a  letter  signed  by  both  himself  and  his  eldest  son, 
Donald  Gorm,  offering  the  Queen  the  services  of  himself,  his 
sons  and  the  entire  McDonnell  clan  against  the  perfidious  Earl. 

The  practical  outcome  of  the  chain  of  events  above 
described  was  that,  by  the  end  of  1596,  Tyrone  had  succeeded 
in  alienating  the  friendship  of  all  the  three  Scotch  clans  chiefly 
identified  with  the  interests  of  Ulster.  An  entirely  new  military 
situation  was  thus  created,  and  it  speedily  became  clear  to 
Tyrone  that,  if  he  was  going  to  rebel  and  fight  the  English 
Government,  it  would  have  to  be  with  Irish  soldiers.  This 
meant  hard  work  and  new  departures  in  various  directions, 
but  Tyrone  was  not  the  man  to  be  daunted  by  the  unaccus- 
tomed. Spanish  drill-sergeants,  specially  sent  over  for  the 
purpose,  were  set  to  work  on  the  local  raw  material,  and  for 
several  years,  prior  to  the  final  collision  at  Kinsale  (1601), 
the  Irish  kerne  and  gallowglasses,  and  the  freshly-recruited 
peasantry  were  "  infinitely  belaboured  with  drill,"  to  their 
extreme  disgust.  The  net  result,  however,  was,  in  the  end, 
the  formation  of  a  native  army  independent  of  Scotland  ;  and 
in  Tyrone's  Kinsale  army,  estimated  at  6,500  men,  the  only 
foreign  element  was  120  Scots  under  Randall  McSorley.f 

It  was  with  the  idea  of  inspiring  this  new  army  with  the 
necessary  enthusiasm  that  the  religious  element  was  intro- 
duced. Tyrone  was  fully  alive  to  the  fact  that  the  movement 
which  he  had  in  contemplation  was  no  mere  tribal  raid,  where 
the  prospect  of  rapine  and  pillage  would  have  been  an  all- 
sufficient  incentive.  He  aimed  at  a  general  rising  in  which 
not  only  Ulster  but  the  whole  of  Ireland  should  take  part. 
For  the  success  of  an  undertaking  on  such  a  scale,  the  sym- 
pathy, if  not  the  enthusiastic  support,  of  the  entire  population 
was  all  but  essential.  There  was,  the  Earl  recognized,  one 
force  and  one  force  only  strong  enough  to  compel  such  sym- 
pathy, and  that  was  religion.  Religion,  too,  was  obviously 
the  only  ground  on  which  the  material  aid  of  Spain  could  be 
logically  invoked.  He  accordingly  assumed  the  pose  of  a, 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-100. 
t  Chichester  to  Cecil,  Nov.  22nd,  1601. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  157 

religious  reformer  struggling  to  free  his  country  from  the  burden 
of  heretical  institutions.  This  attitude  was  all  the  more 
necessary  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  real,  but  undisclosed, 
object  for  which  the  chiefs  were  fighting  was  beyond  the 
understanding  of  the  rank  and  file,  and  was  indeed  an  object 
with  which  the  rank  and  file — had  they  understood — would 
have  been  anything  but  sympathetic.  Religion  was  there- 
fore waved  before  their  eyes.  It  was  given  out  that  the 
rebellion  aimed  at  the  extirpation  of  heresy  and  at  the  restora- 
tion to  Ireland  of  her  ancient  pure  religion. 

The  proclamation  of  a  Holy  War  seldom  fails  of  its  object. 
It  is  the  surest  appeal  to  the  murderous  instincts  of  the  un- 
educated yet  discovered.  In  the  case  of  the  Ulster  rebellion 
it  was  not  slow  in  imparting  to  a  rather  obscure  movement  a 
definite  aim  which  was  within  the  intellectual  grasp  of  all. 
The  crusade  against  the  introduction  of  English  customs  was 
interpreted  by  the  priests  as  a  crusade  against  heresy  and  the 
introduction  of  heretical  innovations  calculated  to  undermine 
the  true  faith.  In  the  days  of  the  Holy  Inquisition,  repre- 
sentations such  as  these  rarely  failed  to  achieve  their  aim. 
There  was  no  need  for  them  to  be  backed  by  any  intricate  points 
of  doctrine.  The  religious  mind  of  the  sixteenth  century  was 
not  analytical.  The  waving  of  an  emblem  or  the  muttering 
of  a  catch-word  was  enough.  In  Ulster  the  religious  motive 
produced,  if  not  open  enthusiasm,  at  all  events  an  incentive 
strong  enough  to  bind  the  people  together  in  a  common  cause 
against  the  new  English  forms  of  government.  And  so  it  came 
about  that — at  first  half-heartedly,  but  later  on  with  more 
ardour — the  down-trodden  and  deluded  Ulster  proletariat 
ranged  itself  in  the  name  of  God  on  the  side  of  those  who  were 
fighting  to  crush  its  new-born  liberties. 

The  religious  atmosphere  in  which  the  selfish  designs  of  the 
chiefs  was  thus  shrouded  had  naturally  the  full  approval  of 
the  Vatican.  A  priest  of  the  name  of  Magauran  was  nominated 
by  the  Pope  Roman  Catholic  Primate  of  all  Ireland,  and,  in 
the  earlier  stages  of  the  rebellion,  this  militant  cleric  gave  a 
fine  theatrical  touch  to  the  movement  by  arraying  himself 
in  mail  armour  from  head  to  heel,  and  from  the  back  of  a  white 
charger  proclaiming  a  Holy  War,  the  extirpation  of  heresy 
and  the  speedy  interference  of  Spain  in  the  interests  of  the 
true  faith.  Magauran's  holy  mission  was,  however,  pre- 


158  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

maturely  cut  short  by  the  very  force  which  he  had  imprudently 
invoked.  In  June,  1593,  just  at  the  time  when  his  fabled 
Spanish  army  should  have  been  arriving,  he  and  a  party  of 
the  Maguires  were  caught  in  Connaught  by  some  of  Sir  Richard 
Bingham's  people,  and  a  scuffle  ensued  in  which  Magauran 
and  six  or  seven  others  were  killed.  The  religious  idea,  how- 
ever, had  by  this  time  taken  a  firm  hold  of  the  popular  imagina- 
tion, and  from  the  propaganda  point  of  view  Magauran' s  mission 
had  not  been  wholly  in  vain. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

The  rebellious  chiefs  show  caution — Execution  of  Maguire — Suspicion  of  under- 
standing between  Bingham  and  Maguire — Tyrone's  riches — Siege  of  the 
Blackwater  Fort — Fitzwilliam  bids  Maguire  disband  his  forces — Maguire 
defies  him — Tyrone  and  Bagenal  ordered  to  attack — Bagenal  marches  out 
of  Newry — Suspected  double-dealing  of  Tyrone — Capture  of  Connor  Roe's 
cattle — Tyrone  explains — Battle  of  Belleek — Courageous  conduct  of  Capt. 
Lee — Ignominious  flight  of  Maguire — Bagenal  and  Tyrone  wounded — 
Siege  of  Enniskillen — Its  capture — Randall  McNess  offers  assistance  on 
behalf  of  Angus  McDonnell — Angus  is  in  consequence  raided  by  Brian 
McArt — Capture  of  Bagenal's  horses — Timidity  of  the  rebel  chiefs — Loftus, 
Gardiner  and  St.  Leger  form  a  court  of  inquiry — Their  meeting  with  Tyrone 
and  Hugh  Roe — Astonishing  results — Recommendations  of  the  Com- 
missioners in  favour  of  Tyrone — Disastrous  consequences  of  the  Govern- 
ment's weakness — O'Hanlon  and  Maguire  join  the  rebels — Continued  loyalty 
of  Tirlough  Luineach — His  offers  of  assistance — Capt.  Merriman  is  sent  to 
bring  him  to  Dublin — Death  of  Tirlough  Luineach. 

'~TTVHE  rebellion  materialized  very  slowly.  All  the  chiefs 
L  concerned,  with  the  exception  of  Maguire,  exercised 
a  caution  which,  in  the  circumstances,  seemed  extreme ; 
and  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that,  with  any  Deputy  other 
than  Fitzwilliam  on  the  Vice-Throne,  the  rebellion  would 
never  have  got  beyond  the  preliminary  stages.  Fitzwilliam, 
however,  was  a  man  of  whom  all  things  were  possible  except 
honest  dealing  in  the  interests  of  his  sovereign.  Tyrone  (while 
he  was  still  posing  as  a  loyal  servant  of  Elizabeth)  accused  both 
him  and  Bagenal  of  taking  bribes  from  Maguire,  and  Sir  Geoffrey 
Fenton  endorsed  the  accusation  as  far  as  Fitzwilliam  went,  but 
exculpated  the  Marshal,  who  was  a  particular  friend  of  his.* 

Where  the  head  falls  away  from  the  path  of  honour,  the 
limbs  are  not  slow  to  follow.  It  was  soon  hinted  that  Sir 
Richard  Bingham,  too,  had  a  secret  understanding  with 
Maguire,  and  there  was  certainly  much  in  his  subsequent 
behaviour  on  several  occasions  to  lend  colour  to  the  suggestion. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  Maguire  himself  had  much  to  offer,  but 
Tyrone  was  certainly  a  very  rich  man,  drawing  from  rents 
alone  some  £80,000  a  year,  and  from  Spanish  sources  periodical 
subsidies  of  very  considerable  value.  What  these  subsidies 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  208,  Part  II.-16. 
159 


160  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

amounted  to  in  the  aggregate  is  not  known,  but  a  man  named 
iMoriarty  McShee  swore  that  by  one  ship  alone  Tyrone  received 
£18,000  in  gold  and  600  barrels  of  powder.*  It  is  more  than 
probable  that  Maguire's  bribes  were  secretly  furnished  by 
Tyrone,  the  latter  being  debarred  by  his  assumed  pose  of 
loyalty  from  appearing  personally  in  the  matter ;  but  no 
such  obstacle  stood  in  the  way  of  his  monetary  relations  with 
the  members  of  the  Dublin  Bureaucracy,  and  it  is  established 
beyond  doubt  that  these  men  were  practically  all  in  his  pay. 
Tyrone  was  never  afraid  of  spending  money.  He  was  no 
general,  but  he  was  a  born  diplomatist,  and  no  man  has  ever 
more  fully  recognized  the  limitless  power  of  gold  judiciously 
directed  into  influential  pockets.  His  seditious  practices  were 
common  table-talk,  and  yet,  so  adroitly  did  he  distribute 
his  gold,  that  his  protestations  of  unswerving  allegiance  to  the 
Queen  were — in  spite  of  continuous  evidence  to  the  contrary 
— stoutly  and  successfully  backed  up  by  the  confirmatory 
testimonials  of  every  official  in  Dublin.  The  very  first  offensive 
act  of  the  rebellion  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  prove  Tyrone's 
complicity  to  anybody  who  was  not  wilfully  blind.  The 
Blackwater  fort  was  invested  by  the  Earl's  favourite  nephew, 
Brian  McArt,  supported  by  his  own  familiar  sept,  the  O'Hagans. 
No  violence  was  attempted  against  the  fort  itself,  but  none 
of  the  garrison  were  allowed  to  go  out  after  provisions,  nor 
was  any  native  allowed  to  trade  with  those  inside.  One  soldier 
who  stole  out  after  food  was  killed,  and  another  captured  and 
held  to  ransom.  Captain  Keyes  wrote  in  remonstrance  to 
Tyrone,  but  the  Earl,  though  deeply  sympathetic,  regretted 
his  complete  helplessness  in  the  matter,  owing  to  the  delay 
in  the  receipt  of  his  official  protection  from  the  Deputy — a  thin 
excuse  which  was  hardly  worthy  of  Tyrone's  usual  plausibility. 

The  Blackwater  garrison  were  soon  in  very  sore  straits  for 
food,  but  their  final  overthrow  was  not  due  to  famine  or  to 
the  sword,  but  to  other  causes  which  were  the  subject  of  much 
comment  and  of  an  abortive  court-martial,  to  which  reference 
will  be  made  in  due  course. 

Fitzwilliam's  first  dealings  with  the  Maguire  rebellion  were 
of  the  very  mildest  order.  He  sent  the  rebels  a  polite  request 
to  disband  their  troops  ;  to  which  Maguire,  with  equal  polite- 
ness, replied  from  Enniskillen  that  his  most  earnest  desire 

'    Mountjoy  to  Cecil.  Aug.  1603. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  161 

was  to  disband  his  troops,  but  that  he  had  passed  them  his 
word   to    retain   them  for  six  months,  and  that  he  therefore 
could  not  do  so  without  dishonour.     Moreover,  he  added  that 
if  he  did  so,  without  first  obtaining  a  protection  from  the  Deputy, 
it  would   lay  him  open  to  attacks  from  Sir  Richard  Bingham 
on  the  Connaught  side.     Nothing  could  have  been  more  con- 
ciliatory  than   Fitzwilliam's   acceptance   of  this  thinly- veiled 
defiance.     Bingham  was  instructed  to  refrain  from  molesting 
the  courteous  rebel,  and  Tyrone  was  asked,  as  a  loyal  subject 
of  the  Queen,  to  use  his  good  offices  to  prevail  on  the  mis- 
guided   Maguire    to    disband    his    forces.     Tyrone    was    quite 
willing   to  lend  his  services,  and  in  July  Fitzwilliam  received 
a  letter  from  him  saying  that  he  had  seen  Maguire,  who  agreed 
to  disband  his  forces  within  six  weeks,   and — that  done — to 
present  himself  in  suppliant  mood,  and  under  Tyrone's  escort, 
before    the    Lord    Deputy.     Fitzwilliam,    however,    was    not 
now  quite  in  the  same  affable  mood,   and  he  replied  curtly 
that  Maguire  must  disband  all  men  who  did  not  belong  to  his 
own    county    within    twenty   days,    and    within    twenty    days 
present  himself  before  the  Deputy,  failing  which,  Tyrone  was 
to  attack  him  from  the  north,  simultaneously  with  Bingham 
from  the  west.     The  reservation  with  regard  to  men  of  his 
own    county    is    interesting  as  showing  that  Fitzwilliam  was 
thoroughly  conversant   with  the  real   state   of  affairs,   which 
was  that  Maguire' s   chief  strength  lay  in  the  Donegal   men, 
Neil  Garv,  Sir  John  O'Dogherty  and  the  three  McSweeneys, 
and  in  the  strong  force  of  Scots  which  Hugh  Roe  had  sent 
him  under  their  command.     He  had  a  very  small  following  from 
his  own  country,  the  greater  part  of  which  was  attached  to 
Connor  Roe. 

The  next  step  in  the  comedy  is  most  instructive,  and,  if 
anything  could  have  opened  Elizabeth's  eyes  to  the  part  Tyrone 
was  really  playing,  this  should  have  done  so.  The  Earl  wrote 
to  Fitzwilliam  claiming  that  in  consequence  of  his  persuasive 
powers,  used  in  the  interests  of  the  Queen,  the  penitent  Maguire 
had  disbanded  his  forces  before  his  eyes,  and  would  make  his 
personal  submission  to  the  Lord  Deputy  before  September  15th. 
This  letter,  however,  was  unfortunately  followed  almost  imme- 
diately by  another,  which  announced  with  much  concern 
that  the  traitor  Maguire  had  reassembled  his  forces,  which 
were  now  once  more  under  his  banner  and  ripe  for  any 

ii 


162  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

mischief.*  The  truth  was,  of  course,  that — acting  on  the 
advice  of  Tyrone — Maguire  had  never  disbanded  them  at  all, 
or  at  the  best  had  dispersed  them  to  agreed  spots  from  which 
they  could  quickly  be  reassembled  again.  Bingham — always 
suspiciously  friendly  to  Maguire — now  wrote  to  Fitzwilliam 
that  in  his  opinion  Maguire  was  a  comparatively  innocent 
person,  and  that  the  real  villain  of  the  piece  was  the  Earl  of 
Tyrone.  Such  a  statement  coming  from  such  a  quarter  created 
no  little  stir.  The  Dublin  officials  pooh-poohed  Bingham's 
accusation  as  absurd,  and  in  order  to  silence  such  injurious 
suggestions,  and  to  give  practical  proof  of  Tyrone's  stout 
loyalty,  the  Earl  and  Bagenal  were  ordered  to  at  once  attack 
Maguire  from  the  north-east  in  combination  with  Bingham, 
who  was  to  work  up  from  the  west.  Bagenal  was  the  first 
of  the  three  to  move.  On  October  16th  he  and  Captain  Hen- 
shaw  marched  out  of  Newry  with  the  English  bands,  and  were 
joined  on  the  route  by  Sir  Patrick  Barnewall  and  by  Patrick 
McArt  Moyle,  the  Sheriff  of  Monaghan,  with  a  considerable 
force  of  local  kerne.  Together  the  combined  forces  marched 
to  Dartrey,  where  they  encamped  near  the  Island  of  Dromcaa. 
On  the  day  following  they  captured  both  this  island  and  the 
neighbouring  island  of  the  Roskie,  where  they  burned  Brian 
McHugh  Oge's  new  house,  as  well  as  that  of  his  brother  Rory."j" 
On  the  22nd  they  went  on  to  Clankelly,  where  they  were  joined 
by  Connor  Roe  Maguire  (the  Government  candidate  for  the  Fer- 
managh chiefry),  who  was  at  the  moment  in  great  spirits  at 
having  just  deprived  his  rebellious  half-brother  of  a  herd  of 
cattle.  On  the  29th  the  army  encamped  close  to  Enniskillen 
Castle,  which  was  held  by  a  small  garrison  of  Maguire' s  men. 
Maguire  himself  was  obviously  nervous  and  disinclined  to  fight, 
for  at  the  approach  of  the  Government  forces  he  burned  every- 
thing that  was  burnable  except  the  Castle,  and  retired  further 
west  with  his  main  force. 

Neither  Tyrone  nor  Bingham  had  so  far  arrived  on  the  scene. 
The  reason  for  the  former's  non-appearance  was  subsequently 
explained  by  a  spy  (Phelim  O'Hanlan),  who  reported  to  Bing- 
ham that,  throughout  the  20th,  the  Earl  had  been  in  close 
consultation  with  Hugh  Roe,  Maguire  himself  and  Neil  Garv,J 

*  Tyrone  to  Deputy,  Sept.  5th,  1593. 

t  Capt.  Henshaw  lo  Deputy,  Oct.  18th,  1593. 

j  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  172,  Notes  1  and  2-23,     Carew  MSS.,  1594-148. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  168 

a  story  which  was  afterwards  corroborated  by  Connor  Roe, 
who  had  it  from  a  different  source  and  communicated  what 
he  had  learnt  to  Bingham.  Following  close  on  the  heels  of 
this  consultation,  and  probably  as  a  consequence  of  it,  came 
the  first  of  that  series  of  farcical  incidents  with  which  the 
long  drawn-out  Ulster  rebellion  was  punctuated.  Connor  Roe, 
as  has  just  been  stated,  had  taken  many  cattle  from  his  half- 
brother,  the  rebellious  Hugh  Maguire.  As  a  source  of  food 
supply  for  the  Government  forces  these  cattle  would  have 
been  most  welcome,  but  food  for  the  Government  forces  they 
were  never  destined  to  become,  for  on  the  24th  Connor  Roe 
reported  in  much  distress  that  his  trusted  ally,  the  Earl  of 
Tyrone,  had  taken  all  his  prey  from  him,  and  had  disappeared 
with  it  into  his  own  country.*  This  transaction,  even  on  the 
bare  face  of  it,  was  farcical  enough  ;  but  there  is  reason  to 
suspect  that  the  comical  element  extended  even  further  than 
was  apparent  on  the  surface,  for  it  was  hinted  on  all  sides 
that  Connor  Roe — though  the  Government  candidate  for  the 
chiefry  of  Fermanagh,  and  though  brimful  of  verbal  loyalty — 
was  trying  to  run  with  the  hare  and  hunt  with  the  hounds, 
and  was  a  party  to  the  whole  transaction. 

The  loss  of  this  much-needed  meat  supply  left  the  expedi- 
tionary force  sadly  short  of  food,  which  was  doubtless  Tyrone's 
intention.  That  slippery  intriguer's  explanation  of  the 
whole  occurrence  was  very  characteristic.  This  is  what  he 
wrote  to  Bagenal,  the  joint  commander  of  the  force  with  him- 
self :  "  Yesterday  I  sent  several  Companies  into  Connor  Roe's 
country,  which  took  400  or  500  cows,  and  my  force  is  so  dis- 
persed, every  man  going  away  with  his  spoil,  as  I  know  I  shall 
not  have  them  together  this  two  or  three  days  towards  Clogher. 
Perhaps  some  of  Connor  Roe's  creaghts  "  (i.e.,  droves  of  cattle) 
"  may  have  been  taken  this  morning  by  my  men,  and  now  that 
I  perceive  that  he  and  his  goods  are  so  protected  I  will  do 
him  no  hurt."f  It  need  scarcely  be  added  that  the  inter- 
cepted prey  never  reappeared.  Tyrone  himself,  with  200 
horse,  500  Scots J  and  100  kerne,  put  in  a  warlike  appearance 
on  the  26th,  but  he  was  obviously  nervous,  and  sat  the  whole 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1594-148. 
t  Tyrone  to  Bagenal,  Oct.  1593. 

%  It  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  all  these  events  were  prior  to  Tyrone's  rejec- 
tion of  Angus  McDonnell's  daughter 

II* 


164  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

of  that  night  on  his  horse  in  fear  of  a  surprise  attack  by 
Maguire. 

The  military  position  now  was  that  the  Government  forces 
were  on  the  north  side  of  Lough  Erne  and  Maguire  on  the 
south,  and  the  difficulty  was  as  to  the  passage  of  the  Lough, 
which  at  this  point  is  more  in  the  nature  of  a  spread-out  river 
than  of  a  lake.  As  provisions  were  growing  scarce,  and  as 
the  present  position  promised  an  interminable  deadlock, 
Bagenal,  on  October  2nd,  offered  Tyrone  all  the  horse  and  one 
company  of  foot,  if  he  would  hold  the  camp  while  Bagenal 
himself  with  the  rest  of  the  foot,  went  round  by  the  Brenny 
(Cavan),  with  a  view  to  taking  Maguire  in  flank.  To  this 
proposition  Tyrone  offered  every  objection  possible,  putting 
forward  as  his  excuse  that  the  forces  assigned  him  would  not 
be  nearly  strong  enough  to  resist  Maguire  if  attacked  ;*  and 
there  can  be  no  question  but  that  he  was  very  seriously  alarmed. 
So  that  scheme  was  abandoned.  Bagenal  was  now  in  a  certain 
difficulty,  as  the  original  plan  of  campaign  had  been  entirely 
upset  by  the  unaccountable  non-appearance  of  Bingham,  who 
should  have  been  in  touch  with  Bagenal  many  days  back. 
Bingham' s  conduct,  in  fact,  at  this  juncture  is  not  easily 
explained,  except  on  the  supposition — strongly  suggested  by 
evidence  from  many  quarters — that  he  had  some  secret  under- 
standing with  Maguire.  On  the, 27th  he  had  written  to  the 
Deputy  from  the  Abbey  of  Boyle  that  he  was  gradually  work- 
ing up  from  Connaught  with  a  force  of  horse — mainly  Irish — 
but  that  he  was  delayed  by  the  non-arrival  of  the  Earl  of 
Thomond,  whom  he  was  expecting.  However,  when  the 
Earl  of  Thomond  did  ultimately  join  him,  Bingham  could 
get  very  little  nearer,  and  on  the  actual  day  of  the  battle  was 
still  twelve  miles  off. 

The  battle,  when  it  did  at  length  take  place,  proved  a  very 
tame  affair  indeed.  Bagenal  and  Tyrone  moved  down  the 
river  to  the  ford  at  Cooloyne,  near  Belleek.  On  the  south 
side  of  the  Lough  was  Maguire,  strongly  entrenched,  with 
1,000  foot  and  160  horse,  the  greater  part  of  whom  were  Hugh 
Roe's  men.  Hugh  Roe  himself,  still  posing  as  a  neutral,  was 
ten  miles  off  at  Ballyshannon,  prudently  waiting  to  see  which 
way  the  tide  of  battle  would  set  before  definitely  declaring 
himself.  The  tide  of  battle,  as  it  turned  out,  set  in  very 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  172-30-2. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  105 

decidedly  against  the  fortunes  of  Maguire.  The  fight  itself 
was  so  one-sided  as  only  to  be  redeemed  from  absolute  comi- 
cality by  the  fine  gallantry  of  one  man.  The  infantry  were 
ordered  to  enter  the  water  and  wade  across,  but  they  not  un- 
naturally hesitated,  as  the  enemy  were  fully  armed  with 
muskets,  and  were  strongly  posted  both  on  the  opposite  shore 
and  on  the  many  intervening  islands.  Neither  Bagenal  nor 
Tyrone — both  of  whom  were  very  far  removed  from  heroes — 
showed  any  disposition  to  lead  the  way  and  inspire  the  men 
with  the  confidence  of  their  example.  In  this  crisis  Captain 
Thomas  Lee  came  to  the  front,  and,  entering  the  water  alone, 
waved  his  sword  above  his  head  and  made  his  way  slowly 
across  in  the  face  of  a  heavy,  but,  luckily,  misdirected  fire.* 
Shamed  by  this  heroic  example,  the  soldiers  gave  a  cheer  and 
dashed  into  the  water  in  pursuit  of  the  gallant  Captain.  The 
water  proved  very  deep,  and  progress  was  necessarily  slow, 
but,  when  Lee  and  his  foot  soldiers  were  half-way  across, 
Maguire' s  men  on  the  islands  left  their  posts  and  made  hurriedly 
for  the  far  shore.  Here  at  first  they  stood  in  some  order 
with  their  faces  to  the  enemy  ;  but  on  seeing  the  cavalry, 
headed*  by  Bagenal  and  Tyrone,  enter  the  water  in  the  wake 
of  the  infantry,  a  panic  seized  them  and  they  broke  and 
scattered  in  all  directions.')'  This  was  the  opportunity  of 
the  horsemen,  who  galloped  in  pursuit  and  killed  300  of  the 
fugitives.  Both  the  leaders  during  this  pursuit  received 
hurts,  Tyrone  being  wounded  in  the  leg  by  a  spear,  and  Bagenal 
being  struck  on  the  leg  by  a  battle-axe,  which  fortunately  fell 
sideways.  Tyrone's  hurt  was  the  more  serious  of  the  two, 
and  he  reported  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  intervention 
of  Henry  Hoveden,  he  would  have  lost  his  life.  Neither  of 
the  rebel  leaders,  Hugh  Maguire  or  Brian  McHugh  Oge,  risked 
their  skins  in  trying  to  rally  their  demoralized  troops,  but 
"  being  on  horseback  and  not  near  the  fight,  by  running  away 
escaped,  and  never  left  off  running  till  they  came  to  Ennis- 
killen,  which  is  almost  twenty  miles  from  the  place  of  defeat."J 
There  was  a  great  flourish  of  trumpets  in  Government  circles 
over  this  affair,  which  took  place  on  October  10th,  1593.  Both 
Bagenal  and  Tyrone  claimed  the  entire  credit  for  the  victory. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  172-3  and  4. 
t  Fitzwilliam  to  Burleigh,  Oct.  1593. 
j  Deputy  to  Burleigh,  Oct.  25th,  1508. 


166  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  neither  of  these  gentlemen  added  in  any 
way  to  the  lustre  of  their  names  by  the  parts  they  played. 
Tyrone  was  very  nervous  throughout,  and  according  to  the 
Deputy,  "  he  made  earnest  motion  to  be  gone  the  day  before 
the  conflict."*  Henry  Bagenal  was  never  unduly  prominent 
in  the  hour  of  battle.  What  really  happened  was  that  both 
leaders  remained  on  the  safe  side  of  the  Lough  till  they  saw 
the  enemy  turn  tail,  and  then  crossed  and  joined  in  the  pur- 
suit. The  real  hero  of  the  fight  was  Captain  Lee,  who  proved 
himself,  not  only  at  Belleek,  but  on  many  other  occasions,  a 
man  of  exceptional  courage. 

On  October  18th  Bagenal  recrossed  the  Lough  by  the  ford 
at  Lisgool,  and,  having  left  Captain  Dowdall  and  300  men 
at  Connor  Roe's  house  at  Castleskeagh  (Lisnaskea),  which  was 
the  fittest  place  he  could  find  for  a  fortification,  he  went  on  to 
Clones,  where  he  disbanded  his  army. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Maguire's  garrison  still  held  Enniskillen 
Castle,  and  for  the  reduction  of  this  place,  with  its  forty 
defenders,  tremendous  preparations  were  now  set  on  foot. 
Two  special  boats  were  built,  one  of  eighteen  tons  and  the 
other  four  tons,  which  were  launched  on  the  Cavan  end  of  the 
Lough,  and  worked  down  towards  the  Castle  end  with  pro- 
visions for  Dowdall.  They  carried  two  brass  falconets,  and, 
on  arrival  at  Enniskillen,  the  larger  boat  was  sent  back  to 
bring  up  a  culverin  which  was  being  sent  up  specially  from 
Dublin. f  The  preparations,  were  very  protracted  and  tedious, 
but  on  January  25th,  1594,  all  was  at  length  ready.  The  cul- 
verin and  the  two  falconets  were  placed  in  position  and  properly 
aligned  on  the  Castle.  Even  then,  Captain  Dowdall,  who 
was  an  oldish  man,  very  clearly  lacking  the  happy  optimism  of 
youth,  had  serious  doubts  as  to  the  behaviour  of  the  guns  under 
trial,  for  he  wrote  to  the  Deputy  explaining  the  situation, 
and  finishing  up  with  the  pious  hope  that  "  God  will  bless 
our  cannoneers,  who  are  of  sm?ll  skill."  The  hope  was  evidently 
realized,  for  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  siege  the  garrison,  con- 
sisting of  thirty-six  men  and  an  equal  number  of  women  and 
children,  yielded,  and  Enniskillen  passed  into  the  hands  of 
Captain  Dowdall,  who  left  in  charge  Captain  Eckersall,  with 
a  ward  of  thirty  men. 

*  Deputy  to  Burleigh,  Nov.  16th,  1593. 
f  Fenton  to  Burleigh,  Dec.  1503. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  167 

So  far  the  success  of  the  campaign  had  rested  with  the  Govern- 
ment, but  none  of  the  men  on  the  spot  had  any  illusions  as  to 
the  final  result,  unless  the  Government  executive  could  be 
induced  to  make  war  preparations  on  a  far  more  important 
scale  than  anything  yet  attempted.  Burleigh  was  inundated 
with  dispatches  urging  the  great  numerical  strength  of  the 
rebels,  the  extreme  weakness  of  the  few  scattered  garrisons, 
and  the  disaffection  of  every  native  chief,  great  or  small,  with 
a  solitary  exception  of  Angus  McDonnell*  of  the  Glynns.  The 
loyalty  of  the  latter,  however,  had  little  political  value.  Angus 
himself  seldom  came  to  Ulster,  and,  since  the  Government 
had  recognized  him  as  a  landed  proprietor,  he  had  removed 
his  combative  forces  to  Scotland.  Randall  McNess,  his 
representative  in  Ulster,  had  at  the  utmost  sixty  men  at  his 
disposal,  and  could  have  given  but  little  fighting  aid  to  the 
Government  even  if  called  upon.  He  did  his  best,  however, 
in  other  ways.  A  month  after  the  capture  of  Enniskillen, 
Randall  came  into  Newry  and  made  a  deposition  before  Bagenal, 
Wilbraham  and  Fenton."j"  He  said  that  Angus  had  sent  him 
because  of  the  goodwill  which  he  had  always  borne  to  the  two 
Bagenals,  father  and  son.  His  information  was  that  there 
would  come  over  for  certain,  between  Easter  and  May,  4,000 
Scots,  either  to  Lough  Foyle  or  Lough  Swilly  ;  that  these 
Scots  had  been  requisitioned  jointly  by  Ineenduv — who  kept 
a  permanent  agent,  named  McCleary,  in  Scotland  for  recruit- 
ing purposes — and  by  James  McSorley,  whose  mother  had 
been  a  sister  of  Shane  O'Neil.  He  added  the  information 
that  Hugh  Maguire  had  written  to  Angus,  offering  him  large 
tracts  of  land  if  he  would  bring  to  his  aid  1,000  Scots  ;  but 
Angus  had  refused  for  the  reasons  above  given,  and  because 
of  the  undertaking  which  he  had  given  to  Perrot  when  he 
granted  him  the  Glynns. J  It  is  more  than  probable  that 
Angus  was  open  to  a  counter-offer  from  the  Government, 
and  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  Government  could  have  taken 
no  wiser  course,  for  Angus  could  unquestionably  have  landed 
within  a  few  days  a  force  sufficient  to  have  subdued  the  whole 
Province.  Elizabeth's  prejudices,  however,  were  not  yet 
wholly  dead,  and  Angus's  implied  offer  was  disregarded. 
Later  on,  after  the  humiliation  of  his  daughter  by  Tyrone,  the 

*  Wilbraham  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  1593. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Feb.  1594.         J  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  173-64. 


168  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

offer  took  a  much  more  definite  shape,  but  even  then  was 
put  aside.  On  this  occasion  Randall  was  thanked  by  Bagenal, 
and  so  returned  to  the  Glynns,  where  he  was  at  once  raided  in 
retaliation  by  James  McSorley.  At  the  same  time  Brian 
McArt  and  Neil  McHugh  (Phelim  Bacagh's  grandson)  regis- 
tered their  disapproval  of  the  whole  transaction,  by  swooping 
down  with  400  men  on  Carrickfergus,  and  carrying  off  the 
whole  of  Bagenal' s  stud  of  horses  and  some  200  cows,  which 
they  put  across  the  Bann  into  Brian  Carragh's  country.*  To 
prevent  any  misunderstanding  as  to  the  meaning  of  these 
unfriendly  acts,  Brian  further  threatened  that,  if  Bagenal 
had  any  more  dealings  with  Randall  or  Angus,  he  would  come 
back  and  burn  the  town,  a  threat  which  was  probably  not 
beyond  his  power  of  accomplishment ;  for  we  learn  that  the 
turf  rampart  was  much  broken  down  at  the  time,  and  the 
garrison  very  weak  numerically.  Captain  Egerton,  the 
Constable,  wrote  representing  the  position  to  Fitzwilliam,  and 
urging  the  necessity  for  reinforcements  if  the  place  was  to  be 
held.  Fitzwilliam  was  not  responsive,  and  after  a  time  John 
Dallway,  the  Sheriff  of  Antrim,  added  his  entreaties  to  those 
of  Egerton,"}"  but  still  without  effect. 

The  English  colony  in  Antrim  was  in  truth  in  a  position  of 
extreme  peril,  for  they  were  a  mere  handful  in  the  midst  of 
enemies,  and  the  whole  country  was  seething  with  rebellion, 
which  might  at  any  moment  take  the  form  of  a  religious 
massacre.  Fitzwilliam' s  failure  to  send  help  was  due,  it 
must  be  owned,  more  to  inability  than  to  wickedness,  for  there 
were  practically  no  reserves  of  strength  in  Ireland  on  which 
to  draw,  and  England  refused  to  send  more  men.  Fitz- 
william made  urgent  and  repeated  appeals  to  Burleigh  for  fresh 
supplies  of  troops  with  which  to  relieve  the  extreme  serious- 
ness of  the  situation,  but  the  Lord  Treasurer  in  his  turn  had 
reasons  of  his  own  for  bending  the  eye  of  suspicion  on  the 
bona  fides  of  these  applications,  and  no  men  were  sent.  Bur- 
leigh's  reason  for  taking  up  this  apparently  unfriendly  and 
even  unreasonable  attitude  will  presently  be  understood. 

To  the  student  of  Tyrone's  rebellion,  from  the  mere  military 
point  of  view,  there  is  no  feature  of  more  outstanding  pro- 
minence throughout,  than  the  inexplicable  timidity  and  hesi- 

*  Capt.  Egerton  to  Deputy,  March  2nd,  1594. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  176-85-18. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  169 

tation  of  the  three  recalcitrant  Hughs  at  this  stage  of  the 
rebellion.  If  Tyrone  had  been  blest  with  even  a  moderate 
share  of  military  dash,  there  can  be  no  question  but  that  he 
could  have  swept  Ulster  from  shore  to  shore.  The  resisting 
force  was  a  negligible  quantity,  incapable  through  gradual 
denudation  of  putting  up  more  than  a  nominal  defence.  As 
at  Carricklea,  however,  so  did  Tyrone  once  again  bring  about 
his  own  overthrow  by  the  exercise  of  too  great  a  caution.  In- 
stead of  attacking,  he  continued  to  temporize  with  hollow 
protestations  of  loyalty,  till  such  time  as  the  arrival  of  the 
Spanish  troops  promised  should  have  made  him  strong  enough 
to  throw  off  the  mask.  He  would  take  no  risks,  and  so  in  the 
end  he  lost  all ;  for  the  promised  Spanish  force  never  reached 
Ulster,  and,  by  the  time  it  had  reached  the  south  of  Ireland, 
Elizabeth  had  a  Deputy  to  whom  honour  and  loyalty  stood 
higher  than  profitable  traffic  with  the  Queen's  enemies.  During 
the  complacent  Fitz William's  regime  the  Earl's  one  object 
was  to  gain  time.  He  could  look  back  on  such  a  long  and 
unbroken  sequence  of  tractable  Deputies,  even  within  his 
own  recollection,  that  it  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to 
him  that  he  might  some  day  be  confronted  with  a  man  to 
whom  fighting  was  more  congenial  than  intrigue.  At  the 
present  moment,  with  a  conveniently  corrupt  administration, 
everything  went  as  he  would  have  wished.  A  commission 
consisting  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  Loftus,  Sir  Robert  Gardiner 
and  Sir  Anthony  St.  Leger,  was  appointed  by  the  Privy  Council 
to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the  rebellion.  The  three  Govern- 
ment nominees  held  their  session  in  Dundalk,  and  from  this 
base  forwarded  invitations  to  Tyrone  and  Hugh  Roe  to  come 
in  and  confer.  Maguire,  being  the  most  openly  declared 
rebel  of  the  three,  was  excluded  from  the  invitation. 

Tyrone's  attitude  on  this  occasion  is  interesting,  as  illus- 
trating the  suspicious  workings  of  his  mind,  even  when  dealing 
with  his  own  suborned  confederates.  Loftus  was  notoriously 
in  Tyrone's  pay,*  and  Gardiner  strongly  suspected  of  being 
open  to  the  same  charge,  and  yet  the  Earl  evidently  distrusted 
them  both.  His  first  step  was  to  send  Henry  Hoveden  to 
inform  the  Commissioners  that,  much  as  he  and  Hugh  Roe 
would  like  to  meet  them,  they  were  candidly  afraid.  With  a 
view  to  allaying  these  fears,  Captains  Thomas  Lee  and  Garrett 

*  See  William  Woollard  to  Cecil,  Oct.  28th,  1595.. 


170  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Moore  were  then  sent  to  assure  the  two  chiefs  of  the  complete 
friendliness  of  the  Commissioners'  intentions.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  the  strong  partisanship  of  Captain  Lee  for  the  Tyrone 
faction  preceded  this  meeting,  or  whether  it  arose  as  the  result 
of  the  meeting.  Garrett  Moore  and  his  half-brother  William 
Warren  were,  of  course,  old  friends  of  the  rebel  Earl  and  of 
Hugh  Roe,  wiiose  escape  from  Dublin  Castle  they  had  both 
materially  assisted  ;  but  there  is  nothing  prior  to  the  Dundalk 
conference  to  connect  Captain  Lee  with  Tyrone's  political 
interests.  From  this  date  on,  however,  there  was  unquestion- 
ably a  very  clear  understanding  between  the  two,  so  that  it 
is  reasonable  to  infer  that  the  process  of  conversion  was  set  in 
motion  during  the  above-mentioned  private  conversation 
between  himself,  Captain  Moore  and  the  Earl. 

Even  after  the  guarantee  and  undertaking  of  the  two  English 
Captains,  Tyrone's  suspicions  were  by  no  means  wholly  allayed, 
and  it  was  not  till  the  third  day  that  he  finally  agreed  to  a 
meeting.  Even  then  he  surrounded  the  situation  with  safe- 
guards. He  suggested,  in  the  first  place,  that  he  should  meet 
Sir  Robert  Gardiner  alone  at  Sir  John  Bellew's  house  at  Castle- 
town.  Gardiner  was  quite  agreeable,  and  kept  Ihe  appoint- 
ment, accompanied  by  half  a  dozen  attendants.  Even  this 
clear  evidence  of  friendliness  did  not  entirely  disarm  the  suspi- 
cions of  the  timid  Earl,  who  sat  for  a  long  while  on  a  hill  a 
mile  off  guarded  by  a  large  company  of  horsemen  ;  *  but  in  the 
end  he  came  to  Gardiner.  Tyrone  spoke  English  better  than 
Irish,  and  his  command  of  language,  whether  in  writing  or 
speaking,  was  remarkable.  He  started  proceedings  by  an  out- 
burst of  weeping,  and,  when  he  had  to  this  extent  relieved  his 
feelings,  he  followed  it  up  with  an  impassioned  exposition  of  his 
own  loyalty,  interspersed  with  bitter  attacks  on  Bagenal.  He 
made  a  great  point  of  his  own  valorous  behaviour  at  the  Battle 
of  Belleek — much  questioned  by  others — and  finally  brought 
up  the  matter  of  Hugh  Roe  McMahon's  execution.  As  to  this, 
he  explained  that  he,  and  those  with  him,  feared  that  Hugh 
Roe's  punishment  was  but  a  prelude  to  other  similar  trans- 
actions which  might  involve  themselves,  as  no  chief  could 
possibly  be  responsible  for  every  insignificant  outrage  committed 
by  his  followers.  He  added  that,  with  the  precedent  of  Hugh 
Roe  McMahon's  execution  before  them,  there  was  no  guarantee 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  173-89-1. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  171 

that  any  chief  might  not  be  seized  and  executed  and  his  lands 
confiscated  on  some  frivolous  pretext  of  outrages  committed 
by  his  men. 

Tyrone  then  went  and  fetched  Hugh  Roe,  whom  he  discreetly 
left  alone  with  Gardiner,  this  being  the  common  practice  in  the 
case  of  interviews  between  native  chiefs  and  Government  repre- 
sentatives, as  experience  proved  that  an  understanding  was 
generally  arrived  at  quicker  when  there  were  no  listeners. 
Unfortunately,  however,  for  the  privacy  of  the  negotiations, 
it  turned  out  that,  though  Hugh  Roe  understood  English  to  a 
limited  extent,  he  could  not  speak  it,  and  the  services  of  Sir 
Henry  Duke  as  interpreter  had  to  be  called  in.  Hugh  Roe 
followed  very  much  the  same  lines  as  Tyrone,  and  in  the  end 
Gardiner,  in  a  spirit  of  vicarious  hospitality,  invited  the  two 
Hughs  to  dine  at  Sir  John  Bellew's  house.  This  they  agreed  to, 
but  failed  to  keep  the  appointment.  However,  after  dinner 
they  turned  up  with  a  very  large  company,  which  included 
Cormac  McBaron,  Tirlough  McHenry,  Sir  John  O'Dogherty, 
Art  O'Neil  and  his  brother  Cormac  (Tirlough  Luineach's  two 
sons),  and  Henry  Oge,  who  was  Shane's  grandson  and  one  of 
Tyrone's  very  many  sons-in-law.  The  whole  party  then 
started  in  the  most  friendly  way  riding  towards  Dundalk  to- 
gether, till  the  outskirts  of  the  town  were  reached,  when  the 
O'Hagans  (possibly  by  previous  arrangement)  declined  to  allow 
Tyrone  to  go  any  further.  This  greatly  distressed  the  Earl, 
who  once  more  shed  tears,  and  begged  that  Captain  Lee  and 
Garrett  Moore  might  ride  back  with  him  part  of  the  way. 
This  they  were  only  too  ready  to  agree  to  ;  but  the  O'Hagans 
again  interfered,  and  threatened  both  Englishmen  with  their 
spears.  So  Tyrone  and  Hugh  Roe  rode  back  alone. 

The  astonishing  results  of  this  interview,  set  down  in  detail 
by  Sir  Robert  Gardiner,  who  alone  of  the  three  Commissioners 
had  any  speech  with  Tyrone,  was  a  recommendation  signed 
by  Loftus,  Gardiner  and  St.  Leger,  that  Maguire  should  be 
pardoned  ;  that  Sir  Henry  Bagenal's  commission  should  be 
revoked,  and  that  Captain  Henshaw,  the  Sheriff,  should  be 
removed  from  the  government  of  Monaghan  ;*  from  which  it  is 
tolerably  clear  that  Tyrone  had  made  the  most  of  his  oppor- 
tunities while  alone  with  Gardiner.  The  recommendations 
were  not  only  made,  they  were  acted  upon.  Maguire  was 
*  Commissioners  to  Privy  Council,  March  16th,  1594. 


172  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

officially  pardoned — i.e.,  everything  that  lie  had  so  far  done 
was  wiped  clean  off  the  slate.  Bagenal  was  ordered  to  take 
no  active  steps  against  any  of  the  three  Hughs,  and  Henshaw's 
charter  to  make  what  he  could  out  of  the  county  of  Monaghan 
(for  which  he  had  paid  Fitzwilliam  four  hundred  pounds)  was 
rescinded. 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  disastrous  than  such  a  policy 
in  a  country  where  an  admission  of  error  is  always  attributed 
to  weakness,  and  never  to  generosity.  The  concession  granted 
gave  an  immediate  stimulus  to  a  rebellion  which  had  so  far 
hung  fire  rather  dismally.  Before  the  month  was  out,  O'Hanlon 
and  Magennis  had  joined  the  Earl,  and  Brian  Me  Art  (who  by 
this  time  had  established  himself  as  Captain  of  Killultagh), 
with  two  large  companies  of  Tyrone's  men  had  raided  Lecale, 
destroyed  seven  or  eight  town-lands,  and  "  in  the  most  cruel 
manner  burned  men,  women  and  children  in  the  houses."* 
A  fortnight  later  Tyrone's  brother  Cormac  and  Maguire  him- 
self, galvanized  into  new  activity  by  his  reprieve  and  by  the 
official  paralysis  of  Bagenal  and  Henshaw,  treated  Connor  Roe's 
country  in  exactly  the  same  way.  "  The  whole  of  Fermanagh 
is  laid  desolate  and  the  people  fled,""]"  that  poor  man  complained 
to  the  Deputy,  while  strongly  representing  the  need  for  English 
troops  to  be  sent  up  to  prevent  Monaghan  and  Cavan  sharing 
the  same  fate. 

The  process  of  reasoning  which  interprets  conciliatory 
measures  into  an  incentive  to  rebellion  is  extremely  simple, 
though  difficult  of  comprehension  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  mind. 
The  train  of  thought  is  that  a  Government  which  makes  con- 
cessions must  be  weak,  otherwise  it  would  not  make  the  con- 
cessions. On  the  heels  of  this  follows  the  idea  that  because  it 
is  weak  it  ought  to  be  attacked.  It  is  an  eminently  crude 
form  of  reasoning,  very  little  removed  above  the  first  law  of 
natural  selection,  the  law  which  prompts  the  brute  creation  to 
attack  the  sick  and  wounded.  The  main  aim  of  the  laws  of 
chivalry,  chiefly  associated  with  the  Middle  Ages,  was  to 
combat  this  primitive  impulse,  and  to  establish  in  its  place  a 
code  more  in  tune  with  the  higher  tenets  of  Christianity. 
Chivalry  took  its  firmest  hold  in  France  and  England,  and  in 
the  latter  country  its  survival  is  still  to  be  found  in  the  code 

*  Bagenal  to  Deputy,  March  28th,  1594. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  175-5-15. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  178 

of  fair  play  which  governs  the  actions  of  all  classes  alike  ;  but 
to  many  other  nationalities  the  code  of  chivalry  is  quite  unin- 
telligible and  seems  a  stupid  neglect  of  opportunity. 

Tyrone  himself  was  by  no  means  free  from  the  general  con- 
tagion. Two  thousand  of  his  men,  under  Cormac  McBaron, 
laid  siege  to  Eckersall  in  Enniskillen,  and,  for  fear  that  this 
large  force  might  run  short  of  provisions,  Henry  Oge  carried 
off  three  hundred  of  Sir  Henry  Duke's  best  cattle  from  Clones 
for  their  use. 

In  the  very  serious  crisis  which  the  criminal  weakness  of  the 
Government  had  now  aroused,  old  Tirlough  Luineach  came 
nobly  forward  with  the  offer  of  his  house  at  Strabane  for  Her 
Majesty's  use,  and  with  the  further  offer  to  once  more  take  the 
field,  and  to  reduce  the  whole  of  Ulster  to  obedience,  if  the 
Queen  would  make  him  certain  concessions  and  allowances  in 
the  way  of  troops.  A  few  years  earlier  the  task  might  have 
been  within  his  compass,  but  he  was  now  no  longer  the  O'Neil, 
having  in  the  previous  May  resigned  the  title  (under  some 
pressure)  in  favour  of  Tyrone.  He  was  also  getting  old  and 
broken  in  health,  and  his  offer  was  not  taken  seriously.  Russell 
seems  to  have  had  as  pronounced  a  liking  for  Tirlough  Luineach 
as  had  his  predecessor,  and  in  the  summer  of  1595,  at  the  old 
man's  earnest  request,*  Captain  Merriman,  an  old  friend,  and 
one  hundred  men  were  sent  round  to  the  Foyle  in  Her  Majesty's 
ship  Popinjay,  with  instructions  to  bring  Tirlough  Luineach 
round  by  sea  to  Dublin,  there  to  spend  his  last  remaining  days 
in  peace  and  comfort, f  for  he  was  quite  past  the  journey  by 
land.  He  was  very  pleased  to  get  the  men,  for  all  others  had 
now  deserted  him,  and  his  son  Art  was  at  the  moment  con- 
spiring to  betray  his  Castle  at  Strabane  into  Tyrone's  hands  ; 
but  he  never  made  the  voyage  to  Dublin,  for,  before  he  could 
embark,  he  had  set  out  on  his  last  and  longest  journey.  He  died 
in  September  of  the  same  year,  and  was  buried  at  Ardstraw 
on  the  River  Derg.  He  left  a  name  unstained  by  a  single 
recorded  act  of  treachery  or  a  single  broken  promise.  He  was 
beyond  doubt  a  good  warrior  when  sufficiently  aroused  to 
activity,  but  his  love  of  wine  paralysed  both  his  energies  and 
his  ambitions,  and  left  him  an  easy  prey  to  his  worthless 
relations.  There  have  been  many  worse  men. 

*  Tirlough  Luineach  to  Deputy,  March  31st,  1595. 
f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  180-53. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

Severe  straits  of  the  Enniskillen  garrison — Sir  Henry  Duke  dispatched  with  a 
relief  force — His  defeat  by  Cormac  McBaron — Fitzwilliam  recalled — His 
indignation  at  the  charges  levelled  against  him — Difficult  position  of  the 
Queen's  Deputies — Sidney's  money  losses— Mount  joy's  losses — Reasons 
for  Fitzwilliam' s  corrupt  dealings — Sir  William  Russell  arrives  as  Deputy- 
Tyrone  visits  him  in  Dublin — Compact  entered  into  with  Tyrone — Tyrone's 
character — His  failure  to  carry  out  his  side  of  the  agreement — Russell's 
energy — His  relief  of  Enniskillen — Miserable  plight  of  the  English  garrisons 
in  Ulster — Desertion  of  the  Carrickfergus  garrison — The  Bishop  of  Down 
and  Connor  saves  the  situation — Military  incapacity  of  the  rebel  leaders — 
Their  internal  quarrels — Owen  Roe  and  Brian  M^Art — Murder  of  Ever 
McRory  Magennis — The  motives  at  the  back  of  it — Capture  of  the  Black- 
water  Fort  by  Art  McBaron — Suspicious  conduct  of  the  garrison — Trial 
by  court-martial — Acquittal  of  the  officers — Tyrone  openly  proclaims 
himself  a  rebel — He  destroys  the  Blackwater  Bridge  and  burns  the  Farney 
churches. 

THE  chief  matter  of  military  interest  during  the  summer 
of  1594  was  the  siege  of  Enniskillen,  which  dragged  on 
month  after  month.  Its  capture  from  the  rebels  had  been  a 
momentous  affair.  Its  recapture  by  them  was  even  more  so. 
By  July  the  number  of  the  besieging  force  had  reached  three 
thousand.  Within  the  walls  the  original  number  of  the  garrison 
had  been  much  reduced  by  sickness,  and  provisions  were  at  so 
low  an  ebb  that  it  wras  generally  recognized  that  the  Castle 
must  either  be  very  speedily  revictualled  or  lost.  The  work 
of  relief  was  entrusted  to  Sir  Henry  Duke  and  Sir  Edward 
Herbert.  They  both  protested  to  the  Deputy  that  the  force 
at  their  disposal  (six  hundred  foot  and  forty-six  horse)  was 
quite  insufficient  for  the  purpose  ;  but  their  representations 
were  not  favourably  received,  and,  as  time  was  a  factor  of  the 
very  first  importance,  the  attempt  was  made.  It  proved  a 
most  calamitous  affair.  The  relieving  force  was  attacked  by  a 
large  body  of  Scots  under  Cormac  McBaron,  and  completely 
defeated.  Fifty-six  were  killed  and  sixty-nine  wounded,  and 
all  the  provisions  destined  for  Enniskillen  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  rebels.* 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  175-47-1. 
174 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  175 

This  disastrous  affair  was  practically  the  last  act  of  Fitz- 
william's administration.  Where  every  enterprise  undertaken 
ended  in  loss  to  the  Queen  and  profit  to  the  rebels,  it  became 
clear  to  those  at  home  that  something  must  be  wrong,  and  the 
Deputy  was  recalled.  How  very  wrong  things  really  were 
did  not  transpire  till  later,  when  Kyffin's  investigations  brought 
to  light,  among  other  things,  the  astounding  fact  that  the 
Queen's  English  Army  in  Ireland  existed  only  on  paper.  The 
muskets  sent  over  for  its  armament  were  sold  to  the  rebels, 
while  the  funds  sent  over  for  its  pay  were  divided  up  between 
the  Master  of  the  Musters  and  the  Captains  of  Companies,  the 
soldiers  meanwhile  dying  like  flies  of  starvation  and  want  of 
clothing  in  the  public  highways. 

The  most  curious  fact  in  connection  with  Fitzwilliam's  recall 
is  that  he  was  nominally  brought  home  because  of  his  supposed 
hostility  to  Tyrone.  Elizabeth,  in  a  long  letter  to  the  new 
Deputy,  Sir  William  Russell,  distinctly  makes  this  statement,* 
putting  forward  as  her  justification  for  the  removal  of  his  pre- 
decessor his  alleged  bias  and  that  of  Sir  Henry  Bagenal  against 
the  Earl.  The  Earl,  of  course,  was  not  yet  technically  a  rebel ; 
and,  though  it  was  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  all  over 
Ireland  that  he  was  the  wire-puller  at  the  back  of  the  whole  rebel 
movement,  Elizabeth  still  clung  to  the  belief  that  a  man  on 
whom  she  had  expended  so  much  money  and  care,  must  be  on 
a  higher  level  of  loyalty  than  his  enemies  would  have  her 
believe.  Tyrone,  for  his  part,  persistently  affirmed  that  all  the 
major  misdeeds  attributed  to  him  were  the  fruit  of  misrepre- 
sentation, and  that  his  admittedly  equivocal  attitude  on  one 
or  two  notable  occasions  had  been  forced  upon  him  by  the  fixed 
hostility  of  Fitzwilliam  and  Bagenal.  Elizabeth  was  only  too 
ready  to  believe  all  this  plausible  stuff,  to  which  Fitzwilliam's 
notorious  malpractices  in  Monaghan  and  Fermanagh  gave  some 
colour,  and  her  inclination  in  the  matter  was  strongly  backed 
by  the  representations  of  Fenton,  Loftus  and  Gardiner,  and 
other  members  of  the  Tyrone  faction  in  Dublin. 

So  Fitzwilliam  went  back  to  England  to  be  arraigned  in 
course  of  time  for  his  many  misdeeds,  as  to  which  he  still  con- 
tinued to  urge  his  innocence.  "  Sir,"  he  wrote  to  Cecil,  "  you  will 
find  me  an  honest  man,  and  void  of  all  the  detestable  suggestions 
made  against  me."f 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1504-188  f  Fitzwilliam  to  Cecil,  Sept.  13th,  1594. 


1T6  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Before  wholly  condemning  this  fat,  gouty  old  man,  it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  he  was  to  a  great  extent  the  victim  of  the 
demoralizing  system  under  which  the  Irish  Deputies  were 
paid  for  their  services.  The  strictly  honest  ones  came  away 
poorer  men  than  they  went.  "  Three  times,"  Sir  Henry  Sidney 
had  written  to  Walsingham,  "  Her  Majesty  hath  sent  me  her 
Deputy  into  Ireland.  I  returned  from  each  of  these  three 
deputations  three  thousand  pounds  poorer  than  I  went." 
These  losses  of  Sidney's  were  due,  on  one  occasion  at  any  rate, 
to  special  misfortune,  for  in  1566  the  ship  which  was  bringing 
over  his  plate  and  most  of  his  worldly  possessions  went  to  the 
bottom  in  a  storm  ;  but,  taking  them  all  round,  they  repre- 
sented the  certain  reward  of  straight  dealing  in  Ireland.  Mount- 
joy,  the  only  other  honest  Elizabethan  Deputy — if  we  except 
Lord  Burgh — complained  that  he  was  between  £5,000  and  £6,000 
in  debt  by  the  end  of  1602 — i.e.,  after  less  than  three  years  of 
office.  He  was  allowed  £5,000  a  year,  and  spent  £2,000  a  year 
of  his  own  money  in  addition. 

Fitzwilliam  himself,  we  are  told,  lost  £2,000  during  his  first 
experience  of  Dublin  office  life,  a  catastrophe  which  so  dis- 
gusted him  with  the  paths  of  honesty  that  he  determined  at  his 
next  opportunity  to  steer  a  widely  different  course.  To  this 
resolve  may  be  traced  all  the  strange  vagaries  of  his  later 
administration.  He  was  underpaid,  and  expected  by  a  nig- 
gardly Treasury  to  squeeze  the  balance  of  his  salary  out  of 
the  country  he  governed.  The  insanity  of  such  a  system  is 
self-evident.  "  Pay  yourself,"  Elizabeth  suggested  to  her 
Deputies,  "  but  don't  pay  yourself  too  much."  Angels  might 
respond  to  such  a  test,  but  not  mere  men.  Fitzwilliam  paid 
himself,  and,  having  once  taken  his  farewell  of  honest  dealing, 
saw  no  particular  reason  for  adopting  half -measures.  During 
his  second  term  of  office  he  was  reported  to  have  cleared 
£10,000,  a  by  no  means  impossible  figure  when  we  consider 
the  methods  adopted.  "  He  was  not  clean-handed  from 
excesses  and  other  impositions,  which  were  his  greatest  faults," 
says  the  "  Book  of  Howth,"  "  and  that  was  a  pity,  for  he  was 
a  good  man  saving  for  that."* 

On  August  llth  the  new  Deputy,  Sir  William  Russell,  the 
youngest  son  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  arrived  to  take  up  the 
very  tangled  reins  of  Government.  Tyrone,  it  need  scarcely 

*  "  Book  of  Howth,"  P-  202. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  177 

be  said,  at  once  went  up  to  Dublin  to  pay  his  respects,  and, 
incidentally,  to  try  and  arrive  at  some  such  comfortable  under- 
standing as  he  had  already  established  with  the  majority  of  the 
Privy  Council.  Russell,  however,  had  arrived  armed  with  some 
of  the  proverbial  enthusiasm  of  the  new  broom,  and  proved  by 
no  means  the  easy  prey  that  the  Earl  had  anticipated. 

Tyrone  entered  the  room  on  his  knees  and  presented  a  most 
beautifully-worded  and  appealing  submission,  which,  as  a 
work  of  art,  was  accorded  proper  respect,  but  which,  as  a 
promise  of  things  to  come,  made  little  impression.  Russell 
was  no  fool.  He  assessed  Tyrone's  pathetic  protestations  at 
their  true  value,  and,  had  he  followed  his  own  judgment,  he 
would  then  and  there  have  proclaimed  the  Earl  rebel  and 
traitor.  Fenton,  however,  and,  in  fact,  the  entire  Privy  Council 
were — as  may  easily  be  imagined — very  strongly  opposed  to 
this  course,  recommending  in  preference  those  temporizing 
measures  which  are  ever  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  true  politi- 
cian.* Russell  finally  yielded  to  what  he  considered  their 
greater  experience  of  the  country.  It  was  arranged  that 
Tyrone  was  to  return  in  peace  to  Ulster,  and  to  send  his  eldest 
legitimate  son,  Hugh  Baron  of  Dungannon,  to  be  educated  at 
his  own  expense  at  Dublin  University,  the  building  of  which 
had  just  been  completed.  He  was  also  to  take  immediate  steps 
to  re-embark  and  send  back  to  Scotland  the  two  large  bands 
of  Highlanders  which  Ineenduv  and  James  McSorley  had 
recently  imported  (in  fulfilment  of  Angus  McDonnell's  pre- 
diction). He  was  further  to  induce  Hugh  Roe  to  send  away  all 
his  previously-hired  Scots,  and  they  were  both  to  refrain  from 
any  further  molestation  of  Her  Majesty's  subjects. f  To  all 
these  terms  Tyrone  agreed,  with  all  the  readiness  of  one  to 
whom  promises  were  merely  a  convenient  form  of  words. 

The  Queen  was  very  greatly  displeased  with  Russell  for 
having  allowed  the  Earl  to  go  free,  after  having  been  securely 
within  his  grasp.  Obstinate  as  her  belief  may  have  been  in 
the  ultimate  regeneration  of  the  English-reared  O'Neil,  she 
was  too  true  a  Tudor  to  leave  that  to  chance  which  the  walls 
of  the  Tower  would  have  made  sure  of.  Russell  excused  him- 
self on  the  grounds  given  above.  He  himself,  he  pleaded, 
was  new  to  the  situation,  and  those  who  had  experience  of  the 

*  Fynes  Moryson,  Part  II.,  Chapter  II 
|  Carew  MSS.,  Aug.  1594. 

12 


178  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

country  had  unanimously  recommended  the  course  which  he 
had  adopted. 

It  is  not  always  easy,  at  this  period  of  his  career,  to  read 
the  Earl  of  Tyrone  aright,  so  that  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at 
that  Elizabeth  herself  was  puzzled.  At  times  he  appears  as 
a  crafty  and  unscrupulous  schemer,  lost  to  all  sense  of  honour, 
and  at  others  as  a  mere  nonentity — a  feeble  creature  used  as 
a  cat's-paw  by  firmer  minds  than  his.  He  was  probably  a 
combination  of  the  two.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  was 
markedly  deficient  in  the  firmness  of  character  usually  asso- 
ciated with  successful  leaders  of  revolutions.  In  all  the  more 
serious  crises  of  his  career  we  find  him  vacillating  weakly 
between  two  alternative  courses.  The  O'Hagans  would  appear 
to  have  had  little  respect  for,  and  no  fear  of,  him.  They 
regarded  him  rather  as  a  kind  of  sacred  effigy — the  focus- 
point  of  their  rude  religious  cult ;  but  they  ordered  him  about 
as  they  chose,  and  were  completely  out  of  his  control.*  In 
spite  of  the  ridicule  with  which  Robert  Earl  of  Essex  regarded 
his  religious  pose,  there  seems  very  little  doubt  that,  at  this 
period  of  his  career,  superstition  played  a  considerable  part 
in  the  moulding  of  his  plans.  In  a  letter  which  Russell  wrote 
to  Burleigh  in  November,  1594,  he  describes  him  as  being 
wholly  governed  by  Jesuits  and  seminary  priests.  Of  these, 
the  most  influential  at  the  moment  was  an  English  Jesuit  of 
the  name  of  Francis  Mountfort.  Tyrone  appears  to  have 
discussed  with  this  man  the  question  of  sending  the  Baron  of 
Dungannon  to  Dublin  University,  and  there  is  the  possibility 
that  the  idea  may  not  have  been  without  its  attractions  for  a 
man  who,  in  his  more  exuberant  moments,  aimed  at  being  king 
of  Ireland  ;  but  Mountfort  peremptorily  vetoed  it.  So  here 
was  the  death  of  the  Earl's  first  promise.  The  second  promise 
was  probably  in  any  case  beyond  his  powers  of  accomplishment. 
There  is  no  instance  on  record  of  his  having  directed  any  of  his 
retainers  into  paths  which  they  did  not  wish  to  follow,  or  of 
his  having  punished  any  of  them  for  exceeding  his  commands. 
Donough  O'Hagan,  it  is  true,  was  seen  in  1596  lying  in  irons 
in  Dungannon  Castle,  from  which  it  might  be  prima  Jade 
inferred  that  Tyrone  had  imprisoned  him  there  ;  but  there  is 
a  strong  probability  that  his  judge  and  jury,  on  this  occasion, 

*  The  O'Hagans  were  a  sept  who  claimed  royal  descent  and  were,  in  any  cane, 
of  a  lineage  as  old  as  the  O'Neils. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  179 

had  been  his  own  sept  and  not  the  Earl.  In  view  of  the 
strained  relations  existing  at  the  moment  between  Tyrone 
and  the  Scots,  it  is  highly  improbable  that  he  even  went 
through  the  farce  of  attempting  to  turn  them  back  ;  but  in 
any  event  they  did  not  go.  Three  thousand  were  reported 
to  have  landed  in  Inishowen  to  the  order  of  Ineenduv,  and 
three  thousand  in  the  Route  for  James  McSorley.*  These 
figures  were  no  doubt  greatly  exaggerated,  but  that  the  number 
actually  landed  was  considerable  is  beyond  doubt,  as  is  also  the 
fact  that  the  Route  contingent  brought  with  them  five  hundred 
pounds'  worth  of  powder  and  shot,  which  had  been  shipped 
from  Glasgow  for  the  use  of  the  Earl  by  one  James  Stewart.^ 
Tyrone's  excuse  to  the  Deputy  for  the  non-fulfilment  of  his 
pledge  was  a  plain  plea  of  impotence,  |  which  was  no  doubt 
the  true  explanation,  though  it  by  no  means  follows  that  he 
would  have  exercised  the  power,  even  had  it  been  his.  Russell 
had  been  wise  enough  not  to  build  too  much  on  the  fulfilment 
of  the  fickle  Earl's  promises,  and,  from  the  moment  of  his  taking 
over  office,  he  commenced  vigorous  preparations  for  the  relief 
of  the  beleaguered  Enniskillen  garrison.  The  energy  of  his 
actions  must  have  come  as  a  surprise  to  the  rebel  chiefs,  and 
they  certainly  offered  proof  of  his  initial  desire  to  serve  his 
Queen  well  and  truly.  He  had  landed  on  August  llth,  and 
within  ten  days  of  that  date  he  had  set  out  from  Dublin  with 
the  relieving  force.  On  August  30th  the  Castle  was  reached, 
and  the  garrison  of  fifteen,  now  reduced  to  eating  cats  and 
rats,  was  rescued  from  a  position  which  could  hardly  have 
been  longer  endured,  and  a  new  garrison  was  properly  provi- 
sioned and  left  in  charge.  Of  this  new  garrison  not  one  was 
destined  to  leave  Enniskillen  alive. 

If  ever  there  was  a  moment  when  Tyrone  should  have  struck 
it  was  during  the  autumn  of  1594.  He  had  now  some  six 
thousand  or  seven  thousand  good  troops  at  his  disposal,  with 
an  abundance  of  arms  and  ammunition.  The  Government 
forces,  on  the  other  hand,  were  miserably  depleted,  and  the 
gaps  had  been  filled  up  with  Irish  kerne,  who  were  quite  un- 
reliable in  emergency.  Most  of  the  minor  Ulster  strongholds 

*  Tyrone  to  Privy  Council,  July  25th,  1594.  See  also  Laurence  Esmond 
to  Deputy,  July  29th,  1594. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  178-42. 

J  Tyrone  to  Deputy,  Sept.  llth,  1594. 

12* 


180  ELIZABETHAN  ULStER 

were  in  the  rebel  hands.  The  only  places  which  were  still  pre' 
cariously  held  for  the  Queen  were  Newry,  Monaghan,  the  Black> 
water  Fort,  Enniskillen  and  Carrickfergus,  and  the  last-named 
• — which  was  still  by  far  the  most  important  military  station 
in  Ulster,  though  dangerously  isolated  and  remote — could, 
by  the  admission  of  its  Mayor,  Michael  Savage,  have  made  no 
effective  resistance  against  a  determined  attack.*  Luckily 
for  the  inmates  no  such  attack  was  made.  In  August  James 
McSorley,  who  had  by  now  dispossessed  McQuillin  of  every 
acre  he  had  ever  owned  in  the  Route,  came  down  with  one 
thousand  of  his  newly-imported  Scots,  and  carried  off  all  their 
cattle,  the  garrison  being  too  weak  even  to  attempt  a  rescue. 
The  loss  of  their  food  supply  was  the  last  straw  that  broke 
down  the  patience  of  the  long-suffering  garrison.  They  had 
received  no  pay  for  five  years,  and  now  their  sole  means  of  sub- 
sistence had  been  carried  off  under  their  very  noses,  and  they 
themselves  left  to  starve.  They  took  up  their  arms  and  left 
the  town  in  a  body,  but  were  afterwards  persuaded  to  return 
by  John  Charden,  Bishop  of  Down  and  Connor,  who  met  them 
near  Kilroot  on  their  way  to  Larne,  and  supplied  their  imme- 
diate wants  with  some  of  his  own  cattle.  Except  for  this  one 
unimportant  foraging  enterprise,  the  autumn  of  1594  was 
allowed  to  pass  without  any  active  movement  being  attempted 
by  Tyrone  or  any  of  his  allies. 

The  truth  was  that  none  of  the  rebel  leaders,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Maguire,  had  any  military  capacity,  or  even  a  know- 
ledge of  the  first  principles  of  warfare,  in  the  sense  of  concerted 
movements  with  a  distinct  strategical  aim.  Their  ideas  were 
limited  to  the  conduct  of  predatory  raids,  which  may  have  been 
satisfactory  from  the  point  of  view  of  commissariat  or  revenge, 
but  which  had  no  military  value. 

Another  difficulty  in  the  way  of  concerted  and  systematized 
movements  was  the  impossibility  of  sustaining  harmony  for 
any  length  of  time  between  the  rebel  leaders,  who  almost 
invariably  quarrelled  among  themselves  before  they  came 
within  reach  of  the  enemy.  The  first  Ulster  notability  to 
realize  that  the  art  of  war  and  the  aims  of  war  extended  beyond 
mere  pillage  and  massacre,  was  the  famous  Owen  Roe  O'Neil, 
but  then  he  had  learned  in  a  foreign  school. 

Owen  Roe  was  half-brother  to  Brian  McArt,  and  was  con- 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol    175-35-14. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  181 

sequently  a  nephew  of  the  Earl  of  Tyrone — a  rather  remark- 
able relationship  when  we  consider  that  Tyrone  was  born  in 
the  forties  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  that  Owen  Roe  was 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Irish  forces  in  the  forties  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  The  seventeenth-century  nephew,  how- 
ever, was  a  very  different  man  to  the  sixteenth-century  uncle, 
though  the  two  had  this  in  common,  that  they  were  both 
singularly  free  from  the  common  blood-thirst  of  their  associates. 
Tyrone  was  never  a  butcher.  He  killed  without  scruple  or 
hesitation  where  his  personal  safety  or  his  political  aims 
demanded  it,  but  he  never  killed  for  the  mere  sake  of  killing. 
He  killed  Ever  McRory  Magennis,  the  Captain  of  Kilwarlin. 
in  this  very  autumn  of  1594.  The  act  was  one  of  sheer  murde 
judged  by  conventional  standards,  and  for  some  little  time 
Tyrone's  motive  for  what  on  the  surface  seemed  an  unprovoked 
outrage,  remained  a  matter  of  doubt.  Bagenal  wrote  to  Bur- 
leigh  that  Ever  had  been  murdered  because  "  he  had  certain 
matters  to  aver  against  Tyrone  face  to  face  "  ;*  but  this  was 
not  the  real  truth.  The  true  facts  of  the  case  were  communi- 
cated by  William  Lane  to  Cecil  in  a  letter  dated  July  18th, 
1597.  "  Many  minor  chiefs,"  he  wrote,  "  are  ready  to  sur- 
render their  lands  and  to  receive  them  again  in  perpetuity  from 
Her  Majesty,  paying  so  much  rent,  but  all  such  offers  are 
suppressed  by  the  officials  (local)  for  their  own  ends.  For  now 
they  (and  others)  receive  many  cows  a  year  to  countenance  the 
chiefs'  holdings,  whereas  in  the  other  case  only  Her  Majesty 
would  receive  rent.  This  course  would  do  more  than  any 
other  to  settle  the  country  ;  therefore  Tyrone  dreads  it  more 
than  anything  else.  He  killed  Ever  McMahon,  Captain  of 
Killultagh,  for  making  such  an  offer.""}" 

Lane  was  at  fault  as  to  the  names,  but  right  as  to  the  cir- 
cumstances. No  McMahon  was  ever  Captain  of  Killultagh, 
which  was  far  removed  from  the  McMahon  country.  The 
Captain  of  Killultagh  was  Cormac  McBrian,  who  was  also 
murdered  (by  Brian  Me  Art),  but  for  no  more  subtle  political 
reason  than  that  Brian,  being  landless  himself  and  without 
any  fixed  habitat,  wanted  Killultagh  as  a  base  from  which 
to  terrorize  Kilwarlin,  Dufferin  and  McCartan's  country  to  the 
west.  This  matter,  however,  has  no  bearing  on  the  present 

*  Bagenal  to  Burlcigh,  Sept.  27th,  1594. 
|  William  Lane  to  Cecil,  July  18th,  1597. 


182  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

case.  The  man  to  whom  Lane  intends  to  refer,  as  having  been 
killed  by  Tyrone,,  was  Ever  McRory  Magennis,  Captain  of 
Kilwarlin,  and  he  was  killed  because  he  had  made  an  offer  to 
surrender  Kilwarlin*  (Lower  Iveagh)  and  receive  it  again  from 
the  Queen. 

In  January  the  rebellion  began  to  give  signs  of  increased 
activity.  Maguire  opened  the  year  well  by  capturing  the 
big  18-ton  boat  on  Loch  Erne — a  serious  loss  to  the  garrison. 
Worse  misfortunes  were  to  follow.  On  February  16th  Art 
McBaron  and  Art  Bradagh  O'Hagan  (Tyrone's  principal  military 
leader)  achieved  the  capture  of  the  Blackwater  Fort.  This 
was  the  most  important  gain  the  rebels  had  yet  been  able  to 
register,  for  the  position  was  one  of  supreme  importance,  and 
one  that  had  been  held  without  break  throughout  the  twenty 
years  that  had  elapsed  since  its  first  establishment  by  Essex. 
The  two  victorious  Arts  behaved  with  remarkable  moderation 
to  the  garrison,  who  were  allowed  to  go  their  ways  with  whole 
skins — a  circumstance  so  rare  in  sixteenth-century  warfare  as 
to  give  rise  to  much  comment  and  inquiry.  The  capture  of  this 
fort,  which  was  the  main  gateway  into  the  county  of  Tyrone, 
and  its  occupation  by  the  O'Hagans,  decided  the  timid  Ear] 
to  at  last  declare  himself  openly  on  the  side  of  the  rebels.  On 
receipt  of  the  glad  news,  he  galloped  with  all  speed  to  the  river, 
and  personally  supervised  the  demolition  of  the  hated  bridge, 
which  opened  his  territory  to  inquisitive  interference  from  the 
Pale. 

The  Queen  was  naturally  very  much  upset  by  the  loss  of  the 
Blackwater,  and  highly  suspicious  of  the  rather  curious  circum- 
stances surrounding  its  transfer  into  rebel  hands.  Both  Captain 
Keyes — who  had  been  absent  on  the  occasion — and  his  second 
in  command,  Lieutenant  Cornwall,  were  imprisoned  and  tried 
by  court-martial  on  the  charge  of  having  betrayed  the  fort  to 
the  rebels  for  their  own  personal  ends.  The  evidence  of  all  the 
surviving  members  of  the  garrison  was  taken,  "j"  but  as  all  were 
presumably  equally  implicated,  nothing  was  proved  ;  and  the 
two  officers  were  acquitted  by  a  court  whose  members  foresaw 
the  possibility  that  they  themselves  might  some  day  be  in  the 
dock  on  a  similar  charge. 

Tyrone,  having  now  openly  declared  himself  on  the  side  of 

*  See  also  Bagenal  to  Burleigh  as  above. 

t  See  deposition  of  Henry  Marsh,  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  178-53. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  18t 

Maguire,  was  anxious  to  lose  no  time  in  proving  to  his  comrades 
in  rebellion  how  thoroughly  he  had  turned  his  coat.  He 
started  proceedings  by  personally  conducting  a  raid  against 
Cavan,  which  he  burned,  and  followed  this  up  by  burning  all 
the  churches  in  Farney — the  property  of  the  Earl  of  Essex — 
not  so  much  from  religious  zeal  as  because  the  churches,  being 
built  of  stone,  were  easily  convertible  into  fortresses  in  war-time. 


Distress  of  Elizabeth  at  Tyrone's  open  rebellion — Precarious  condition  of  the 
English  garrisons  in  Ireland — Russell's  military  capacity — -Dispatch  of 
Sir  John  Norris  with  reinforcements — Russell  made  subordinate  to  Norris 
— His  magnanimous  spirit — Capture  of  Enniskillen  by  the  rebels — Morris's 
army  reaches  Newry — The  relief  of  Monaghan — Relief  column  harassed 
by  Tyrone — Casualties  on  both  sides — Tyrone  publicly  proclaimed  traitor — 
Norris  reaches  the  Blackwater — Panic  of  Tyrone — He  burns  Dunganiion 
Castle — Tyrone  burns  the  Newry  Hour-mills — Capture  of  Magennis's  cattle 
— Government  force  attacked  in  the  Moycrie  Pass — Narrow  escape  of 
Russell. 

THE  definite  association  of  Tyrone  with  the  Ulster  rebellion 
came  as  a  surprise  to  no  one  in  Ireland,  where  it  had 
long  been  known  that  the  Earl  was  the  semi-concealed  wire- 
puller at  the  back  of  the  movement.  A  pretence  of  belief  in 
his  loyalty  had  been  kept  up  for  business  reasons,  but  the  real 
position  had  been  public  property  for  years.  In  England, 
however,  it  was  otherwise.  The  persistent  guarantees  by  the 
Privy  Council  of  the  Earl's  basic  loyalty  had  fallen  happily 
in  line  with  the  Queen's  eternal  hopes  that  the  boy  she  had 
befriended  would — in  spite  of  appearances  to  the  contrary — 
in  the  end  prove  himself  worthy  of  her  confidence.  These  hopes 
were  now  definitely  shattered,  and  the  disillusioned  Queen 
became  no  less  anxious  than  was  Burleigh  to  bring  her  ungrateful 
fosterling  to  justice. 

Repeated  representations  had  been  made  to  Burleigh  for 
some  time  past,  both  by  Fitzwilliam  and  Russell,  as  to  the 
gravity  of  the  situation  developing  in  Ulster,  and  more  particu- 
larly as  to  the  desperate  condition  of  the  few  slender  garrisons 
that  still  held  out.  The  Queen's  belated  belief  in  Tyrone's 
loyalty  had  hitherto,  to  a  certain  extent,  discounted  these 
warnings,  but,  after  the  Blackwater  affair,  it  was  impossible  for 
those  in  England  any  longer  to  doubt  their  true  value.  The 
English  Council  became  keenly  alive  to  the  urgent  need  for 
energetic  action.  Russell's  last  word  had  been  that  nothing 
could  save  Ulster  except  the  immediate  embarkation  of  a  strong 

184 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  185 

force  under  a  commander  of  proved  capacity.  He  little  guessed 
at  the  time  he  put  forward  this  recommendation  of  the  com- 
plications he  was  inviting.  Burleigh  fell  in  with  the  suggestion 
all  the  more  readily  from  the  fact  that  he  himself  had  long  been 
contemplating  some  such  step.  He  had  already  determined 
not  to  send  any  more  driblets  of  men  over  to  Ireland,  having  a 
strong  suspicion,  and,  indeed,  something  more  than  a  suspicion, 
that  the  depletion  of  the  garrisons  in  that  country  was  not  wholly 
due  to  military  causes.  There  happened  to  be  a  force  very  suit- 
able for  the  Irish  undertaking  engaged  at  the  time  in  Brittany, 
under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Norris,  and  Burleigh's  final 
decision,  on  receipt  of  Russell's  recommendation,  was  to  wait 
till  that  force  was  disengaged,  and  then  to  send  it  over  to  Ire- 
land, as  an  integral  unit,  under  its  present  commander.  Bur- 
leigh's decision,  though  it  was  practically  in  accord  with  Russell's 
own  request,  and  though  it  certainly  offered  a  partial  solution 
of  the  problem  of  Irish  reinforcements,  was  destined  to  provoke 
many  more  complications  than  it  solved.  Russell,  who  was 
himself  a  man  of  considerable  military  experience,  and  who  bore 
ihe  reputation  of  having  displayed  remarkable  personal 
prowess  in  the  Netherlands  wars,  had  neither  desired  nor  anti- 
cipated that  the  capable  commander  he  had  applied  for  should 
be  made  independent  of  his  own  authority.  Nor  had  he  anti- 
cipated that  the  man  selected  would  be  Sir  John  Norris,  who  was 
an  old  enemy  of  his  own  in  other  fields.  Even  so,  however,  the 
situation  might  have  been  productive  of  good,  had  Burleigh 
not  adopted  the  unprecedented  course  of  placing  Norris  in 
supreme  command  of  the  army  of  Ulster,  to  the  obliteration 
of  Russell.  It  was  a  humiliation  which  Russell,  so  far,  had  not 
deserved,  and  it  must  be  recorded  to  his  undying  credit  that  he 
accepted  the  affront  (for  it  was  nothing  less)  in  a  spirit  of  un- 
shaken loyalty  to  his  Queen.  A  man  of  less  generous  disposi- 
tion might  have  sulked  at  home  and  taken  no  further  interest 
in  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion.  Russell,  however,  played  a 
very  different  part.  No  sooner  had  Norris's  army  landed  than 
he  met  the  new  Commander-in-Chief  in  a  spirit  of  friendly 
cordiality,  accompanied  him  to  Newry,  and  for  some  weeks 
afterwards  lent  the  encouragement  of  his  presence  to  all  the 
movements  of  the  camp. 

Contrary  to   general  expectation,  the  delay  in  the  dispatch 
of  reinforcements  had  only  resulted  in  the  loss  to  the  Govern- 


186  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

ment  of  one  more  stronghold.  This  was  Enniskillen.  The  loss 
of  the  big  boat  had,  in  point  of  fact,  already  sounded  the  knell 
of  this  place,  and  early  in  May,  1595,  the  garrison — now  reduced 
by  absolute  famine  to  fourteen — surrendered  to  Cormac 
McBaron.  The  Four  Masters  say  that  the  fourteen  were  honour- 
ably pardoned,  but  Russell,  on  the  other  hand,  states  distinctly, 
in  two  separate  letters,  that  they  were  all  put  to  the  sword.* 
Newry,  Monaghan  and  Carrickfergus  now  alone  remained,  and 
the  position  of  the  last  two  was  precarious  in  the  extreme. 
Monaghan  lacked  for  food  and  Carrickfergus  for  defences. 
Once  again,  however,  the  hopeless  lack  of  co-ordination  among 
the  rebels  prevented  them  from  taking  advantage  of  their 
opportunities,  and  the  relieving  force  was  allowed  to  arrive 
with  Monaghan  and  Carrickfergus  still  uncaptured. 

Norris  landed  at  Waterford  early  in  May — just  prior,  in  fact, 
to  the  fall  of  Enniskillen — and  made  his  way  up,  as  quickly 
as  circumstances  would  allow,  to  Dublin,  and  from  thence  to 
Newry,  accompanied — as  has  already  been  stated — by  the  Lord 
Deputy.  The  army  consisted  of  2,200  foot,  under  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief's  brother,  Sir  Henry  Norris,  and  500  horse, 
under  Sir  Edward  Yorke.  It  was  agreed  on  all  sides  that  by 
far  the  most  pressing  matter  at  the  moment  was  the  relief  of 
Monaghan,  where  Captain  Dowdall  was  reported  to  be  in 
absolute  extremities.  Accordingly,  on  May  25th  the  army  set 
out  from  Newry  for  that  place,  accompanied  by  a  herd  of  1,000 
cattle,  driven  by  Irish  kerne. 

Even  before  the  walls  of  Newry  were  out  of  sight,  Tyrone 
made  demonstrations  on  both  flanks  of  the  relieving  column 
with  an  army  which  Bagenal,  who  accompanied  the  English 
force,  generously  estimated  at  14,000, j"  but  which  in  reality 
numbered  less  than  a  quarter  of  that  figure.  Tyrone  himself 
was  very  conspicuous  throughout,  being  surrounded  by  a  special 
body  of  300  personal  guards  in  scarlet  and  yellow  uniforms,  J 
with  whom  he  remained  at  a  prudent  distance  directing  opera- 
tions. His  army  harassed  the  English  up  to  the  very  gates  of 
Monaghan,  but  he  was  unable  to  prevent  the  relieving  and 
revictualling  of  the  garrison,  and  the  successful  return  of  Norris' s 
column  to  Newry. 

*  Russell  to  Cecil,  May  23rd  and  May  24th,  1595. 
t  Fenton  to  Buckhurst,  July  30th,  1595. 

j  Tyrone's  colours  were  red  and  yellow.     See  Cal.  State  Papers,  James-1625 
-170. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  187 

Throughout  the  return,  as  in  the  advance,  Tyrone's  force 
hung  on  the  flanks  of  the  Government  column,  and  kept  up  so 
boisterous  a  fusillade  that  we  are  told  that  no  less  than  fourteen 
barrels  of  powder  were  consumed  in  the  effort,*  but  finally 
Newry  and  the  welcome  shelter  of  its  walls  was  reached,  and  a 
count  was  made  of  the  casualties.  These,  according  to  the 
returns  furnished,  amounted  to  31  killed  and  109  wounded,  but 
it  was  freely  rumoured  that  the  actual  losses  were  higher, "j"  but 
from  motives  which  it  is  not  easy  to  understand  were  con- 
cealed. A  man  named  Pat  Donnelly,  who  was  with  Tyrone's 
force,  but  who  afterwards  turned  spy,  estimated  the  numbers 
of  the  Earl's  army  at  3,000  foot  and  800  horse.  The  Irish  casual- 
ties, he  said,  coming  and  going,  amounted  to  300,  and  included 
Tirlough  Luineach's  son  Cormac  and  Art  Bradagh  O'Hagan, 
both  of  whom  had  been  killed.  The  last  two  statements, 
however,  proved  to  be  pure  fiction,  invented  for  the  purpose  of 
pleasing  his  audience. 

The  prominent  part  played  by  Tyrone  in  the  attack  on  Norris's 
column  was  at  once  a  public  declaration  of  the  side  he  was  on 
and  an  open  defiance  of  the  Government,  and  there  was  no  longer 
any  hesitation  as  to  the  course  which  the  situation  demanded. 
Accordingly,  on  June  23rd  he  was  officially  proclaimed  a  traitor, 
and  notices  to  this  effect,  in  both  English  and  Irish,  were  posted 
in  Newry  market-place.  The  rather  curious  reason  assigned 
for  this  proclamation  was  that  Tyrone  had  hanged  Hugh 
McShane,  the  object  being,  of  course,  to  detach  the  Donnelly s 
and  other  adherents  of  the  Shane  faction  from  the  standard  of 
the  Earl ;  but,  as  the  event  in  question  had  taken  place  six 
years  before  the  proclamation,  it  is  hardly  likely  that  so  quick- 
witted a  people  as  the  Irish  were  for  a  moment  deceived.  The 
truth,  of  course,  was  that,  from  the  moment  of  Tyrone's  first 
interview  with  Russell,  he  had  realized  that  the  old  game  of 
pretended  loyalty,  which  he  so  successfully  carried  on  for  many 
years,  was  at  an  end,  and  that  nothing  remained  for  him  but 
to  make  open  cause  with  Maguire. 

At  the  end  of  June  Norris,  having  garrisoned  Armagh  Great 
Church  and  turned  it  into  a  temporary  store-house  for  passing 
troops,  pushed  on  to  the  Blackwater,  the  Deputy  still  accom- 
panying the  force.  The  river  was  found  in  full  flood  and 
quite  impassable,  and  on  the  far  bank  was  the  Earl  with  the 
*  Carew  MSS.,  1595-154.  f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  180-5-6. 


188  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

whole  of  his  considerable  force.  According  to  a  contemporary 
*'  Journal  of  the  Deputy's  Northern  Journey,"  a  great  many 
railing  speeches  were  exchanged  across  the  water,  but  no  shots,* 
each  party  being  anxious  to  conserve  its  powder  for  more  im- 
portant occasions. 

The  sight  of  Norris's  army,  even  on  the  far  side  of  the  flooded 
river,  seems  to  have  filled  the  newly-declared  rebel  with  a  quite 
unreasonable  terror.  In  the  panic  which  possessed  him  he 
burned  all  the  houses  on  the  western  side  of  the  river,  including 
those  of  the  McCanns,  O'Hagans  and  O' Quins,  and  then — as 
though  to  show  his  impartiality  in  the  matter — burned  his  own 
castle  at  Dungannon"j"  with  all  its  new  London  appurtenances, 
and  laid  the  smouldering  ruins  flat  with  the  ground.  Not  con- 
tent with  this,  he  sent  frantic  messages  north  and  west  to  Hugh 
Roe,  O'Cahan  and  Tirlough  Luineach,  announcing  that  all  was 
lost,  and  bidding  them  burn  all  their  Castles  without  a  mo- 
ment's delay.  The  two  first-named  chiefs — in  the  same  spirit 
of  panic — carried  out  his  orders  literally,  but  Tirlough  Luineach 
was  at  his  last  gasp  and  cared  for  none  of  these  things. 

Even  when  the  short  summer  flood  had  subsided,  Norris  made 
no  attempt  to  push  forward  beyond  the  Blackwater,  and  Tyrone 
— in  an  excess  of  spleen  at  having  needlessly  destroyed  so  much 
of  his  own  property — made  an  effort  to  level  things  up,  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  by  sweeping  round  behind  the  Government  forces 
with  800  horse  and  burning  Bagenal's  flour  mills  at  Newry.  £ 
Having  relieved  his  mind  to  this  extent,  he  next  rounded  up 
1,500  of  Sir  Hugh  Magennis's  cattle  in  Iveagh,  which  he  sent 
home  under  escort,  while  he  himself  turned  south  in  search  of 
fresh  opportunities  for  punishing  those  who  (like  Magennis)  had 
not  yet  joined  him,  and  for  generally  annoying  the  English 
army. 

The  burning  of  the  Newry  flour  mills  did  not  come  altogether 
as  a  surprise.  Norris  had  learned  through  his  spies  of  Tyrone's 
intention,  and  in  the  forlorn  hope  that  he  might  prevent  the 
catastrophe,  or  at  any  rate  catch  Tyrone  in  the  act,  he  hurried 
his  army  back  by  the  shortest  cut  to  Newry,  which  was  reached 
on  July  10th.  By  that  time,  however,  the  smouldering  ruins 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1595-158. 

t  Russell  to  Burleigh,  July  4th,  1595.  Russell  to  Privy  Council,  July  20th , 
1595. 

$  Carew  MSS.,  1595-158, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  189 

of  the  mills  were  the  only  trace  left  of  the  mobile  Earl,  and,  after 
two  days  spent  in  gloomily  reviewing  the  damage  and  reckoning 
up  the  cost  of  reconstruction,  the  army  continued  its  southward 
march  to  Dundalk. 

This  stage  of  the  journey  very  nearly  resulted  in  a  serious 
disaster  to  the  English,  and  without  doubt  would  have  done  so, 
had  Tyrone  and  his  light  horse  been  possessed  of  even  a  moderate 
degree  of  daring.  A  very  carefully  prepared  ambush  was  laid 
in  the  narrowest  part  of  the  dangerous  Moyerie  Pass  between 
Newry  and  Dundalk,  into  which  the  English  advance  party, 
which  included  Russell  himself,  marched  without  a  suspicion 
of  its  presence.  The  Irish  luckily  failed  to  take  proper 
advantage  of  this  stroke  of  good  fortune,  for,  after  firing  a  single 
volley — which  only  succeeded  in  hitting  one  man,  Sir  Oghie 
O'Hanlon,  in  the  foot — they  flung  away  their  arms  and  made  off 
into  the  bogs  and  woods*  where  pursuit  was  impossible.  The 
main  body,  hearing  the  firing,  hurried  up  and  made  an  attempt 
at  pursuit,  but  the  light-footed  Irish  knew  the  ground  and  easily 
out-distanced  their  pursuers.  "  If  such  a  running  away,"  the 
Journalist  of  the  occurrence  writes,  "  had  been  in  France  or 
Flanders,  either  of  the  French  King's  army  or  the  King  of  Spain, 
the  mightier  of  them  could  not  have  shown  themselves  again 
in  the  field  within  one  year  following.""!" 

-*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  181-41.  f  Carew  MSS.,  1595-158. 


CHAPTER  XX 

Official  corruption  in  Ireland — Norris's  unaccountable  inaction — Russell's 
attempts  to  import  a  Scotch  army — Opposition  of  Fenton — Offer  of  assist- 
ance from  Angus  and  Donald  Gorm — Reluctance  of  the  officials  to  end 
the  war — Fenton's  arguments  against  the  use  of  Scots — The  Queen  per- 
suaded— Scotch  army  lands  on  the  Copeland  Islands — Angus' s  renewed 
offers  of  service — Reluctant  refusal  of  Russell — Peace  negotiations  opened 
with  Tyrone — Norris,  Fenton  and  Bourchier  appointed  commissioners — 
Three  months'  truce — Release  of  Randall  McSorley — Tyrone's  letters  to 
Spain — Tyrone  submits  his  terms — The  Queen's  amendments — Seizure  of 
Monaghan  by  Cormac  McBaron — Treachery  of  Patrick  McArt  Moyle — 
Tyrone's  attempts  on  Dundrum  and  Strangford — Wallop  and  Gardiner 
interview  Tyrone — Grievances  of  the  chiefs — Queen's  proclamation  of 
pardon — Disagreement  between  Tyrone  and  Hugh  Roe — Final  terms 
agreed  with  Tyrone — Russell's  sarcastic  comments — Tyrone  and  Magennis's 
daughter  on  the  Bann — Don  Alonzo  de  Cobos  arrives  in  Donegal — Tyrone 
hurries  to  meet  him — Gathering  at  Lifford. 

FOR  so  renowned  a  commander,  Norris's  first  effort  in 
the  field  had  been  singularly  barren  of  results.  He 
himself — following  in  the  traditional  footsteps  of  the  un- 
successful— tried  to  find  excuses  for  his  failure  in  the  short- 
comings of  others.  "  While  those,"  he  wrote  to  Burleigh, 
"  who  have  the  chiefest  disposition  of  things,  care  not  how  long 
the  war  lasts  so  they  may  make  their  profit,  you  can  look  for 
no  other  success  than  an  unprofitable  expense  and  a  lasting 
rebellion."  Whether  this  thrust  was  aimed  at  Russell  himself 
or  at  the  Privy  Council  is  not  clear.  The  probability  is  that  it 
was  aimed  at  Russell,  between  whom  and  the  military  com- 
mander the  relations  were  already  becoming  very  strained.  It 
is  by  no  means  clear,  however,  that — as  far  as  the  Deputy  was 
concerned — the  imputation  was  at  that  time  merited.  On  the 
contrary,  the  evidence  is  in  favour  of  Russell's  intentions,  at 
any  rate  during  the  first  year  of  his  administration,  having  been 
honest.  All  his  first  acts  tend  to  confirm  this  view,  but  that 
later  on  he  deteriorated  very  rapidly  is  no  less  certain.  Fitz- 
william  had  left  in  Ireland  a  state  of  society  in  which  every 
stratum  was  steeped  through  and  through  with  corruption  and 
greed.  Russell  arrived  on  the  scene  of  his  new  duties  full  of 

190 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  191 

energy  of  body  and  mind,  and  of  zeal  in  the  service  of  his  Queen. 
He  found  himself  hopelessly  and  helplessly  alone,  and  it  was 
not  long  before  he  sank  to  the  level  of  his  surroundings.  At 
this  period  it  is  to  be  doubted  whether  the  Irish  administration 
could  boast  a  single  honest  man.  Not  one  figure  can  we  point 
to,  who  rises  above  the  universal  quagmire  of  turpitude  in  which 
all  alike  were  sunk — not  one  true  man  on  whom  the  eye  can  rest 
with  a  momentary  sense  of  relief.  In  the  official  correspondence 
of  the  day  Tyrone,  Hugh  Roe  and  Maguire  are  invariably  re- 
ferred to  as  "  the  traitors."  It  was  a  convenient  form  of  words 
in  which  the  sycophancy  of  the  age  found  expression,  and  it 
was  universally  adopted  by  men  who  were  themselves  incom- 
parably more  traitorous  than  those  whom  they  thus  stigmatized  ; 
for,  while  the  Irish  chiefs  were  frankly  rebels  against  an 
authority  which  they  disliked,  the  English  officials  were  daily 
and  hourly  betraying  the  interests  of  the  Queen  who  paid  them. 
Norris  himself,  who  so  readily  assumed  the  role  of  virtuous 
censor,  was  by  no  means  free  from  the  general  contagion.  The 
prolonged  and  ignominious  paralysis,  which  settled  down  on 
the  Government  army  while  under  his  direction,  can  only  be 
explained  by  including  the  Commander-in-Chief  in  the  list  of 
Tyrone's  pensioners.  Norris  had  greatly  distinguished  himself 
in  Flanders,  and  was  quite  properly  reckoned  one  of  the  first 
generals  of  the  day,  and  yet  in  Ireland — though  provided  with 
abundant  and  veteran  troops,  and  opposed  by  an  enemy  of 
mediocre  quality — he  was  content  to  sit  down  for  two  years 
in  an  inglorious  inaction  which  was  only  broken  by  farcical 
parleys  and  futile  negotiations. 

One  of  the  worst  features  of  a  situation,  which  was  ugly  in 
all  its  aspects,  was  that  Ireland  could  boast  of  no  single  official 
for  whom  the  native  chiefs  had  the  slightest  respect,  or  in  whose 
word  they  placed  any  confidence.  Both  Tyrone  and  Maguire 
had  full  knowledge  that  all  alike  were  cheating  their  Queen  to 
the  utmost  limits  of  their  opportunities.  In  the  endless  parleys, 
conferences  and  negotiations  between  the  Government  and  the 
rebels,  which  followed  on  Norris's  northern  expedition  of  1595, 
it  is  hard  to  say  which  side  sank  to  the  greater  depths  of  perfidy 
and  fraud.  Both  Burleigh  and  Cecil  had  warnings  in  plenty 
of  the  way  in  which  things  were  being  carried  on  across  the 
Channel,  but  the  Queen  was  perhaps  past  her  best,  and  it  is 
doubtful  whether  all  that  came  to  their  knowledge  was  passed 


192  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

on.     But  that  she  was  badly  served  she  knew  well  enough,  in 
spite  of  her  failing  powers,  and  even  before  the  close  of  the  year 
1595  she  had  written  to  Russell  sharply  reprimanding  him  for 
the  barrenness  of  his  performances.     The  reprimand  was  not 
altogether  just,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  she  had  herself  deprived 
him  of  the  military  command,  and  thereby  tied  his  hands  ; 
but  disappointed  princes  are  not  always  as  just  as  they  are 
critical.     The  truth  was  that  the  Queen  was  very  disappointed 
with  Russell,  from  whom  she  had  hoped  for  great  things.     The 
Lord    Deputy    had    been    very    carefully    chosen.     Just    prior 
to  Fitzwilliam's  recall,  Sir  George  Carew  had  written  a  "  Dis- 
course on  the  state  of  Ireland,"  in  which  he  said  that,  "  although 
the  Earl  (Tyrone)  is  a  more  absolute  commander  in  the  north  than 
was  that  arch-traitor  Shane  O'Neil,  yet  is  it  in  Her  Majesty's 
power  to  determine  this  war  in  a  few  months,  and  the  first  step 
towards  it  is  to  send  a  worthy  gentleman  hither  to  be  her  Deputy, 
that  hath  a  sterling  martial  spirit  and  an  able  body."*     Such  a 
representative  she  thought  she  had  found  in  Russell,  but — having 
found  him — she  committed  the  fatal  blunder  of  destroying  his 
value  by  giving  him  only  partial  authority.     By  this  foolish 
step  his  "  worthiness  "  was  in  a  great  measure  neutralized,  for 
he  was  deprived  of  the  power  of  giving  it  practical  expression. 
It  must  be  recorded  to  Russell's  credit  that,  as  soon  as  he  had 
definite   evidence  that — for  unexplained   reasons — Norris   was 
disinclined  to  take  active  measures  against  Tyrone,  he  did  his 
best  to  get  over  an  independent  Scotch  army  who  would  be  able 
to  strike  a  blow  for  Her  Majesty  under  his  direct  command. j" 
It  is  not  clear  whether  this  idea  originated  with  Russell,  or  with 
the  Scots,  but  the  point  is  not  one  of  importance.    Three  times 
during  the  first  two  years  of  his  administration  did  the  Deputy 
write  either  to  Burleigh  or  Cecil  insisting  upon  the  importance 
of  this  step  being  taken.     "  Two  thousand  Scots,"  he  urged, 
"  well  assured  to  Her  Majesty,   would  perform  more  service 
upon  the  traitor  Tyrone  than  twice  so  many  English. "|     The 
Deputy's  recommendation  was  strongly  backed  in  a  separate 
letter  by  Bagenal,  who — culpable  as  he  may  have  been  in  other 
matters — was  certainly  honest  in  his  hatred  of  Tyrone.     Such 
repeated     representations     from     independent     sources     could 

*  Carew  MSS.,  1594.  |  Russell  to  Cecil,  June  22nd,  1596. 

J  Russell  to  Cecil,  Dec.  20th,  1595  ;  Dec.  26th,  1595,  and  Oct.  8th,  1596.     See 
also  Carew  MSS.,  1596-261. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  193 

hardly  fail  of  their  effect,  and  we  know  that,  by  the  end  of  1596, 
the  English  Privy  Council  was  fully  persuaded  of  the  advisa- 
bility of  employing  a  Scotch  army  in  Ulster.*  Looking  back 
across  three  centuries  of  history,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  there 
could  have  been  any  hesitation.  The  Scots  had  few  equals  as 
fighters  in  the  particular  class  of  warfare  demanded  by  the 
country  conditions.  They  travelled  light,  fed  themselves  by 
the  simple  method  of  taking  what  they  wanted,  and  could  stand 
any  amount  of  hardship.  All  this  was  freely  admitted.  The 
only  point  in  debate  was  as  to  whether  they  were  "  well  assured 
unto  Her  Majesty."  This  was  a  point  as  to  which  opinions 
differed  widely.  Fenton  and  others  of  the  Tyronian  faction 
stoutly  affirmed  that  they  were  not,  but  it  is  to  be  doubted 
whether  this  advice  was  governed  wholly  by  zeal  for  Her 
Majesty's  interests.  Russell's  advice  was  clearly  honest  as  far 
as  it  went.  His  only  personal  interest  in  the  matter  lay  in  a 
not  unnatural  desire  to  show  that — if  he  had  an  army  at  his 
heels — he  could  accomplish  more  than  Norris  had  with  his 
Flanders  veterans.  The  main  argument  which  he  put  forward 
in  support  of  his  advice  was  the  admitted  bitterness,  at  the 
moment,  of  the  three  principal  clans  concerned  against  the  Earl 
of  Tyrone.  Russell  claimed  that  this  feeling  of  bitterness  was 
quite  sufficient  in  itself  to  ensure  the  bond  fides  of  the  Scots, 
as  far  as  the  subjugation  of  Tyrone  was  concerned.  Beyond 
that  point  there  was  naturally  an  element  of  uncertainty,  but 
this  Russell  was  prepared  to  advise  the  Queen  to  risk.  Angus 
McDonnell,  whose  daughter  Tyrone  had  just  thrown  back  on 
his  hands  as  unsuitable,  was  at  the  moment  full  of  an  offended 
indignationf  of  which  appropriate  advantage  might  well  have 
been  taken.  In  the  heat  of  his  indignation  Angus  wrote  Russell 
a  letter  signed  by  both  himself  and  his  eldest  son  Donald  Gorm, 
in  which  he  offered  to  serve  Her  Majesty  against  the  rebel  Earl 
with  all  the  force  at  his  command.  Russell  passed  the  offer 
on,  with  strong  recommendations  for  its  acceptance,  but 
without  convincing  the  Queen,  who  was  past  the  time  of 
life  when  new  ideas  can  be  readily  absorbed,  or  fixed  ideas 
eradicated. 

The  opposition  of  Fenton,  and  of  those  who  worked  with 
him,  to  the  employment  of  the  Scots,  or  indeed  of  any  other 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Dec.  26th,  1596. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-100.     Information  of  Capt.  J.  C. 

13 


104  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

machinery  which  would  have  had  the  effect  of  ending  the  war, 
is  easily  understood.  So  long  as  Tyrone  and  his  satellitic 
group  of  minor  chiefs  were  in  nominal  rebellion  against  the 
Queen,  there  were  a  thousand  and  one  channels  through  which 
money  trickled  noiselessly  into  the  pockets  of  the  Captains  of 
Companies,  Masters  of  Musters,  victuallers,  contractors,  aye, 
and  even  the  high  personages  of  the  Privy  Council  itself. 
"  Long  live  the  war,"  was  the  secret  toast  of  every  Queen's 
officer  in  Ireland,  while  the  poor  Queen  herself  was  emptying 
her  treasury  and  penning  stilted  didactic  dispatches,  in  the  hopes 
of  putting  an  end  to  expenses  which  those  to  whom  she  wrote 
were  very  fully  determined  should  continue. 

It  is  to  be  suspected  that  of  all  the  Irish  officials,  Fenton,  the 
Secretary,  was  the  most  pro-Tyronian.  This  wily  permanent 
official,  who  by  virtue  of  his  fifteen  years'  residence  in  Dublin 
Castle  exercised  a  controlling  influence  over  each  successive 
Deputy  as  he  arrived,  had  naturally  been  the  first  target  for 
Tyrone's  conciliatory  advances,  and  in  all  probability  com- 
manded the  highest  subsidy.  As  to  the  manner  in  which  these 
subsidies  were  paid  we  have  no  exact  information,  but  instructive 
glimpses  are  from  time  to  time  afforded  us  of  some  of  the  devices 
by  which  Tyrone  got  what  he  wanted.  We  know,  for  instance, 
that  in  1585,  when  Perrot  was  in  Drogheda  settling  the  land 
disputes  between  Tyrone  and  Tirlough  Luineach,  the  Earl 
made  a  present  of  £40  to  Perrot  himself  and  every  member  of 
his  staff*  (of  whom  Fenton  was  one).  After  reading  of  the 
above,  we  feel  little  surprise  that  the  verdict  of  Perrot  and  his 
Council  was  in  favour  of  the  Earl.  Prior  to  Tyrone's  open 
defection,  Fenton  had  for  many  years  past  earned  his  pay  by 
posing  as  an  ardent  sponsor  for  Tyrone's  loyalty,  and,  when 
that  position  became  no  longer  tenable,  he  served  his  cause  as 
far  as  opportunities  admitted  by  subscribing  to  farcical  truces 
and  cessations,  and  by  opposing,  by  every  trick  of  argument,  the 
employment  of  Scots  against  the  rebel  chiefs. 

In  pursuance  of  this  last-named  policy,  he  now  set  to  work 
to  counteract  the  effect  of  Russell's  letters,  by  marshalling 
before  the  eyes  of  the  English  Council  all  the  old  familiar  argu- 
ments as  to  the  criminal  imprudence  of  allowing  the  Scots 
to  establish  a  firm  footing  in  Ulster.  He  sounded  every  note 
of  danger  likely  to  alarm  a  Ministry  already  wearied  to  death 
*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207-31. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  195 

of  Irish  troubles,  reminding  them  of  the  cancerous  encroach- 
ments of  the  Scots  under  Perrot  and  Drury,  and  predicting 
that,  if  once  established,  they  would  prove  far  more  formidable 
foes  than  the  Irish  whom  they  were  brought  over  to  repress. 
Where  sedentary  politicians  are  concerned,  negative  advice 
has  always  a  sweeter  flavour  than  positive.  Russell's  recom- 
mendations, which  had  at  first  been  so  favourably  received, 
were  now  put  down  to  personal  jealousy  of  Norris,  and  Bagenal's 
endorsement  of  these  recommendations  to  personal  hatred 
of  Tyrone.  Fenton's,  on  the  other  hand,  were  read  as  the 
grave  warnings  of  an  experienced  politician,  and  the  offers  of 
Angus  and  Donald  Gorm  were  thrown  into  the  waste-paper 
basket. 

None  viewed  this  insensate  rejection  of  a  good  offer  with 
more  genuine  concern  than  that  gallant  soldier  and  true  subject, 
Captain  Williams,  who  was  quick  to  realize  the  double  danger 
that  lay  in  the  situation.  "  If  Her  Majesty,"  he  wrote  to  the 
Privy  Council,  "  does  not  entertain  the  Scots  who  have  offered 
to  come  to  Carrickfergus,  Tyrone  will  have  them  if  he  can."* 
Williams  was  right  as  to  Tyrone's  intentions  in  the  matter, 
but  mercifully  these  intentions  were  never  carried  out,  other- 
wise the  rebellion  might  have  had  a  very  different  ending. 
Five  years  earlier,  Angus,  justifiably  incensed  at  the  Queen's 
rejection  of  his  good  offices,  might  very  possibly  have  con- 
cluded terms  with  Tyrone,  but  not  after  the  insult  that  the 
Earl  had  put  upon  his  daughter. 

So  the  Queen,  following  the  advice  of  Fenton,  which  fell  in 
line  with  her  ingrained  prejudices,  would  have  none  of  Angus's 
offer.  In  the  meanwhile,  however,  an  unexpected  complica- 
tion had  arisen.  Angus,  making  quite  sure  of  the  acceptance 
of  an  offer  which  he  himself  knew  to  be  bona  fide,  shipped 
3,000  men  from  Cantyre  in  a  large  flotilla  of  galleys.  This 
flotilla  was  unfortunately  sighted  by  Captain  Thornton,  who 
was  cruising  about  the  Channel  with  the  old  Popinjay  and 
the  Charles,  and  he,  in  a  pardonable  excess  of  zeal,  opened 
fire  and  sank  three  of  the  galleys.  The  remainder,  in  much 
surprise  at  this  reception,  made  hurriedly  for  the  adjacent 
Copeland  Islands,  where  they  landed  and  hoisted  the  white 
flag.f  Captain  Thornton,  who  was  quite  at  a  loss  to  know 

*  Capt.  Williams  to  Privy  Council,  Nov.  1st,  1597. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  182-43-1,  2,  8  and  4. 

13* 


196  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

how  he  should  deal  with  a  situation  which  was  outside  of  his 
experience,  then  also  landed,  and  interviewed  the  leaders  of 
the  Scotch  flotilla,  who  explained  that  their  mission  was  by 
no  means  hostile  to  the  Queen,  but,  on  the  contrary,  aimed  at 
helping  her.*  Thornton  wrote  to  Dublin  reporting  the  cir- 
cumstances, and  asking  for  instructions.  The  Scots,  he  ex- 
plained, were  chiefly  Campbells  and  Macleans,  with  a  sprinkling 
of  McDonnells,  and  in  his  opinion  were  quite  honest  in  their 
intentions  of  helping  the  Queen.  Almost  simultaneously  with 
the  arrival  of  this  dispatch  in  Dublin,  came  Donald  Gorm 
himself  from  the  Glynns,  with  the  offer  to  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  Copeland  Island  Scots  and  march  forthwith  against 
the  rebel  Earl.  He  reminded  Russell  of  the  unbroken  loyalty 
of  his  father,  Angus,  and  of  his  agent,  Randall  McNess,  ever 
since  the  granting  to  them  of  the  Glynns  by  Perrot,  and  he 
finished  up  with  an  undertaking  that,  if  he  were  given  a  free 
hand,  he  would  bring  Tyrone  to  his  knees  within  three  months. 
Russell  replied  that  he  himself  would  gladly  avail  himself  of 
Donald's  offer,  but  that  his  instructions  from  England  were 
directly  to  the  contrary.  He  wrote,  however,  once  more  to 
Cecil,  reporting  the  incident,  and  reiterating  his  conviction 
that  the  use  of  the  Scots  was  the  one  and  only  way  to  bring 
the  rebellion  to  a  speedy  termination. 

Not  to  be  outdone  by  the  Antrim  Scots,  Shane  McBrian 
and  Neil  McHugh,  Phelim  Bacagh's  two  grandsons,  also  made 
their  appearance  in  Dublin  in  the  same  week,  each  offering  to 
serve  Her  Majesty  against  Tyrone  with  all  his  energy  and 
forces,  provided  he  might  be  assured  of  the  lands  of  the  other. 
Neither  of  these  offers,  however,  was  accepted,  the  policy  of  the 
Queen  at  the  moment  being  to  save  her  pocket  by  patching  up 
as  dignified  a  peace  as  circumstances  would  permit  of.  Tyrone 
was,  as  usual,  making  violent  protestations  of  loyalty,  backed 
up  by  sycophantic  offers  of  absolute  submission  ;  and  Eliza- 
beth, who  had  already  experienced  four  years  of  a  most  ex- 
pensive and  profitless  war,  with  nothing  resulting  but  a  cease- 
less drain  on  her  exchequer,  felt  like  giving  up  the  struggle, 
and  wrote  to  that  effect  to  Russell. 

Elizabeth  at  the  time  was  not  well,  and  the  workings  of  her 
mind  stand  out  perfectly  clearly  throughout  the  correspondence 
between  her  and  Russell.  She  thoroughly  realized  at  last 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  182-26-1. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  197 

that  her  English  army  in  Ireland  was  not  trying,*  and  that, 
till  she  could  find  a  man  strong  enough  to  stamp  out  the  mul- 
titude of  abuses  that  had  crept  in,  her  only  chance  of  sub- 
jugating Tyrone  lay  in  the  co-operation  of  the  Scots.  This 
last  she  grudgingly  admitted  ;  but  the  expedient  was  still 
bitterly  distasteful  to  her,  not  only  because  it  was  an  admission 
of  failure  and  as  such  humiliating  to  the  last  degree,  but 
because  her  old  standing  prejudices  against  the  Scots  had 
become  ingrained  as  a  part  of  her  nature,  and  at  her  time  of 
life  were  ineradicable. 

So,  as  the  lesser  evil  of  the  two,  Norris  received  orders  to 
open  peace  negotiations  with  Tyrone,  and  the  Scots  went  back 
whence  they  had  come.  It  is  only  fair  to  Norris,  in  view  of 
the  serious  allegations  made  against  him  subsequently,  to  say 
that  he  himself  at  this  period  was  opposed  to  a  peace,  which, 
as  he  pointed  out,  and  as  everybody  in  Ulster  knew  perfectly 
well,  was  only  desired  by  Tyrone  so  that  he  might  gain  time. 
Norris,  however,  while  placarding  facts  which  were  already 
public  property,  omitted  to  add  that  the  Queen's  resolve  was 
in  the  main  born  of  his  own  unaccountable  inertia.  He  had 
at  his  disposal  that  which  few  commanders  in  Ireland  had 
ever  been  able  to  boast,  viz.,  a  well-equipped  English  army, 
and  yet  his  troops  had  only  twice  taken  the  field  since  Russell 
had  returned  to  Dublin  at  the  end  of  July.  On  the  first  of 
these  occasions  Captain  William  Warren  had — under  very 
suspicious  circumstances — led  a  party  of  forty-six  horsemen 
straight  into  an  ambush  which  Tyrone  had  laid,  and  as  to 
which  it  was  freely  hinted  that  Warren  himself  had  full  infor- 
mation. All  his  men  were  killed,  but  he  himself  was  captured 
and  kept  for  several  weeks  at  Castle  Roe,  nominally  as  Tyrone's 
prisoner,  but  in  reality  as  his  guest  and  confederate.  In  the  end 
he  was  exchanged  for  two  O'.Neil  prisoners  from  Newry.f 

On  the  second  occasion  there  was  a  skirmish  just  outside 
Armagh,  in  which  Norris  and  his  brother,  Sir  Henry,  were 
both  wounded.  Sir  Henry  Duke  tried  to  magnify  this  affair, 
which  was  fought  in  September,  into  a  great  battle,  in  which 
Tyrone's  army  was  completely  overthrown,  but  in  reality  it 

*  '•  And  for  the  musters,"  she  wrote  to  Hussell  on  March  25th,  1590,  "  of 
which  let  Ralph  Lane  be  sharply  warned,  either  we  have  none,  or  such  as  we 
assure  you  it  is  ludicrous  to  the  world  to  hear  what  an  army  we  pay,  and  what 
an  army  we  have." 

f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  188-80-1. 


198  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

was  a  very  trivial  affair.  Norris's  force  was  attacked  while 
passing  through  a  defile.  The  vanguard  and  "  battle  "  were 
allowed  to  pass  unmolested,  but  the  rearguard,  with  which 
was  Norris  and  his  brother,  was  assailed  by  wild  volleys  from 
a  wood  which  abutted  on  the  track.  The  Commander-in- 
Chief  was  probably  the  chief  target  aimed  at,  for  his  horse 
received  no  less  than  four  bullet- wounds,  and  he  himself  two. 
Finding  himself  unable  to  move,  Norris  urged  his  brother, 
Sir  Henry,  to  charge  into  the  wood,  which  he  did,  completely 
routing  the  party  concealed  there,  who  did  not  await  the 
attack.  Tyrone  was  said  to  have  lost  some  sixty  men  in  the 
pursuit  which  followed,  while  Norris  had  nine  killed  and  thirty- 
two  wounded,  among  the  latter  being  Sir  Henry,  who  received 
a  bullet-wound  in  the  thigh  while  leading  his  charge.* 

These  two  insignificant  encounters  represent  the  sum  total 
of  Norris's  efforts  against  the  rebels  during  the  late  summer 
of  1595.  His  inaction  was  enough  to  discourage  a  younger 
and  more  sanguine  monarch  than  Elizabeth.  The  Government 
forces,  which  included  a  considerable  proportion  of  Flanders 
veterans,  now  nominally  numbered  6,300,  and,  in  actual  fact, 
probably  approached  half  that  figure.  The  weather  and  the 
season  were  in  every  way  propitious  for  an  active  offensive, 
and  yet  week  after  week  was  allowed  to  elapse  and  nothing 
was  done  or  even  attempted.  Norris  pleaded,  in  excuse,  his 
own  two  wounds,  which  refused  to  heal  (in  one  of  which 
gangrene  eventually  set  in,  which  killed  him),  his  faulty  equip- 
ment and  a  defective  commissariat,  which  reduced  his  men 
to  a  diet  of  bread  and  water.  This  last  complaint  was  chiefly 
aimed  at  discrediting  Russell,  and  throwing  the  onus  of  failure 
on  his  shoulders.  Unfortunately,  however,  for  its  intended 
effect,  it  reached  Headquarters  only  a  few  days  after  a 
jubilant  letter  from  Bagenal,  in  which  he  announced  the  capture 
of  2,000  of  Tyrone's  cattle  ! 

The  Queen's  resolve  to  treat  for  peace  was  no  doubt  equally 
welcome  to  the  Earl  and  to  Norris.  On  the  strength  of  it, 
the  two  leaders  met,  and  Norris,  who  was  accompanied  by  Sir 
George  Bourchier  and  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton,  showed  some 
anxiety  to  discuss  preliminary  terms,  but  without  making  much 
headway.  Tyrone,  whose  aim  was  invariably  to  procrastinate, 
pleaded  his  inability  to  act,  or  even  to  formally  discuss  final 

*  Trevelyan  Papers. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  199 

terms,  without  first  consulting  Hugh  Roe,  who  was  at  the 
time  too  busy  land-grabbing  in  Connaught  to  attend  the  con- 
ference. In  the  end,  a  cessation  of  hostilities  was  agreed  to 
for  three  months  from  October  1st,  in  order  to  give  the  three 
rebel  Hughs  time  to  properly  schedule  their  grievances  and  to 
draw  up  their  terms  of  submission.  As  pledges  for  his  good 
conduct  during  the  truce,  Tyrone  placed  four  of  the  O'Hagan 
children  in  Norris's  keeping — a  transaction  which  was  after- 
wards very  unfavourably  commented  upon  by  Norris's  enemies, 
as  the  hostages  given  were  proved  to  have  no  value  whatever 
in  the  eyes  of  the  depositors.* 

During  the  three  months'  truce,  the  Government  had  many 
offers  of  service  against  the  rebels  from  minor  Ulster  chiefs, 
among  whom  were  Neil  Me  Art,  Tyrone's  nephew,  Hugh  Roe's 
younger  brother  Rory,  and  Sir  John  O'Dogherty.  Not  only 
did  these  three  offer  personal  service  against  their  trouble- 
some relative,  but  they  also  undertook  to  detach  from  his 
standard  a  considerable  following,  which  there  is  little  doubt 
that  they  were  in  a  position  to  do.  The  offer  was  very  wisely 
declined,  as  it  was  sufficiently  obvious  that  the  only  motive 
behind  it  was  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  friendly  chiefs  to  step 
into  their  relatives  shoes,  where  they  were  likely  to  prove 
quite  as  mutinous  and  disorderly  as  those  they  had  replaced. 

Another  simultaneous  offer  in  rather  a  different  category 
was  that  of  James  McSorley,  who,  the  moment  the  truce 
between  Norris  and  Tyrone  was  signed,  presented  himself  at 
Carrickfergus,  and  in  the  presence  of  Captains  Egerton,  Merry- 
man,  Bethel  and  Moyle  (the  latter  of  Her  Majesty's  ship  Moon, 
lying  at  this  moment  in  Carrickfergus  Bay),  made  his  humble 
submission,  and  undertook  that  if  his  brother  Randall  were 
released  from  Dublin  Castle  he  would  serve  Her  Majesty  with 
all  the  resources  at  his  command.  He  added,  in  explanation, 
that,  unless  Randall  were  so  released,  it  was  out  of  his  power 
to  carry  out  his  loyal  intentions,  as  he  had  no  children,  kith 
or  kin  of  any  sort,  except  his  brother,  to  manage  his  estate 
during  his  absence  in  the  fieldf.  It  is  not  to  be  conceived  that 
any  member  of  his  audience  attached  much  value  to  this  under- 
taking, for  it  was  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  James 
was  on  the  very  closest  terms  of  intimacy  with  Tyrone. 
Nevertheless,  Randall  McSorley  was  released — not  in  antici- 

*  Capt.  Lee  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  2nd,  1596.     f  Cal-  State  Papers,  Vol.  188-78-2. 


200  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

pation  of  his  elder  brother's  good  services,  but  in  exchange 
for  his  illegitimate  brother  Loder  (a  mere  boy),  and  in  con- 
sideration of  the  sum  of  £200  paid  to  someone,  presumably 
to  Russell,  though  this  is  not  definitely  established.*  From 
the  circumstances  surrounding  this  incident  arises  the  first 
suggestion  of  the  Deputy's  fall  from  his  initial  honesty.  The 
impeccable  Norris  expressed  himself  full  of  honest  disgust 
at  the  transaction.  "  So,"  he  wrote  to  Cecil,  "  is  Her  Majesty's 
service  everywhere  managed."  Norris' s  scandalized  denuncia- 
tion of  the  act  may  be  taken  as  prima  facie  evidence  that 
Russell  was  the  recipient  of  the  bribe,  or,  at  all  events,  that 
Norris  thought  he  was,  for  there  was  no  other  man  that  the 
Commander-in-Chief  would  so  gladly  have  seen  recalled. 

It  was  not  long  before  Tyrone's  real  reasons  for  applying  for 
a  three  months'  truce  were  made  very  clear,  for  the  Govern- 
ment succeeded  in  intercepting  two  letters  dispatched  jointly 
by  him  and  Hugh  Roe  to  Spain.  The  first  was  to  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  ran  as  follows  :  "  Our  only  hope  of  establishing 
the  Catholic  religion  rests  on  your  assistance.  Now  or  never 
our  Church  must  be  succoured.  By  the  timidity  or  negligence 
of  the  messengers  our  former  letters  have  not  reached  you. 
We  therefore  again  beseech  you  to  send  us  2,000  or  3,000 
soldiers,  with  money  and  arms,  before  the  Feast  of  St.  Philip 
and  St.  James.  With  such  aid  we  hope  to  restore  the  faith 
of  the  Church,  and  to  secure  you  a  kingdom. "t  The  second 
letter  was  to  Don  Carlos,  urging  him  to  forward  their  cause 
with  the  King,  and  finishing  up  with  the  ominous  prediction 
that,  if  the  assistance  asked  for  were  given,  "  heretics  shall 
fail  in  Ireland  within  a  year  as  smoke  in  presence  of  the  fire."| 

The  chief  value  of  these  letters,  at  the  time  they  were  inter- 
cepted, lay  in  the  startling  revelation  which  they  afforded  of 
Tyrone's  duplicity,  and  of  his  sinister  designs  against  the 
Protestant  population,  i.e.,  the  English.  Its  chief  interest, 
however,  to-day  lies  in  its  remarkable  exposure  of  the  double 
dealings  of  the  Government.  It  is  hardly  conceivable  that, 
after  receiving  first-hand  evidence  from  Tyrone's  own  pen 
that  he  was  merely  temporizing  till  aid  from  Spain  should 
make  him  strong  enough  to  throw  off  the  mask,  the  Govern- 

*  Capt.  Egerton  to  Burleigh,  Oct.  1595. 

f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Sept.  1595-167. 

j  Carew  MSS.,  1595-168.     Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  183-61. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  201 

tnent  should  still  continue  parleying,  negotiating  and  going 
through  the  worn-out  farce  of  pretending  to  accept  as  genuine 
all  his  fulsome  protestations  of  loyalty.  And  yet  so  it  was.  In 
case  the  letter  itself  might  have  left  any  doubt  as  to  Tyrone's 
real  designs,  Art  McBaron,  the  Earl's  elder  and  illegitimate 
brother — at  the  moment  a  candidate  for  Government  favour — 
wrote  to  the  Privy  Council  warning  them  that  his  brother's 
only  object  was  to  gain  time,  and  that  any  peace  terms  arranged 
would  be  disregarded  the  moment  the  Spaniards  arrived.* 
None  of  these  warnings  appear  to  have  influenced  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  slightest  degree.  The  policy  of  the  moment  was 
to  picture  Tyrone  as  an  erring  penitent  craving  for  readmission 
to  the  fold.  He  had  so  far  committed  no  unpardonable  crime, 
and,  but  for  the  irrefutable  evidence  of  his  double  dealings, 
such  a  policy  would  have  been  justifiable  enough.  In  face  of 
the  evidence  it  is  not  to  be  satisfactorily  explained. 

On  November  22nd  Tyrone  wrote  to  the  Deputy  from 
Dungannon  setting  out  the  terms  on  which  he  and  Hugh  Roe 
were  ready  to  submit.  He  agreed  in  the  first  place  to  pay  a 
fine  of  20,000  cattle,  to  be  levied  on  the  lands  of  all  those  who 
had  rebelled,  and,  further,  to  accept  sheriffs  in  all  the  Ulster 
counties,  provided  such  sheriffs  were  honest  men,  "  lest  by  their 
evil  dealing  we  be  driven  to  forg'et  our  loyalty  in  seeking  the 
safety  of  our  lives  and  goods,  as  heretofore  we  have  been  much 
abused  by  the  over-greedy  desire  of  lucre,  and  the  ill-dealing 
of  such  as  have  borne  office  in  Ulster." 

These  proposals  were  sent  across  to  England,  and  within 
a  month  the  Queen's  acceptance  came  back,  qualified  by  the 
stipulations  that  the  20,000  cattle  were  to  be  handed  over 
within  six  months,  and  that  Maguire  and  O'Rourke  were  to 
be  excluded  from  the  general  pardon.  These  articles  were 
personally  carried  to  Tyrone  at  Dungannon  on  Christmas 
Eve  by  Captain  Blount,  who  brought  back  word  that  both 
Tyrone  and  Hugh  Roe,  who  was  in  Lifford  at  the  time, 
would  meet  the  Deputy  in  the  Fews  (Co.  Armagh)  on  January 
15th  to  discuss  the  amendments.  As  though  to  emphasize 
the  farcical  character  of  all  these  pretended  negotiations, 
Monaghan  was  treacherously  seized  by  Cormac  McBaron  and 
the  O'Hagans  on  the  very  same  day  that  Blount  arrived  at 
Dungannon.  As  a  sacrifice  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  Queen 

*  John  Morgan  to  Deputy,  July,  1500. 


202  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

at  the  loss  of  this  important  place,  which  was  handed  over  to 
Cormac  without  a  shot  being  fired,  six  English  members  of  the 
garrison  were  made  scapegoats  and  hanged.  The  real  culprit, 
however,  was  Patrick  Me  Art  Movie,*  the  sheriff  and  Constable 
of  the  town.  This  man  had  been  in  the  English  pay  and 
English  confidence  ever  since  the  rebellion  broke  out,  and 
he  was  considered  sufficiently  trustworthy  to  occupy  the  posi- 
tion of  Constable  and  sheriff  of  Monaghan  during  the  cessation, 
when  no  hostilities  were  to  be  expected.  Cessations  and 
treaties,  however,  meant  no  more  to  Tyrone  than  a  convenience 
to  himself,  and,  a  week  before  the  treaty  expired,  he  persuaded 
the  treacherous  McMahon  to  give  the  place  into  his  hands.  Six 
Englishmen,  as  has  been  said,  were  hanged,  and  Patrick  McArt 
Moyle,  fearing  an  extension  of  the  expiatory  sacrifice,  took 
refuge  in  flight  and  joined  the  rebels. 

The  seizure  of  Monaghan  during  the  treaty  practically 
put  a  halter  round  the  necks  of  the  four  unfortunate  O'Hagan 
children,  who  were  lying  in  Armagh  as  hostages ;  but  the 
penalty  was  not  exacted,  possibly  for  the  reason  that  neither 
Tyrone  nor  the  parents  of  the  children  would  have  cared  in 
the  least  if  it  had  been.  In  fact  it  was  freely  alleged,  in  con- 
demnation of  Norris's  acceptance  of  such  children,  that  the 
parents  of  the  pledges  were  among  the  most  eager  to  break 
the  treaty  and  get  possession  of  Monaghan. 

Encouraged  by  this  first  success,  Tyrone  next  tried  to  get 
possession  in  the  same  manner  of  Dundrum  and  Strangford 
Castles.  He  offered  Captain  James  Fitz-Garratt  £100,  and, 
in  fact,  anything  else  he  might  ask,  if  he  would  hand  over  to 
him  these  two  places.  His  offers  were  preceded  by  very  exact 
inquiries  as  to  the  capacity  of  Lough  Strangford  for  sheltering 
a  large  fleet,  so  that  it  was  at  once  apparent  that  his  eager- 
ness to  get  possession  of  the  two  Castles,  which  dominated  the 
harbour,  had  at  the  back  of  it  the  vision  of  a  Spanish  fleet 
sailing  in  to  his  assistance.  Fitz-Garratt  loftily  put  aside  the 
proffered  bribe,  and — after  solemnly  swearing  secrecy  to 
Tyrone — promptly  reported  the  whole  occurrence  to  the  Privy 
Council.f  Had  there  been  a  shred  of  honesty  of  purpose  left 
in  the  Dublin  executive,  these  two  consecutive  proofs  of 
Tyrone's  treacherous  intentions  could  not  have  failed  to  have 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  186-26.     Fenton  to  Burleigh,  Dec.  24th,  1595. 
f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  192-7-11. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  208 

broken  off  further  negotiations ;  but,  so  far  from  this  being 
the  case,  Gardiner  and  Wallop  were  sent  up  to  continue  the 
farce  of  treating  with  the  Earl,  as  though  he  were  the  most 
honourable  and  chivalrous  of  men.  On  the  occasion  of  this 
meeting  Tyrone  came  accompanied  by  Hugh  Roe,  and  they 
both  came  with  such  exceedingly  bad  consciences  that 
they  were  afraid  to  come  even  within  hailing  distance  of  the 
Commissioners.  Wallop  and  Gardiner  soon  grew  tired  of 
conducting  an  interview  across  a  two-mile-wide  valley,  and 
in  the  end  rode  back  to  Dundalk,  from  whence  they  sent  a 
messenger  to  the  Ulster  chiefs  carrying  a  safe-conduct  sealed 
and  signed  by  both  Commissioners.  Reassured  by  the  pos- 
session of  this  document,  the  two  chiefs  then  fixed  a  fresh 
appointment  for  the  21st  at  Sir  John  Bellew's  house,  and 
thither  the  respective  parties  rode  on  the  day  named.  With 
the  two  Commissioners  went  Sir  Henry  Duke  (to  act  as  inter- 
preter in  the  case  of  Hugh  Roe)  and  Captain  Garrett  Moore, 
as  a  public  advertisement  of  the  pro-Tyronian  sympathies  of 
the  Deputation. 

Tyrone  and  Hugh  Roe  arrived  with  200  horsemen,  which 
was  quite  contrary  to  agreement.  Even  with  this  formidable 
bodyguard  they  were  still  in  a  highly  nervous  condition 
and  sat  for  a  long  while  on  the  hill  opposite,  spying  the  country 
round,  before  they  would  come  forward.  "  During  our  par- 
ley," Gardiner  reported,  "  we  found  them  as  men  exceeding 
fearful,  continually  gazing  about  them  and  less  attentive  unto 
our  speeches  than  at  the  first."*  The  suggestion  was  at  first 
made  that  the  conference  should  take  a  divided  form,  Wallop 
interviewing  Hugh  Roe,  while  Gardiner  talked  to  Tyrone ; 
but  Hugh  Roe — who  was  as  insolent  throughout  as  Tyrone 
was  sycophantic — absolutely  refused  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  such  an  arrangement,  or  to  allow  Tyrone  to  speak  a  word 
out  of  his  hearing,  an  objection  which  argued  little  trust 
between  the  two  chiefs.  So  in  the  end  the  parley  proceeded 
in  the  presence  of  all. 

The  Commissioners  began  by  upbraiding  Tyrone  for  his 
breach  of  faith  in  having  seized  Monaghan  during  the  cessation. 
Tyrone,  of  course,  denied  all  complicity  in  the  transaction, 
which  he  assured  them  was  undertaken  without  his  knowledge 
or  consent.  He  pleaded  impotence  of  control  over  his  illegiti- 

*  Commissioners  to  Deputy,  Carew  MSS.,  Jan.  28rd,  1586. 


204  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

mate  son  Con  and  his  brother  Cormae,  and  he  assured  the 
Commissioners  that,  if  he  were  to  attempt  to  suppress  such 
acts  of  violence,  the  O'Hagans  and  O' Quins  would  at  once 
depose  him  and  nominate  Cormae  in  his  place.  This  was 
possibly  true,  and,  in  fact,  is  in  accordance  with  the  general 
evidence.  Tyrone,  beyond  doubt,  had  no  restrictive  power 
over  his  followers.  A  year  after  the  Dundalk  parley.  Captain 
Lee  went  on  a  friendly  visit  to  Tyrone  at  Dungannon,  and 
came  back  strongly  impressed  (as  most  people  were  after 
private  interviews  with  the  Earl)  with  the  loyalty  of  Tyrone's 
own  intentions,  but  admitting  that  he  "  was  directed  whether 
he  will  or  not  by  that  damnable  crew  who  now  direct  him." 
Cormae  he  described  as  a  man  "  only  fit  for  the  gallows." 

As  a  set-off  against  the  treacherous  seizure  of  Monaghan, 
Hugh  Roe  referred  to  his  own  abduction  and  imprisonment 
by  Perrot  while  yet  an  unoffending  boy,  to  which  Gardiner 
replied  that  it  was  lawful  for  the  Queen  so  to  hold  her  sub- 
jects as  pledges,  and  that  the  same  course  had  always  been 
adopted  by  the  native  chiefs  themselves.  "  Why,  then," 
inquired  the  Earl,  "  do  you  take  great  sums  of  money  for 
their  deliverance,  as  you  have  done  of  the  O'Reillys  ?  "* 
"  The  Queen,"  Gardiner  replied,  "  set  him  freely  at  liberty." 
"  Yes,"  said  the  Earl,  "  but  others  had  the  money."  "  Alas," 
replied  the  virtuous  Commissioner,  "  the  Queen's  officers  are 
sometimes  corrupt,  as  are  also  yours." 

The  next  day  the  conference  was  continued,  but  nothing 
further  was  settled  beyond  a  concession  to  Tyrone  of  the 
indefinite  prolongation  of  the  cessation,  which  was,  "of  course, 
all  that  he  cared  about.  Hugh  Roe,  throughout  the  parley, 
was  far  more  defiant  than  the  Earl,  and  told  the  Commissioners 
plainly  that  he  would  endorse  no  terms  which  included  the 
restoration  of  Inishowen  to  O'Dogherty.  O'Dogherty  him- 
self, who  was  present  during  the  parley  (as  a  prisoner),  wisely 
held  his  tongue,  but  no  doubt  had  his  own  thoughts  on  the 
subject.  The  conference  ended  with  the  formal  handing  in 
to  the  Commissioners  of  the  written  grievances  of  all  the 
chiefs  who  had  rebelled.  These  grievances  were  remarkable 
to  this  extent,  that  they,  one  and  all,  with  the  exception  of 
Shane  McBrian's,  traced  the  cause  of  the  general  disaffection 

*  Fitzwilliam  and  Maplesdon,  the  Governor  of  Dublin  Castle,  were  reported 
to  have  divided  £1,000  over  the  escape  of  O'Reilly  after  Segar  had  been  deposed 
for  refusing  the  bribe. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  205 

back  to  some  unconstitutional  act  on  the  part  of  Fitzwilliam. 
Hugh  Roe  complained  of  the  late  Deputy's  perfidy  in  im- 
prisoning his  mother's  chief  counsellor,  Sir  Owen  O'Toole, 
after  he  had,  through  Bermingham,  promised  that  he  would 
not  take  him  outside  the  limits  of  Donegal.* 

Hugh  Maguire's  complaint  was  directed  equally  against 
Bingham  and  Fitzwilliam.  Bingham,  he  said,  had  raided 
his  country  while  he  was  a  peaceable  subject,  and  committed 
many  devastations.  Fitzwilliam  he  accused  of  having  accepted 
a  bribe  of  300  beeves,  which  Maguire  had  paid  him  in  order 
to  secure  exemption  for  one  year  from  a  sheriff  in  Fermanagh. 
notwithstanding  which  Captain  Willis,  with  100  men,  was 
sent  as  sheriff.  f 

Brian  McHugh  Oge  McMahon  complained  that  Hugh  Roe 
McMahon  had  paid  650  beeves  to  the  Fitzwilliam's  family 
according  to  arrangement,  and  that,  in  spite  of  this,  he  had 
been  hanged  and  his  lands  divided  up  among  a  number  of 
Englishmen.  Shane  McBrian's  grievance  was  that  Essex  had 
taken  Magee  Island  from  his  father,  and  that  Bagenal  had 
kept  him  in  prison  till  he  had  agreed  to  make  over  to  him  the 
Barony  of  Magheramourne. 

Tyrone  himself  was  not  equal  to  the  task  of  manufacturing 
a  grievance,  which  is  hardly  surprising,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  he  had  now,  for  over  thirty  years,  been  the  spoilt  child 
of  the  Queen  and  English  Government,  to  whom  he  owed 
everything.  His  attitude  was  rather  one  of  righteous  indigna- 
tion at  the  grievances  of  the  others  —  grievances  which,  as  the 
chief  man  in  Ulster,  it  was  his  duty  to  see  righted,  or,  at  any 
rate,  neutralized  by  some  means. 

The  examination  of  the  grievances,  and  their  transmission 
from  Ireland  to  England  and  back  again,  occupied  the  whole 
of  February  and  March,  and  early  in  April  the  Queen's  final 
instructions  reached  the  Lord  Deputy.  J  A  general  pardon, 
those  instructions  laid  down,  was  to  be  extended  to  everyone 
who  had  offended,  beginning  with  the  minor  rebels,  and  after- 
wards to  include  Tyrone  and  Hugh  Roe,  if  these  would  agree 
to  certain  terms  which  would  be  discussed  with  them  by 


*  Carew  MSS  ,  Jan  27th,  1596.  f 

%  Although  the  Queen  acquiesced  in  the  terms  proposed  she  was  so  indignant 
with  the  manner  in  which  the  Commissioners  had  conducted  the  affair  that  when 
Gardiner  visited  London  shortly  afterwards  she  refused  him  her  presence  (Cecil 
to  Deputy,  March  9th, 


206  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

officially-appointed  delegates.  Accordingly,  in  the  early  days 
of  April,  Sir  John  Norris  and  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton,  who  had 
been  nominated  for  the  undertaking,  rode  to  Dundalk,  carry- 
ing the  Queen's  pardon  for  all  the  lesser  chiefs  concerned  in 
the  rebellion,  i.e.,  Hugh  Maguire,  Brian  McHugh  Oge  McMahon, 
Sir  John  O'Reilly,  Philip  O'Reilly  and  Shane  McBrian.  These 
notables  collected  in  the  market-place  at  Dundalk,  and  there 
humbly  received  the  envoys  on  their  knees,*  after  which  they 
were  given  absolution,  a  complete  whitewash  for  all  their  past 
misdeeds,  and  suitable  exhortations  to  behave  as  dutiful  sub- 
jects in  the  future. 

Tyrone  himself  was  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  neither  he 
nor  Hugh  Roe  put  in  an  appearance  during  the  first  few  days 
of  the  conference,  as  each  was,  at  the  moment,  very  unwilling 
to  meet  the  other.  The  fact  was  that  Hugh  Roe  had  recently 
turned  out  of  his  house  Tyrone's  daughter,  with  whom  he 
had  been  living  for  six  years,  but  whom — in  hopes  of  getting 
the  Earl  of  Clanricarde's  daughter — he  had  never  married. 
Tyrone,  not  unnaturally,  resented  this  affront  to  his  blood, 
and  a  very  serious  coolness  sprang  up  in  consequence  between 
the  two  chiefs.f  Tyrone's  daughter  (who  was  illegitimate) 
went  back  to  her  father,  who — having  no  use  for  her — did  his 
very  best  to  get  the  Earl  of  Argyle  to  marry  her,  but,  as  may 
be  supposed,  without  success.  Exasperated  by  this  dis- 
appointment, Tyrone  now  made  such  very  plain  representations 
on  the  subject  to  Hugh  Roe  that  the  latter  finally  agreed  to 
take  back  the  lady  and  to  go  through  the  marriage  ceremony 
with  her,  and  in  this  way  harmony  was  once  more  restored.  J 
This  was  all  subsequent  to  the  conference,  at  the  time  of  which 
the  relations  between  the  two  chiefs  were,  as  has  been  said, 
exceedingly  strained.  As  soon,  however,  as  Tyrone  learned 
that  his  pseudo-son-in-law  was  not  in  Dundalk,  he  rode  into 
the  outskirts  of  the  town,  and  there  presented  himself  to  the 
Commissioners.  His  attitude  on  this  occasion  was  not  as 
contrite  as  might  have  been  desired.  He  resolutely  refused 
to  give  up  Shane's  sons,  which  was  one  of  the  Queen's  special 
stipulations,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  he  insisted  on  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Government  garrison  from  Armagh.  Both 
points  were  weakly  conceded  by  the  Commissioners,  who, 

*  Norris  and  Fenton  to  Privy  Council,  April  22nd,  1596. 

j-  Russell  to  Burleigh,  April  2nd,  1596.      J  Bagenal  to  Deputy,  April  6th,  1597. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  207 

at  the  end  of  three  weeks  of  burlesque  negotiations,  on  April 
24th  signed  an  agreement  every  point  of  which  was  in  favour 
of  the  rebels.  The  points  which  the  Commissioners  claimed 
that  they  had  gained  were  two  in  number.  The  first  was  an 
undertaking  which  Tyrone  gave  that  he  would  pay  a  sub- 
stantial fine  in  consideration  of  the  Government  evacuation 
of  Armagh,  a  fine  which  both  parties,  of  course,  knew  would 
never  be  paid  ;  and  the  second  was  an  undertaking  for  the 
delivery  of  Cormac  McBaron's  son  and  of  Tirlough  McHenry's 
son  as  pledges  in  lieu  of  the  four  O'Hagan  children.  This  last 
was  no  less  of  a  farce  than  the  other,  for  it  was  well  known  that 
the  pledges  deposited  by  the  Earl  were  never  hanged,  no 
matter  how  deeply  he  might  offend  ;  witness  the  survival  of 
the  four  O'Hagans. 

Russell  was  coldly  sarcastic  over  the  achievements  of  the 
Commissioners,  and  wrote  his  mind  very  freely  to  Norris. 
"  Nine  months  spent  in  cessations  and  treaties,"  was  his  scornful 
comment,  "  out  of  which  have  grown  our  greatest  loss."* 
On  the  other  hand,  Tyrone  was  now  in  the  very  best  of  spirits,  as 
he  had  every  right  to  be.  The  moment  the  articles  were  signed 
he  took  himself  off  to  Castle  Roe  with  Magennis's  daughter, 
and  there  the  happy  couple  amused  themselves  for  ten  days 
spearing  and  netting  salmon  on  the  Bann.f  This  charming 
idyll  was  interrupted  by  the  arrival  in  Donegal  of  no  less  a 
personage  than  Don  Alonzo  de  Cobos,  a  Spanish  grandee,  who 
landed  with  a  considerable  retinue  at  Killibegs  on  the  1st  May, 
and  was  thence  escorted  with  suitable  parade  to  Lifford.  News 
was  sent  to  the  Earl  at  Castle  Roe  of  the  important  arrival, 
and  he  and  Henry  Hoveden  at  once  got  to  horse  and  rode 
across  the  forty  miles  to  Lifford,  arriving  there  almost  at 
the  same  time  as  the  Spanish  delegate. J  There  was  a  great 
gathering  to  welcome  the  guests,  among  those  present  being 
Hugh  Roe,  Cormac  McBaron,  O'Cahan,  Art  O'Hagan,  Saloman 
Farenan,  O'Gallagher  Bishop  of  Derry,  and  Tyrone's  mother, 
who  was  now  the  widow  of  Sir  Owen  O'Toole.  This  distin- 
guished party  entertained  Don  Alonzo  to  a  dinner,  at  which 
there  was  much  joyous  carousing,  and  much  promise  of  great 
times  to  come  in  the  near  future  for  the  Catholic  Church  and 
for  its  principal  Ulster  supporters. 

*  Russell  to  Norris,  June  30th,  1596.         f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  189-27. 
J  Rice-ap-Hugh  to  Deputy,  May  18th,  1596. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

Tyrone's  pan-Irish  Army — Death  of  Sir  John  O'Reilly — Philip  O'Reilly  usurps 
the  succession — Tyrone's  son  Con  protests — Death  of  Philip  O'Reilly — 
James  McSorley  seizes  the  Glynns — Angus  Oge's  threat — James  McSorley 
submits  to  Tyrone — He  marries  Tyrone's  daughter. 

IT  had  been  from  no  mere  sentiment  of  courtesy  to  a  stranger 
that  Tyrone  had  been  induced  to  undertake  a  forty-mile 
ride  across  Coleraine,  and  to  leave  Magennis's  daughter  lan- 
guishing at  Castle  Roe.  It  was  rumoured  (and  as  it  turned 
out  correctly)  that  the  envoy  had  brought  with  him  much 
treasure,  and  Tyrone  knew  enough  of  his  confederates  to  make 
him  anxious  to  get  this  treasure  under  lock  and  key  without 
a  moment's  unnecessary  delay.  Consignments  of  Spanish 
doubloons  had  now,  for  some  time  past,  been  arriving  at 
intervals  at  Killibegs,  Lough  Foyle,  or  Lough  Swilly.  For 
purposes  of  promoting  the  rebellion,  money  was  little  less 
effective  than  men,  for  it  put  Tyrone  in  a  position  not  only 
to  bribe  Government  officials  to  shut  their  eyes  to  that  which 
was  going  on,  but  also  to  arm,  drill  and  equip  the  male  adult 
population  of  Ulster. 

The  organization  of  a  pan-Irish  army  was  at  the  present 
moment  the  Earl's  main  anxiety,  for,  as  already  explained, 
the  Scots  had  by  this  time  almost  entirely  deserted  the  rebel 
combination  in  the  north.*  Such  being  the  circumstances, 
Tyrone  had  realized  for  some  time  past  that,  in  the  future,  he 
would  have  to  rely  for  his  fighting  forces  mainly  on  the  native 
element,  and  this  native  element  was  now  being  regularly 
drilled  by  imported  Spanish  instructors.  Of  these  foreign 
drill-sergeants  a  considerable  consignment  had  come  with 
Don  Alonzo,  and  subsequently  remained  in  the  country  for  the 
use  and  instruction  of  the  Irish  army.  We  are  told  that  this 
army  now  numbered  3,500  well-drilled  and  equipped  men,  of 
whom  1,000  were  provided  by  County  Tyrone,  1,000  by  Done- 
*  Russell  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  8th,  1595. 
208 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  209 

gal,  500  by  Clandeboyc,  and  1,000  by  the  three  southern 
counties  of  Ulster  and  the  three  northern  counties  of  Connaught.* 
Tyrone  aimed  at  doubling  these  numbers,  and  in  point  of  fact, 
when  the  climax  was  reached  at  the  Battle  of  Kinsale,  he  had 
as  many  as  6,500  Irish  troops  under  his  command. 

Recognizing  the  urgent  need  for  an  efficient  army,  the  Earl, 
we  are  told,  "  infinitely  belaboured  his  men  with  training  "f 
to  the  intense  disgust  of  the  Irish  kerne,  who,  under  the  pressure 
of  an  unaccustomed  discipline,  declared  that  they  hated  the 
best  Spaniard  far  more  than  they  did  the  worst  Englishman.^ 

Tyrone's  military  preparations  were  not  allowed  to  interfere 
with  his  civil  administration  of  the  province,  of  which  he  still 
considered  himself  the  absolute  autocrat.  Any  show  of  in-, 
dependence  on  the  part  of  his  urraghs  or  vassals  was  speedily 
visited  by  the  summary  punishment  which  had  always  been 
associated  with  the  rule  of  the  O' Neils.  A  case  arose  in  Cavan 
which  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  showing  that — though  in 
rebellion  against  the  Government — he  had  still  time  to  deal 
with  his  home  affairs.  Sir  John  O'Reilly  had  died  in  Cavan 
in  the  late  summer  of  1595,  and  his  death  had  at  once  given 
rise  to  the  familiar  dissensions  so  invariably  associated  with 
the  tanistry  system.  Sir  John's  brother  Philip  made  the 
first  move  by  seizing  the  Brenny  and  having  himself  there 
proclaimed  the  O'Reilly,  but  he  made  the  fatal  mistake  of 
doing  so  without  first  receiving  the  blessing  of  the  great  O'Neil. 
Such  an  act  of  presumption  was  not  to  be  lightly  overlooked, 
and  in  October  Tyrone  sent  his  illegitimate  son  Con  into  Cavan 
with  a  force  which  was  sufficiently  strong  to  establish  the 
principle  that  he  and  he  alone  was  to  nominate  any  new  chief 
in  Ulster.  Con,  who  was  nothing  if  not  thorough,  carried 
out  his  mission  with  considerable  zeal,  killed  Philip  O'Reilly§ 
and,  in  the  name  of  Tyrone,  established  Sir  John's  elder  son 
Edmund  in  his  place.  This  was  in  itself  quite  sufficient  to 
make  the  Government  hotly  espouse  the  cause  of  the  second  son 
Mulmore,  who,  in  the  natural  furtherance  of  his  own  aims, 
became  from  that  time  on  an  active  ally  of  the  Government, 
and  was  eventually  killed  fighting  against  Tyrone  at  the  Battle 
of  Yellowford. 

*  Rice-ap-Hugh  to  Deputy,  Nov.  1596. 

•f  Sir  Ralph  Lane  to  Essex,  Oct.  23rd,  1596. 

J  Cal.  State  Papers,  April,  1597.         §  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  194r-21-3. 

H 


210  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

While  matters  were  thus  shaping  in  Cavan,  James  McSorley 
in  the  north  had  been  giving  signs  of  growing  territorial  am- 
bition, and  of  various  other  undesirable  peculiarities.     He  had 
already  turned  McQuillin  out  of  the  Route,  and  he  now  followed 
this  up  by  seizing  the  Glynns,  where  Randall  McNess's  retainers 
were   numerically   too   weak   to   make   any   practical   protest. 
Donald  Gorm  was  in  Scotland  at  the  time,  and  the  only  repre- 
sentative of  the  family  in  Ireland  was  Angus  Oge,  i.e.,  Angus 
Junior.     He   fortunately   managed   to   elude   capture   by   the 
invaders,  and  set  sail  for  Scotland  in  a  small  galley,  with  a 
parting  promise  that  he  would  come  back  from  Cantyre  with 
such  a  force  as  would  make  short  work  of  all  the  sons  of  Sorley 
Boy.*     These,  however,  were  finally  brought  to  their  senses 
by  other  and  quicker  means.     Tyrone  cared  nothing  for  Angus, 
but  he  had  no  intention  of  seeing  a  man  like  James  McSorley 
—whose  services  could  always  be  bought  by  the  Government 
at   a   price — grow   too   strong.     He   accordingly   laid   himself 
out  to  champion  the  hitherto  neglected  cause  of  McQuillin  with 
an  entirely  new  zeal.     McSorley  was  peremptorily  ordered  to 
contract  his  borders  to  their  old  limits,  or  to  feel  the  weight  of 
the  Earl's  displeasure.     This  latter  he  was  by  no  means  anxious 
for,  and,  in  face  of  a  danger  which  he  knew  to  be  very  real, 
and  the  reality  of  which  had  only  recently  been  impressed  upon 
him  by  the  fate  of  Philip  O'Reilly,  he  sought  an  alliance  with 
the  English,  promising  to  assist  the  Government  with  all  his 
forces  if  they  would  support  him  in  his  recent  acquisitions  and 
protect  him  against  Tyrone.     The  Government  made  no  imme- 
diate reply,  and  in  the  meanwhile  Monaghan  had — as  already 
described — fallen    into    Tyrone's    hands.     This    latter    event 
had    an    immediate   effect    on   the   situation   in   Antrim,    for 
McSorley — seeing  that  the  affront  was  swallowed  without  even 
an  attempt  at  retaliation  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  and 
observing  that  the  perennial  negotiations  with  the  Earl  went 
on  as  though  nothing  out  of  the  ordinary  had  happened — 
concluded  that  Tyrone's  party  was  the  stronger  of  the  two, 
and  promptly  tendered  his  submission  to  the  Earl.     Tyrone  was 
highly  delighted  at  this  development,  for  the  sons  of  Sorley  Boy 
were  now  the  only  channel  through  which  he  could  hope  to  draw 
any  assistance  from  Scotland,   and,   in  order  to  cement  the 
alliance,  he  produced  a  daughter — though  a  very  young  one — as 

*  Russell  to  Privy  Council,  Aug.  13th,  1596.     Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  192-7-3. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  211 

a  wife  for  James.  "  The  Earl,"  Richard  Weston,  his  accountant, 
wrote,  "  hath  lately  married  his  daughter  of  nine  years  of  age 
to  James  McSorley."*  This  signal  mark  of  favour  was  highly 
appreciated  by  James  and  his  brothers,  and.  with  a  view  to 
celebrating  the  change  in  the  family  fortunes,  they  made  a 
spirited  raid  on  Carrickfergus,  and  carried  off  several  droves 
of  the  townsmen's  cattle. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  201-07-2  and  Vol.  201-70. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

Maurice  Kyffin  appointed  auditor  of  the  army  accounts — Astounding  revelations 
— Frauds  practised  by  the  Master  of  Musters  and  the  Captains — Misery  of 
the  common  soldiers — Russell's  uneasiness — He  issues  new  and  stringent 
regulations — Indignation  of  the  Queen  at  the  abuses  disclosed — Her  scathing 
letter  to  the  Privy  Council — Russell  recalled — Appointment  of  Lord  Burgh. 

AT  the  close  of  the  year  1596  the  Queen's  interest  and 
attention  was  diverted  from  the  sporadic  splutterings 
of  Tyrone's  rebellion  to  the  astounding  revelations  which 
followed  on  the  appointment  of  one  Maurice  Kyffin  as  auditor 
of  the  army  accounts.  The  substance  of  Kyffin' s  startling 
report,  issued  after  several  months  devoted  to  investigation, 
was  that  the  returns  of  the  Captains  of  Musters  were  systemati- 
cally falsified,  and  that  the  English  army  in  effect  only  existed 
on  paper.  Sir  Conyers  Clifford,  e.g.,  regularly  drew  pay  for 
2,000  men,  but  he  had  never  mustered  more  than  1,200,  and  of 
these  the  majority  were  Irish.  If  the  1,200  men  had  been 
paid,  the  fraud  would  have  been  a  little  less  scandalous,  but 
it  was  now  made  abundantly  clear  that  the  common  practice 
with  all  the  Captains  in  Ireland  was  to  draw  for  a  purely 
fictitious  muster,  and  then  not  even  to  pay  the  few  that  did 
answer  the  roll.  Sir  Ralph  Lane,  the  Master-General  of  the 
Musters,  was  pointed  to  as  the  central  figure  round  which  the 
entire  conspiracy  revolved,  his  practice  being  to  pass  on  to  the 
Captains  only  a  portion  of  the  money  sent  over  from  England 
for  the  payment  of  their  Companies,  the  balance  remaining 
in  his  own  hands.  In  some  cases  he  passed  on  none.  Captain 
Egerton  complained  that  neither  he  nor  any  of  the  Carrick- 
fergus  garrison  had  drawn  pay  for  five  years.  All  his  private 
substance,  he  pleaded,  had  been  expended  in  Her  Majesty's 
service.  Egerton's  was  by  no  means  an  isolated  case  ;  it  was 
indeed  typical  rather  than  exceptional,  and  Burleigh,  on  re- 
ceiving the  report,  ceased  to  wonder  that  men  placed  in  such  a 
position  should  be  tempted  to  treat  with  Tyrone  for  the  betrayal 

212 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  218 

of  posts  which  offered  neither  honour  nor  profit,  and  the 
maintenance  of  which  for  the  Queen  devoured  their  private 
means. 

The  Captains — being  themselves  ill -used  and  defrauded— 
in  their  turn  defrauded  the  men.  Such  attenuated  money- 
bags as  did  from  time  to  time  get  as  far  as  the  Captains,  got 
no  farther.  The  men  got  nothing — nothing,  that  is,  from  the 
State.  For  their  pay  and  their  subsistence  they  had  to  depend 
precariously  on  what  they  could  rob  the  country  people  of. 
This  was,  in  fact,  an  adaptation  of  the  native  custom  of  coyne, 
livery  and  bonaght  so  rigidly  banned  by  the  English  Govern- 
ment as  being  the  primary  cause  of  all  the  internal  disorders 
in  Ireland,  and  yet  secretly  practised  by  every  Captain  in 
the  Queen's  pay.  The  English  soldiers,  however,  proved  far 
less  apt  at  the  game  of  spoliation  than  the  Irish,  from  which 
circumstance  arose  a  practice,  which  gradually  became  general, 
of  replacing  such  English  as  died  or  deserted  by  Irish,  who 
were  used  to  the  bonaght  system,  and  who  throve  on  it  where 
the  English  starved. 

There  is  no  direct  evidence  to  prove  that  it  was  at  Russell's 
instigation  that  Kyffin  was  appointed,  but  it  is  abundantly 
clear  that  the  former  was  considerably  scandalized  by  dis- 
closures which  might  easily  be  interpreted  in  England  as  a 
reflection  on  his  own  rule.  In  a  desperate  attempt  to  make 
amends  for  malpractices  in  the  past  which  he  foresaw  might 
easily  be  attributed  to  him,  he  now — at  the  eleventh  hour — issued 
orders,  of  an  ail-but  Cromwellian  severity,  against  the  robbery 
or  abuse  of  the  natives  by  the  soldiers.*  By  the  curious  irony 
of  fortune,  however,  the  very  stringency  of  these  regulations 
became  an  additional  source  of  evil,  for  they  gave  the  Captains 
such  power  of  life  and  death  over  their  men,  that  these  were 
afraid  to  clamour  too  loud  for  their  rights,  lest  they  should  be 
hanged  for  the  looting  which  alone  saved  them  from  starvation. 

The  case  of  the  common  soldiers  was  indeed  desperate. 
Even  Wallop,  who  was  himself  no  paragon  of  virtue,  and  whose 
accounts  after  his  death  were  found  to  be  in  a  sadly  irregular 
state,  was  moved  to  draw  Burleigh's  attention  to  the  extreme 
misery  of  the  troops  who  were  expected  by  those  in  England 
to  march  on  from  victory  to  victory.  He  reported  them  to  be 
"  destitute  of  brogues,  shirts,  mantles,  or  anything  to  protect 
*  Carew  MSS.,  Sept.  18th,  1596. 


214  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

them  from  the  weather."  Their  feet,  we  are  told,  literally 
rotted  off  them  from  neglect.  They  died  like  flies  of  every 
conceivable  disease  which  springs  from  improper  feeding, 
clothing  and  housing.  Many  deserted  and  many  were  hanged 
for  a  mutiny  for  which  every  possible  provocation .  was  given. 
The  gaps  were  filled  up  with  Irish,  who  were  ordered  to  adopt 
English  names  in  order  to  back  the  deception.  But  let  us 
hear  Kyffin  himself,  in  his  own  curious  polysyllabic  language. 
"  The  shameful  corruption  in  the  Officers  of  Musters,  so  long 
continued,  together  with  the  infinite  and  inveterate  art  of 
falsehoood  here  practised  (and  as  it  were  authorized  by  general 
custom),  have  irrecuperably  damnified  this  State.  It  is  lament- 
able to  consider  whether  the  outcry  of  the  soldiers  everywhere 
for  want  of  pay,  or  of  the  country  people,  extremely  robbed 
and  pillaged  by  the  soldiers,  be  the  more  grievous.  The 
whole  country,  even  within  the  English  Pale,  be  left  waste 
without  habitation  or  tillage  ;  and  now,  as  the  inhabitants 
of  the  land  go  generally  a-begging  with  their  wives  and  children, 
so  the  soldiers,  having  left  neither  for  others  nor  yet  for  them- 
selves any  further  means  of  relief,  do  by  the  just  judgment 
of  God  most  miserably  starve  and  famish.  Between  the  rebels 
on  the  one  hand  and  our  own  soldiers  (being  for  the  most  part 
Irish  and  living  altogether  on  the  spoil)  all  is  devoured  and 
destroyed.  Though  the  expense  of  Her  Majesty's  treasure 
sent  over  here  be  exceeding  great,  yet  is  there  here  no  manner 
of  appearance  thereof.  The  Captains  for  their  part  exclaim, 
our  soldiers  die  wretchedly  in  the  open  streets  and  highways, 
the  native  subject  spoiled  and  brought  to  extreme  beggary, 
no  service  in  war  performed,  no  military  discipline  or  civil 
justice  exercised ;  briefly  the  whole  kingdom  ruined  and 
foraged."  In  a  later  report  (March,  1597),  he  alludes  to  frauds 
even  more  deep-seated  than  he  had  at  first  suspected.  "  I 
am,"  he  reports,  "  somewhat  entered  into  discovery  of  one  of 
the  most  foul  and  shameful  abuses  that  ever  was  heard  of  in 
any  State,  viz.,  the  sale  and  purloining  of  the  soldiers'  victual 
by  the  clerks  and  inferior  officers  of  bands,  whereby  the  poor 
soldiers  are  most  lamentably  hunger-starved.  It  is  not 
creditable  what  misery  and  extremity  they  are  put  to.  They 
die  wretchedly  and  woefully  in  the  streets  and  highways, 
far  less  regarded  than  any  beasts.  Nothing  is  more  needed  than 
for  good  authority  to  be  conferred  on  a  faithful  man  who  woulcj 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  215 

surely  look  into  these  enormities."  The  last  observation  was 
probably  intended  less  as  a  reflection  on  Russell  than  as  a 
direct  hit  at  Lane,  for  it  was  clearly  not  as  Deputy  that  the  faith- 
ful man  was  to  come,  but  as  Master  of  Musters.  To  the  Queen, 
however,  it  appeared  all-important  that  the  man  at  the  head 
of  the  State  should  himself  be  clear  of  all  reproach.  She  was 
sufficient  acute  to  know  that  neither  Russell,  nor,  in  fact,  any  of 
his  predecessors,  had  any  opportunity  of  participating  in  the 
profits  derived  from  the  army  frauds ;  but  she  also  knew 
that  a  Deputy,  who  was  himself  corrupt  in  other  departments 
of  the  administration,  was  tied  hand  and  foot  when  it  came  to 
the  censure  and  punishment  of  fraud  in  others.  As  far  as 
the  Queen's  pocket  was  concerned,  it  made  little  difference 
whether  Russell  was  a  participator  in,  or  merely  a  condoner  of, 
the  frauds.  It  was  sufficiently  clear  that  only  a  rigidly  honest 
man  could  even  attempt  to  put  an  end  to  abuses  that  had 
taken  such  deep  root.  From  the  moment  that  Kyffin's  report 
was  received,  Elizabeth  began  to  cast  about  for  such  a  man 
among  her  subjects,  and  such  a  man  she  ultimately  found  in 
Lord  Burgh,  K.G.,  Governor  of  Brill  in  Holland.  Burgh  was 
a  great  and  a  good  man,  but  neither  he,  nor  Burleigh,  nor  the 
Queen,  had  any  illusions  as  to  the  extreme  filth  of  the  Augean 
stable  that  he  was  called  upon  to  clear  out,  nor  as  to  the  perils 
that  surrounded  such  an  undertaking.  "  In  Ireland,"  Maurice 
Kyffin  had  written,  "  there  is  nothing  more  dangerous  and 
detestable  than  to  be  an  honest  man."*  He  himself,  he 
reported,  had  been  offered  gold  and  horses  from  all  quarters, 
if  only  he  would  suppress  the  truth,  but  he  had  resolutely  pushed 
away  all  bribes,  and  as  a  consequence  went  about  in  daily  fear 
of  an  assassination,!  which,  in  the  end,  overtook  him  only  too 
surely. 

Burleigh  was  no  less  scandalized  than  the  Queen  at  the 
state  of  affairs  revealed  by  Kyffin,  and  he  dispatched  a  memo- 
randum to  Ireland,  giving  the  executive  very  clearly  to  under- 
stand that  any  Captain  who  withheld  pay  from  his  men  was  to 
be  summarily  executed.  The  Queen,  at  the  same  time,  recalled 
Russell  in  a  scathing  letter  which  was  addressed  not  sojnuch 
to  him  individually  as  to  the  entire  Privy  Council.  '  We 
mind  not  by  this  our  letter,"  she  wrote,  "  to  express  our  opinion 

*  Kyffin  to  Burleigh,  April  17th,  1507. 

f  Kyffln  to  Burleigh,  Dec.  20th,  1500,  and  Feb.  18th,  1507. 


216  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

in  whose  default  among  you  of  our  Council  the  same  [abuses] 
happen,  being  so  notorious  that  it  is  apparent  to  the  whole 
world  that  never  any  realm  was  worse  governed  by  all  our 
ministers,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest."*  Her  letter  con- 
cluded with  an  injunction  to  all  concerned  to  put  a  prompt 
end  to  the  prevalent  rascality,  which,  if  continued,  she  threat- 
ened, will  be  "  to  your  uttermost  perils  " — words  of  very  ominous 
import  under  the  reign  of  Good  Queen  Bess. 

Following  on  the  top  of  this  letter  came  an  order  in  December, 
1596,  for  Gardiner  (who  was  reputed  the  most  honest  of  the 
Irish  officials)  to  attend  the  Queen  in  England.  What  passed 
between  the  two  is  not  known,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that 
Gardiner's  report  did  not  tend  to  raise  Russell  in  the  Queen's 
favour.  "  Sir  William  Russell  has  been  debarred  the  Queen's 
presence, "f  Cecil  wrote  to  Lord  Burgh  as  late  as  the  end  of 
June,  1597  ;  so  that  it  is  clear  that  the  Queen's  displeasure 
reflected  no  mere  ephemeral  mood. 

Russell's  recall,  and  the  disgrace  attached  to  it,  left  the 
Dublin  Privy  Council  unmoved.  They  were  used  to  the  sudden 
fall  in  favour  of  Deputies,  and  were  rather  interested  than 
otherwise  by  the  prospect  of  a  change.  Their  chief  concern 
appears  to  have  been  over  the  character  of  the  new-comer, 
and  as  to  the  chances  of  his  easy  conformity  with  accepted 
practices.  As  to  this  point  they  were  not  kept  long  in  doubt. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Dec.  1596.         f  Cecil  to  Deputy,  June  22nd,  1597. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

Lord  Burgh  lands  at  Bray — His  agreement  with  Kyflin — His  determination  to 
suppress  corruption — Death  of  Norris — Burgh's  war  preparations — Sus- 
picious conduct  of  Warren,  Barrett  Moore  and  St.  Leger— Burgh  starts 
for  the  north — General  consternation  at  the  vigour  of  his  preparations — 
Submission  of  Tirlough  McHenry  and  Con  O'Neil — Burgh  crosses  the 
Blackwater — He  repairs  the  Fort  and  burns  Dungannon — Forced  to  with- 
draw from  lack  of  provisions — He  advances  once  more  in  October — Burgh 
is  taken  ill  at  Newry — His  death — Suspicion  of  poison — William  Paule's 
accusation  of  Barrett  Moore — Post-mortem  in  Dublin — Suspicious  conduct 
of  Warren — General  relief  in  Ireland  at  Burgh's  death — Tyrone's  special 
reasons  for  relief — Burgh's  contract  with  the  Scots — Ineenduv's  attempts 
to  cancel — Firm  attitude  of  Angus — Death  of  Maurice  Kyffin — Death  of 
Henry  Tudor — Suspicion  of  foul  play — Sir  Ralph  Lane  suspected — Sir 
Thomas  Norris  appointed  Lord  Justice — His  dissatisfaction — Joint  appoint- 
ment of  Loftus  and  Gardiner — Ormonde  appointed  Lieut.-General  of  the 
Army — Rebellion  of  Shane  McBrian  and  Neil  McHugh — Capture  of  Belfast 
and  Edenduffcarrick — Their  recapture  by  Sir  John  Chichester — Sorley 
Boy's  sons  overrun  the  Glynns — They  burn  Glenarm  and  Red  Bay — They 
raid  Magee  Island — Battle  of  Altfracken — Defeat  and  death  of  Chichester 
— Death  of  Capt.  Merriman. 

LORD  BURGH  landed  at  Bray  on  Whit-Sunday,  1597, 
and  was  immediately  pursued  by  a  letter  of  final  instruc- 
tions from  the  Queen.  Elizabeth  knew  that  her  choice  of  a 
Deputy  was  a  good  one,  but  she  had  no  intention  that  he  should 
be  allowed  to  slip  down  to  the  level  of  his  predecessors  merely 
for  want  of  proper  royal  admonition.  Burgh,  to  do  him  justice 
and  to  his  own  undoing,  was  a  thoroughly  honest  man,  and  was 
equally  determined  with  the  Queen  that  the  prevailing  corrup- 
tion should  be  stamped  out,  and  that  serious  warfare  should 
henceforth  take  the  place  of  the  opera-bouffe  performances  of 
the  past  five  years.  In  a  letter  to  Burleigh,  written  a  fortnight 
after  his  arrival,  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion — no  doubt  as  the 
result  of  a  careful  examination  of  facts — that  Maurice  Kyffin 
was  "  a  proper  and  diligent  man,"  and  concluded  with  the 
hope  that  "  some  redress  would  be  found  for  the  frauds  prac- 
tised upon  Her  Majesty."  In  view  of  the  subsequent  develop- 
ment of  events,  this  letter  has  more  than  a  passing  interi'sl, 
for  it  furnishes  unmistakable  evidence  that  Burgh  and  Kyffin 

217 


218  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

were  already  in  close  agreement  as  to  the  procedure  to  be  adopted 
in  the  matter  of  the  army  frauds.  In  fact  we  have  this  in  so 
many  words  from  Kyffin  himself.  "  When  I  saw  this  shameful 
abuse,"  he  wrote  to  Burleigh,  "  I  set  down  certain  notes  in  writing 
how  to  reform  the  same,  the  execution  whereof  the  late  Lord 
Deputy  said  he  would  command  publicly.  But  his  Lordship 
died  before  he  had  redressed  any  of  these  enormities.  The 
eternal  God,  by  the  means  of  your  Lordship,  grant  some 
amendment  in  time."*  The  amendment,  however,  when  it 
did  come,  was  not  destined  to  be  seen  by  poor  Kyffin,  for, 
within  nine  weeks  of  the  date  of  his  letter,  he  too  had  gone 
the  same  way  as  Lord  Burgh,  to  be  followed  very  shortly  after- 
wards by  his  equally  honest  successor,  Henry  Tudor.  It  was 
not  without  good  grounds  that  he  had  written  that  "  in  Ireland 
there  is  nothing  more  dangerous  and  detestable  than  to  be  an 
honest  man." 

The  Deputy  was  the  first  victim,  for  he  was  incomparably 
the  most  dangerous  of  the  three.  In  fact,  without  his  strong 
co-operation,  the  other  two  were  powerless  to  do  more  than 
expose  and  protest.  Burgh's  intentions  in  the  matter  were 
public  property,  for  he  blurted  them  out  with  more  honesty 
than  prudence.  "  This  State,"  he  wrote  to  Burleigh  from  the 
Black  water,  "  is  infested  with  more  hidden  corruption  in 
every  condition  of  man  than  ever  any  was  ;  "f  and  his  further 
intentions  in  the  matter  he  makes  quite  clear  in  a  letter  to 
Cecil  written  from  the  same  camp.  "  I  will  be  as  good  a 
physician  against  their  diseases  as  I  can.  I  came  a  stranger 
to  them,  and  I  could  not  imagine  so  bad  and  false  a  people. 
I  now  know  them,  and  God,  I  doubt  not,  will  deliver  me  from 
the  burden  of  this  business  with  profit  to  my  blissful  Queen."  J 
His  concluding  hopes  were  not  destined  to  be  realized.  God 
may  have  proposed  such  a  consummation,  but  man  disposed 
otherwise. 

Burgh  had  come  over  with  absolute  power,  military  as  well 
as  civil,  and  his  first  act  was  to  depose  Sir  John  Norris,  and 
send  him  back  to  his  Presidency  of  Munster,  where  he  died 
two  months  later  at  Mallow,  in  the  house  of  his  brother  Thomas. 
In  justice  to  his  memory,  it  is  only  fair  to  say  that  his  failure 

*  Kyffin  to  Burleigh,  Oct.  27th,  1597. 
t  Burgh  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  10th,  1597. 
%  Burgh  to  Cecil,  Aug,  3rd,  1597. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  219 

to  accomplish  anything  against  Tyrone  may,  in  some  part, 
have  been  due  to  ill-health.  He  was  ill  when  he  first  landed 
at  Waterford,  and,  owing  to  his  bad  state  of  health,  the  two 
wounds  he  received  in  County  Armagh — slight  though  they 
were  in  themselves — had  not  properly  healed.  He  died  of 
gangrene. 

Having  got  the  army  under  his  hand,  Burgh  next  wrote 
to  Tyrone  giving  him  one  month  in  which  to  say  his  prayers. 
The  Earl,  in  an  attempt  to  punctuate  his  contempt  for  this 
ultimatum,  made  two  successive  raids  upon  Newry  and  Carrick- 
fergus,  but — being  repulsed  in  each  case* — missed  his  effect. 
Burgh  retaliated  with  a  long  letter  of  reproof  written  in  fine 
biblical  language,  and — having  eased  his  mind  by  the  dispatch 
of  this  document — turned  all  his  energies  to  the  more  persuasive 
argument  of  armed  activity. 

The  vigour  of  this  determined  Deputy's  preparations  alarmed 
the  members  of  the  Dublin  Privy  Council  little  less  than  it 
alarmed  Tyrone  himself,  and  they  did  their  very  utmost  to 
dissuade  him  from  the  northern^enterprise,f  as  to  the  serious 
character  of  which  there  was  no  longer  any  room  for  doubt ;  but 
all  their  endeavours  crumbled  away  before  the  dogged  determina- 
tion of  the  Deputy.  It  is  fairly  evident  from  Burgh's  letters 
home  that — even  though  at  first  innocent — he  very  soon  became 
alive  to  the  motives  behind  the  objections  of  his  Privy  Council. 
The  disclosure  of  these  motives  disgusted  though  it  did  not  dis- 
turb him.  Confident  in  his  own  integrity  of  purpose,  he  had  little 
fear  that  departmental  villainy  could,  at  the  worst,  do  more 
than  hamper  for  a  time  the  rapidity  of  his  reforms.  Besides, 
it  was  not  unreasonable  to  look  forward,  during  his  operations 
in  the  field,  to  relief  from  the  intrigues  ot  the  Dublin  Privy 
Council,  which  was  technically  a  stationary  body.  In  this 
expectation  Burgh  was  justified,  but  he  made  a  grievous  mistake 
if  he  had  reckoned  that,  because  the  Privy  Council  was  left 
behind,  all  treachery  and  intrigue  would  be  left  behind  with 
it.  It  was  with  him  at  every  step  of  his  journey  to  the  north, 
frustrating  his  schemes,  warning  the  rebels  of  his  every  in- 
tention and  deliberately  misinterpreting  his  orders.  These 
hostile  acts  were  chiefly  associated  at  the  time  with  the  names 
of  three  of  Burgh's  Captains,  Sir  Warham  St,  Leger,  Garrett 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  199-66. 

f  Capt.  Philip  Williams  to  Cecil,  Oct.  20th,  1597, 


220  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Moore  and  William  Warren.  Of  these  three,  Moore  and  Warren 
— who  were  half-brothers* — were  the  subject  of  some  very 
startling  accusations,  their  first  and  foremost  accuser  being 
one  William  Paule,  an  army  contractor,  who  accompanied 
the  army  as  a  fighting  volunteer.  According  to  Paule,  Garrett 
Moore  and  William  Warren  were,  throughout  Burgh's  march 
to  the  north,  in  ceaseless  communication  with  Tyrone,  warning 
him  beforehand  of  all  intended  moves.f  These  accusations  of 
Paule' s  were  afterwards  corroborated  from  an  entirely  different 
and  independent  source,  as  follows  :  Owen  McHugh  O'Neil 
had  been  in  command  of  one  of  Tyrone's  companies  during 
the  whole  of  Lord  Burgh's  Ulster  operations,  but  he  afterwards 
came  over  to  the  Government  side,  and  on  July  17th,  1600, 
he  made  a  long  written  deposition,  in  the  course  of  which  he 
stated  that :  "  The  said  Garrett  Moore  and  William  Warren 
did  continually  send  men  unto  Tyrone  to  give  him  warning 
when  any  service  was  intended  against  him."! 

It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  Burgh  had  actual  proof  of 
these  underhand  practices,  for  in  that  case  his  course  of  action 
would  have  been  quite  clear  ;  but  he  unquestionably  had 
strong  suspicions,  for  we  have  it  from  yet  another  source  that 
during  the  ma'rch  the  Deputy  on  one  occasion  struck  Warren 
and  told  him  that  he  might  have  to  answer  to  charges  which 
would  cost  him  his  head.§  It  is  by  no  means  improbable  that 
this  speech  may  have  precipitated  Burgh's  own  end,  for  he 
survived  it  but  a  short  time. 

We  may  now,  however,  deal  with  the  actual  facts  of  Burgh's 
march  to  the  north  in  chronological  order.  He  set  out  from 
Dublin  at  the  beginning  of  July,  leaving  Loftus  and  Wallop 
to  carry  on  the  Metropolitan  Government,  and  marched  to 
Dundalk  with  all  available  forces,  which  amounted  to  a  motley 
gathering  of  3,000  very  mixed  troops.  However,  it  was  the 
determination  of  the  Deputy  rather  than  the  quality  of  his 
troops  which  was  responsible  for  the  universal  dismay  with 
which  his  energetic  action  was  viewed.  Dublin  officials,  English 
captains  and  Irish  rebels  were  all  alike  infected  with  the  general 
alarm.  We  know  this  from  a  letter  which  one  of  the  evil- 

*  Their  mother  had  been  a  Brabazon. 

f  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  I.-17,  and  Vol.  207,  Part  V.-93. 
j  Cal.  State  Papers,  July  17th,  1600,  and  Vol.  207,  Part  IV.-21, 
§  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  203-58, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  221 

doers  (Warren)  wrote  to  Norris  on  March  15th,  i.e.,  before  the 
new  Deputy  had  even  landed.  "  The  coming  of  the  Lord 
Burgh,"  he  admitted,  "  had  put  them  all  in  great  fear,"*  a 
remark  which  seems  equally  to  incriminate  Norris,  to  whom  it 
was  addressed,  and  the  late  Deputy,  whose  supersedure  caused 
such  consternation.  The  minor  chiefs  were  no  less  disturbed 
than  were  the  politicians  and  army  captains  by  the  reputation 
which  preceded  the  new  Deputy,  and,  in  their  case,  the  effect 
was  magical.  Before  the  new  Deputy  had  so  much  as  drawn  his 
sword,  or  struck  a  blow,  Tyrone's  half-brother  Tirlough  McHenry 
of  the  Fews,  and  his  illegitimate  son  Con,  had  tendered  their 
submissions,  these  being  the  two  chiefs  whose  lands  would  in 
the  ordinary  course  have  been  the  first  to  be  reached  by  the 
advancing  army.  Both  these  sudden  converts  to  loyalty  had 
been  consistent  rebels  throughout  the  Russell-Norris  regime, 
and  their  submission  to  the  mere  forecast  of  straightforward 
dealing  is  a  remarkable  tribute  to  the  efficacy  of  that  quality 
in  Ireland.  Nor  was  it  a  case  of  a  half-hearted  conversion.  The 
reputation  which  had  preceded  Burgh  commanded  admiration 
and  respect  no  less  than  it  commanded  fear.  The  half-brother 
and  the  son  of  the  Earl  volunteered  to  assist  the  Deputy 
against  their  troublesome  relative  with  all  the  forces  at  their 
command,  the  only  stipulation  in  the  case  of  the  former  being 
that  his  son,  who  was  still  a  pledge  in  Dublin  Castle  for  the 
good  conduct  of  the  Earl,  should  be  released.  Burgh  un- 
hesitatingly accepted  a  condition  which  was  obviously  in- 
separable from  the  arrangement,  and,  acting  on  the  advice  of 
his  new  Irish  allies,  he  pushed  on  from  Dundalk  with  all  possible 
speed,  arriving  at  the  Blackwater  on  the  14th.  If  Tyrone  had 
been  any  general,  or  if  he  had  been  gifted  with  even  a  fair 
share  of  military  valour,  it  was  here  that  he  would  have  made 
his  great  effort.  He  had  enjoyed  many  months  of  peace  and 
leisure  wherein  to  perfect  his  defences,  and  of  these  months 
he  had  taken  full  advantage.  His  artificial  obstacles  and 
defences  were,  we  are  told,  a  marvel  of  elaboration,  f  and  had 
Tyrone,  with  his  whole  army,  faced  the  Deputy  from  the  left 
bank  of  the  river,  it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  the  passage 
could  have  been  forced.  Instead  of  this,  he  left  forty  men  of 
inferior  rank  to  guard  the  ford,  while  he  himself  with  his  army, 

*  Warren  to  Norris,  March  15th,  1597. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  200-29. 


222  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

and  all  his  chief  leaders,  remained  behind  at  a  safe  distance  at 
Dungannon.     It  is  to  be  assumed  that  Tyrone  reckoned  that 
forty  men  would  be  sufficient  to  check  Burgh's  progress  long 
enough  to  enable  him  to  make  his  dispositions  further  north  ; 
and,  indeed,  Fenton  himself  admits  that  if  the  forty  had  shown 
any  spirit,  they  could  have  held  the  army  up  for  a  week.* 
But  they  evidently  had  little  relish  for  the  task  assigned  them, 
and,  leaving  the  elaborate  defences  to  take  care  of  themselves, 
they  made  for  the  woods  behind,  the  moment  the  attack  was 
sounded,  an  offence  for  which  Tyrone,  who  was  himself  always 
the  first  to  run  away,  afterwards  hanged  twenty  of  them.'j' 
Even  with  no  opposition,  the  passage  of  the  river  was  a  trying 
and  dangerous  business,  for,  apart  from  the  spikes  with  which 
it  was  plentifully  sown,  the  water  was  very  high  for  the  time  of 
year.     Burgh  himself  was  the  first  man    into  the  water  and 
the  second  man  across,  wading  over  with  the  water  above  his 
middle.     His  first  business  was  very  properly  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  fort.     This  was,  of  necessity,  a  slow  affair.     During 
the  completion  of  the  work  Burgh  pitched  his  camp  on  the 
banks  of  the  river,  and  from  there  made  daily  incursions  into 
the  precincts  of  Tyrone's  country.     On  one  of  these  occasions 
the  Deputy's  brother-in-law,  Francis  Vaughan,  and  Mr.  Beres- 
ford  rode  too  far  afield,  and  were  ambushed  and  killed.     During 
another  expedition  of  the  same  kind  Captain  Turner  was  killed 
and   two   of   Burgh's   nephews   badly   wounded.     Burgh   was 
very  wrathful  at  these  losses,  and  vented  his  spleen  on  Tyrone's 
methods  of  warfare,  which  he  stigmatized  as  underhand  and 
cowardly.     "  For  as  he  is  the  dishonestest  rebel  of  the  world," 
he  wrote  in  high  disgust  to  Cecil,  "  so  is  he  the  most  cowardly, 
never  making  good  any  fight,  but  bogring  with  his  shot  and 
flying  from  bush  to  bush."J     Several  times  Burgh  sent  out  a 
strong  force,  which  paraded  defiantly  in  the  open  in  the  hopes 
of  tempting  the  Earl  to  battle,  but  with  signal  lack  of  success. 
As  soon  as  the    repairs  to  the  fort  were  finished,   Burgh 
advanced  his  force  as  far  as  Dungannon,  where  he  burned  the 
town  and  all  Tyrone's  flour  mills  (the  Castle  itself  had  been 
burnt  by  Tyrone  on  the  occasion  of  Norris's  expedition),  but 
still  without  seeing  the  enemy.     This  was  as  far  north  as  he 

» 

*  Fenton  to  Cecil,  July  15th,  1597. 

t  William  Soare  to  Sir  Ralph  Lane,  July  16th,  1597. 

j  Burgh  to  Cecil,  Aug.  3rd,  1597. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  223 

was  destined  to  penetrate.  Provisions  began  to  run  short, 
and  by  the  first  week  in  August  it  became  evident  that  a  tem- 
porary retirement  to  Newry  was  necessary  if  starvation  were 
to  be  avoided.  From  the  purely  military  point  of  view  the 
withdrawal  meant  little,  for,  with  the  Blackwater  Fort  once  more 
in  Government  hands,  the  Deputy  held  the  key  with  which  he 
could  enter  or  leave  Tyrone's  territories  at  will.  None  knew 
this  better  than  Tyrone  himself,  and  none  knew  better  than 
he  that  he  was  now  face  to  face  with  the  crisis  of  his  career. 
In  these  circumstances,  and  influenced  no  doubt  by  his  chronic 
unwillingness  to  face  the  ordeal  by  battle,  the  Earl,  we  are 
led  to  believe,  had  recourse  to  other  methods.  There  is  very 
little  doubt  that,  with  the  connivance  of  his  confederates  in  the 
Government  army,  he  caused  the  Deputy  to  be  poisoned. 
The  Irish  Annalists,  indeed,  do  not  disguise  the  fact,  and  refer 
to  it  with  even  a  tinge  of  pride.  "  The  Lord  Deputy,"  the  Four 
Masters  record,  '*  met  his  death  prematurely  by  O'Neil." 
According  to  the  tenets  of  the  primitive  law  of  retaliation, 
Tyrone  would  not  have  been  going  outside  his  rights  in  making 
away  with  the  Deputy,  for  we  know  that  Burgh  himself  had 
recently  guaranteed  one  thousand  pounds  reward  to  an 
unnamed  volunteer  who  had  undertaken  the  assassination  of 
the  Earl.  Burgh,  to  do  him  justice,  shows  symptoms  of  shame 
in  the  letter  in  which  he  discloses  this  fact  to  Elizabeth,  but 
takes  refuge — as  the  custom  of  the  day  was — behind  the 
Almighty.  Let  us,  however,  follow  the  events  in  chronological 
order. 

Lord  Burgh  returned  to  Dublin  in  September,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  October  advanced  once  more  with  his  army  to 
Newry,  provided  this  time  with  all  the  requisites  which  his 
former  experience  had  taught  him  the  need  of,  but  which  the 
antagonism  of  his  counsellors  had  kept  back  from  him  when 
he  went  north  in  July.  The  improvement  in  his  present  equip- 
ment left  little  doubt  in  the  minds  of  any  of  the  interested 
parties  as  to  the  certainty  of  his  success,  and  he  himself  made 
no  secret  of  his  own  confidence.  However,  shortly  after 
leaving  Newry,  he  was  suddenly  taken  ill.  In  spite  of  the 
intense  pain  he  was  suffering,  such  was  his  devotion  to  the 
duty  he  had  undertaken  that  he  insisted  upon  being  carried 
in  a  litter  with  the  advancing  army.  He  got  as  far  as  the 
Blackwater,  but  there  his  sufferings  became  too  severe  to  be 


224  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

borne,  and  he  had  to  return  to  Newry,  where  this  gallant  and 
true  man  died  on  October  13th,  after  eleven  days'  illness.* 
"  One  of  the  noblest  gents  that  ever  I  knew,"  says  Wallop  in 
a  letter  to  Cecil,  and  there  is  nothing  in  the  known  facts  to 
make  us  doubt  the  justice  of  the  epitaph.  The  cause  of  death 
was  officially  returned  as  Irish  ague,  an  obscure  malady  since 
fortunately  extinct,  but  there  is  very  little  doubt  that  he  was 
poisoned.  The  sequence  of  events,  according  to  the  testimony 
of  William  Paule,  was  as  follows  :  On  the  completion  of  the 
first  day's  march  after  leaving  Newry,  Burgh,  who  was  very  hot 
and  thirsty,  made  inquiries  as  to  where  he  could  get  a  drink. 
He  was  recommended  to  try  Garrett  Moore's  tent,  which 
appears  to  have  been  the  only  luxury  of  the  sort  with  the  army, 
Burgh  himself  being  without  anything  of  the  kind.  He  did  as 
advised,  and  Garrett  Moore  himself  ministered  to  his  wants.f 
He  was  immediately  seized  with  internal  cramp  and  great 
coldness,  from  which  he  was  never  afterwards  free  till  the 
moment  of  his  death.  A  post-mortem  examination,  which  was 
made  in  Dublin  by  Dr.  Cullen,  revealed  various  symptoms 
strongly  indicative  of  poison.  J  In  view  of  the  evidence  fur- 
nished by  the  autopsy,  and  in  view  of  the  curious  suddenness 
and  peculiar  circumstances  surrounding  the  Deputy's  death, 
an  inquiry  was  instituted  in  England,  to  which  both  Garrett 
Moore's  father,  Sir  Edward  Moore,  and  William  WTarren  were 
summoned.  Nothing,  however,  was  ever  proved,  and  the 
affair  must  remain  one  of  the  unsolved  mysteries  of  history. 
Attempts  were  made  to  discount  the  value  of  Paule's  evidence 
by  pointing  out  that,  at  the  time  he  made  his  accusations,  he 
himself  was  a  prisoner  in  Dublin  Castle  on  some  charge  con- 
nected with  his  office.  Paule,  however,  we  learn,  was  acquitted 
of  the  charges  against  him,  and  was  reinstated  in  his  office  of 
Commissary  of  Ulster  without  any  loss  of  honour, §  so  that 
he  may  be  safely  accepted  as  a  fairly  responsible  witness. 
So  general,  however,  was  the  relief  in  Ireland  at  Burgh's  dis- 
appearance from  the  scene,  that  the  charges  made  against 
Moore  and  Warren  met  with  but  little  sympathy,  and  were 
in  the  end  allowed  to  drop.  It  is  worthy  of  note,  however, 

*  Loftus  to  Privy  Council,  Oct.  16th,  1597. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  I.-17. 
J  Ibid. 
§  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  II.-26. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  225 

that  Captain  Thomas  Williams — since  Merriman's  death  the 
stoutest  and  truest  of  the  English  commanders  in  Ireland- 
persisted  to  the  end  in  his  conviction  that  Burgh  had  been 
poisoned.*  The  two  Louth  half-brothers  were  never  definitely 
convicted  of  having  had  a  hand  in  Lord  Burgh's  death,  or  even 
of  the  lesser  crime  .of  giving  information  to  the  enemy,  but  it 
is  beyond  all  question  that  they  were  both  on  terms  of  the 
very  closest  intimacy  and  friendship  with  Tyrone  ;  so  much  so, 
indeed,  that  the  latter's  young  son  Shane  was  fostered  and 
brought  up  in  the  M cores'  house  at  Mellif  ont.  In  spite,  however, 
of  this  clear  proof  of  intimacy,  in  spite  of  the  knowledge  that 
Garrett  Moore  had  helped  Hugh  Roe  to  escape  from  Dublin 
Castle,  in  spite  of  Paule's  accusations,  in  spite  of  the  subsequent 
accusations  of  Captain  Tyrrell  and  of  Lord  Howth,  both  of 
whom  openly  and  publicly  accused  Garrett  Moore  of  treason,  f 
and  in  spite  of  Loftus  the  Chancellor's  repeated  declaration 
that  Warren  was  a  traitor  to  his  Queen,  neither  the  one  nor 
the  other  was  ever  brought  to  justice,  and  to  the  end  they 
both  appear  to  have  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  their  Govern- 
ment associates  in  Ireland.  At  the  date  of  Lord  Howth's 
accusation  against  Garrett  Moore  in  1608,  the  latter  was  a 
member  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  Chichester,  who  was  Deputy 
at  the  time,  showed  such  evident  reluctance  to  proceed  to 
extremities  against  him  that  it  can  only  be  assumed  that  the 
two  half-brothers  had  some  special  talisman  that  enabled  them 
to  tread  in  safety  passages  that  would  have  brought  others  to 
the  Tower  or  the  block. 

Paule's  accusations  against  Moore  and  Warren  did  not  stop 
short  at  the  charge  of  poisoning.  He  affirmed  that,  after 
Burgh  was  taken  ill,  Garrett  Moore  sent  word  to  Tyrone  that 
the  army  was  so  disorganized  that  it  was  a  favourable  moment 
at  which  to  attack  it ;  and  further  that,  by  arrangement  with 
the  Earl,  Garrett  Moore  himself  led  half  the  army  into  a  pass 
where  an  ambush  had  been  previously  laid,  upon  seeing  which 
the  Deputy  from  his  litter  exclaimed  :  "  Alas  and  woe  is  me, 
my  gracious  Queen,  how  is  thy  service  betrayed  on  all  hands 
in  this  country  ;  this  is  Garrett  Moore's  and  Warren's  doing.  "J 
It  is  satisfactory  to  be  able  to  record  that,  in  spite  of  the  collu- 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202-17-2. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  James,   1608-683.     See  also  Cal.  State  Papers,  Dec. 
13th,  1608. 

J  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202-17-2. 

15 


226  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

sion  between  the  two  leaders,  the  ambush  in  question  failed, 
owing  to  the  chronic  timidity  of  Tyrone,  who,  in  spite  of  his 
advantage  of  position,  proved  too  irresolute  to  charge. 

To  what  extent  Tyrone  and  his  accomplices  among  the 
English  Captains  benefited  by  Burgh's  death,  and  how  his 
straight  dealing  imperilled  their  secret  gains,  can  best  be 
described  in  the  language  of  contemporary  writers.  First, 
as  to  Tyrone's  more  obvious  interests.  Here  we  can  draw 
once  more  on  the  deposition  of  William  Paule,  at  any  rate  a 
brave  and  true  man,  who  was  killed  in  action  a  year  after 
making  his  statement.  Paule  insists  strongly  upon  the  point 
that  Burgh's  death  was  essential  to  the  success  of  Tyrone's 
schemes  for  the  following  reasons  :  "  First,  the  brave  resolution 
of  the  Deputy,  his  audacity  and  forwardness  in  the  execution  of 
all  manner  of  martial  service  against  the  traitor,  and  his  rounder 
proceedings  which  threatened  a  short  conclusion  of  the  war, 
and  consequently  the  ruin  of  all  rebels,  not  to  be  prevented 
by  temporizing  sophistical  dilatory  circumvention  or  delays, 
nor  otherwise  possible  to  be  avoided,  but  either  by  battle, 
which  they  will  not  abide,  or  else  by  violent  means  to  be  com- 
mitted against  the  person  of  the  Deputy." 

In  addition  to  the  above  motives,  Tyrone  had  further  reasons 
for  getting  rid  of  Burgh,  of  which  Paule  probably  knew  nothing. 
For  many  years  past  suggestions  had  been  thrown  out  from 
various  well-informed  quarters  that  the  quickest  and  simplest 
way  to  finish  the  war  and  reduce  Tyrone  to  absolute  sub- 
jection was  by  the  employment  of  a  Scotch  army.  The  chief 
official  opposition  to  this  scheme  had  always  come  from  Sir 
Geoffrey  Fenton,  who  never  tired  of  representing  to  the  Queen's 
Counsellors  the  very  grave  danger  of  allowing  the  Scots  to 
establish  a  firm  footing  in  Ulster.  Fenton,  of  course,  was 
in  Tyrone's  pay,  and  he  earned  his  pay  by  ceaselessly  expa- 
tiating on  the  Earl's  real  but  unappreciated  loyalty,  and  by 
checking,  in  every  other  way  that  was  open  to  him,  the  growing 
tendency  of  the  Queen  towards  drastic  measures.  When  it 
became  no  longer  possible  to  maintain  the  fiction  of  Tyrone's 
supposed  loyalty,  the  Earl  was  officially  dubbed  Traitor  with 
a  capital  "  T,"  and  was  so  referred  to  in  all  future  correspond- 
ence ;  but  Fenton  and  others  continued  to  earn  their  pay  by 
advocating  periodical  truces  or  cessations,  as  they  were  locally 
called,  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  allowing  the  penitent  Earl 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

sufficient  time  to  draw  up  a  suitable  submission.  Since  Tyrone 
had  become  an  avowed  rebel,  the  indefinite  prolongation  of 
these  cessations  had  been  the  common  aim  of  both  English 
officials  and  Irish  chiefs,  with  results  which  the  contemporary 
historian  describes  as  most  disastrous.  "  The  rebellion  was 
nourished  and  increased  by  nothing  more  than  by  the  frequent 
protections  and  pardons  granted,  even  to  those  who  had  for- 
merly abused  this  mercy,  so  as  all  entered  and  continued  to 
be  rebels  with  assurance  to  be  received  to  mercy  at  their 
pleasure,  whereof  they  spared  not  to  brag  ;  and  this  heartened 
the  rebel  no  less  than  it  discouraged  the  subject."* 

With  the  advent  of  Burgh  came  the  realization  by  both 
chiefs  and  officials  that  the  old  order  of  things  was  doomed, 
and  that  its  place  was  to  be  usurped  by  a  regime  of  dismal 
rectitude,  based  on  a  quixotic  desire  to  bring  the  rebellion  to 
a  conclusion.  This  last  was  Burgh's  avowed  intention,  and 
his  common  sense  quickly  made  it  clear  to  him  that  the  short 
road  to  this  end  lay  in  the  employment  of  the  Scots  in  the 
Queen's  interest.  Russell  had  submitted  all  Angus's  offers  of 
service  to  the  English  Council,  backed  by  his  own  recom- 
mendations of  acceptance,  and  in  the  end  had  brought  the 
English  Privy  Council  round  to  his  own  way  of  thinking  ;t 
but  the  sustained  opposition  of  Fenton  and  Norris  had  so  far 
been  a  bar  to  anything  practical  resulting.  Burgh,  however, 
who  had  come  over  with  far  fuller  powers  than  Russell,  saw 
no  need  to  refer  the  matter  to  England  at  all.  Acting  entirely 
on  his  own  initiative,  he  signed  an  agreement  under  which 
Angus's  two  sons,  James  and  Angus  Oge,  were  to  bring  over 
two  thousand  Scots,  Donald  Gorm  another  two  thousand  and 
Maclean  one  thousand,  or  as  many  more  as  he  could  raise. 
These  troops,  by  the  terms  of  the  agreement,  were  to  be  in 
Ulster  at  the  end  of  September,  receiving  as  pay  three  hundred 
pounds  for  every  thousand  men  for  the  first  month,  after 
which  they  were  to  be  "  cessed  "  upon  the  country.  They  were 
also  to  be  entitled  to  half  the  spoil  taken. J  In  signing  this 
agreement  Burgh  had  signed  ihis^own  death-warrant.  His 
signature  on  the  paper  furnished  such  irrefutable  evidence  of 
his  determination  to  end  the  war  that  all  alike  felt  that  such 

*  Fynes  Moryson,  Part  II.,  Chapter  II. 

t  Opinions  of  Privy  Council,  Dec.  26th,  1596. 

j  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-100.     Fynes  Moryson,  Part  II.,  Chapter  II. 

15* 


228  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

an  uncongenial  element  must  be  got  rid  of.  This  step  was 
considered  necessary,  not  only  on  the  grounds  of  the  Deputy's 
impeccability,  but  also  in  order  to  bring  about  a  cancellation 
of  the  agreement  with  the  Scots  ;  for  there  was  not  a  single 
leader,  either  English  or  Irish,  in  Ulster  but  knew  that  if  thi ; 
were  carried  through  the  doom  of  the  rebellion  was  sealed. 

In  this  emergency  Ineenduv  was  sent  over,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  chiefs,  to  try  and  persuade  her  brother  Angus 
to  repudiate  the  whole  arrangement.  She  was  commissioned 
to  offer  him  large  sums  of  money  not  to  send  over  the  men 
agreed  upon.  Angus,  however,  refused  all  her  offers,  declaring 
that  all  he  wanted  was  revenge  on  Tyrone  for  many  wrongs, 
the  chief  of  which  was  his  marriage  with  Magennis's  daughter.* 
Following  on  this,  while  she  was  over  in  Cantyre,  came  the  news 
of  the  Lord  Deputy's  death,  and  the  whole  arrangement  auto- 
matically fell  to  the  ground.  A  sigh  of  relief  now  went  up 
from  Howth  Head  to  Tory  Island.  The  danger  that  had 
threatened  the  confederacy  of  interests  was  averted,  and  rebel 
chiefs,  Dublin  officials  and  English  Captains  breathed  again. 
They  did  more  than  breathe  again,  they  acted  again.  The 
ease  and  safety  with  which  the  troublesome  Deputy  had  been 
got  rid  of  encouraged  an  extension  of  the  same  methods  towards 
other  troublesome  persons  of  the  same  description.  Within 
less  than  three  months  of  the  Deputy's  death  Maurice  Kyffin 
met  a  similar  fate,  to  be  followed  shortly  afterwards  by  his 
secretary  and  successor  in  office,  Henry  Tudor.  In  these  last 
two  tragedies  there  is  no  evidence  of  Tyrone's  complicity,  nor 
was  it  suggested  that  he  was  a  party  to  the  death  of  either. 
Although  he  obviously  had  an  a  priori  interest  in  the  artificial 
shrinkage  of  the  English  bands,  there  were  others  whose 
interests,  and  whose  very  lives,  indeed,  were  jeopardized  by 
the  incriminating  disclosures  of  the  newly-appointed  auditors. 
The  man  chiefly  affected,  both  in  respect  to  pocket  and  reputa- 
tion, was  Sir  Ralph  Lane,  the  Master  of  the  Musters  ;  and  Bir- 
kenshaw — who  on  the  successive  deaths  of  Kyffin  and  Tudor 
was  appointed  to  their  dangerous  office — more  than  hinted 
that  Lane  caused  the  death  of  both  his  predecessors,  and 
would  gladly  make  a  third  victim  of  himself.f 

The  known  facts  surrounding  this  singular  case  are  by  no 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-100. 

t  Birkenshaw  to  Cecil,  Feb.  19th,  1600. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  229 

means  out  of  keeping  with  Birkenshaw's  theory.  Kyffin,  in 
his  letters  to  England,  had  more  than  once  made  the  definite 
statement  that  there  were  plots  afoot  to  kill  him,  and  on 
January  3rd,  1598,  he  died  mysteriously  after  a  short  illness.* 
The  moment  he  was  dead,  Lane  imprisoned  Tudor  his 
secretary,  f  and  used  every  conceivable  threat,  and  many 
brutalities,  in  his  fervent  desire  to  extract  from  the  wretched 
man  the  secret  of  where  the  dead  auditor  had  kept  his  checks 
of  the  Musters.  "  He  was  yoked  to  a  post  with  an  iron  yoke 
about  his  neck,  and  as  many  and  more  irons  on  his  limbs  as 
he  could  bear,  so  that  he  might  not  possibly  lie  down."J 
Neither  bribes,  nor  threats,  nor  tortures,  however,  could  open 
Tudor' s  lips,  and,  at  length,  after  several  weeks  of  the  cruellest 
treatment,  a  commission  arrived  from  England  which  appointed 
him  the  successor  to  his  late  employer.  This  commission  was 
his  triumph,  and  at  the  same  time  his  end,  for  within  a  few 
months  of  his  appointment  he,  too,  died  suddenly  and 
mysteriously.  In  the  case  of  these  two  men  there  is  no  actual 
evidence  of  foul  play  ;  but  it  is  singular,  to  say  the  least  of  it, 
that  the  only  three  honest  officials  in  Ireland  should,  within 
the  short  limits  of  one  year,  have  succumbed  to  the  mysterious 
malady  known  as  Irish  ague.  There  is  also  first-hand  evidence 
that,  at  the  time  at  any  rate,  Kyffin  and  Tudor  were  supposed 
to  have  been  poisoned  either  directly  by,  or  at  the  instigation 
of,  Lane.  Ralph  Birkenshaw,  who  filled  Tudor' s  place  after 
the  latter' s  death,  more  than  hinted  that  both  his  predecessors 
had  been  murdered.  "  For  as  he  (Lane)  dealt  with  Mr.  Kyffin 
and  Henry  Tudor,  his  man,  whom  he  never  left  pursuing  with 
his  discontent  and  hatred  until  death  parted  them,  so  he  keeps 
the  like  bias  with  me,  and  would  willingly  send  me  after 
them."§  The  reason  for  Lane's  venom  against  these  men, 
and  for  his  intense  anxiety  to  get  hold  of  the  true  checks  of 
the  Musters,  was  because  Kyffin' s  disclosures  had  brought  him 
into  such  bad  odour  with  the  Queen  that  he  was  at  one  time 
in  some  danger  of  losing  his  head.  In  his  letter  to  Burleigh 
of  June  8th,  1597,  he  refers  to  "  the  heinous  charges  brought 
against  him,"  and  thanks  Burleigh  for  having  saved  him 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202-1. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202-22. 

%  Tudor  to  Burleigh,  March  26th,  1508. 

$  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207-124. 


280  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

"  from  the  deadly  stroke  of  Her  Majesty's  indignation  very 
near  to  have  fallen  upon  him,"  from  which  it  is  reasonable 
to  infer  that  Kyffin  and  Tudor' s  audit  had  brought  Sir  Ralph 
Lane  into  imminent  peril,  and  might  even  have  made  a  complete 
end  of  him  had  not  his  two  accusers  been  suddenly  cut  off. 

Lord  Burgh's  death  caused  general  joy  in  Ireland,  but  it 
sadly  embarrassed  Elizabeth,  who  was  sore  put  to  it  to  find 
a  worthy  successor  to  the  dead  Deputy.  No  such  man  pre- 
sented himself  at  the  moment,  and  to  fill  up  the  gap  Sir  Thomas 
Norris  was  nominated  Lord  Justice  of  Ireland.  Norris,  who 
was  making  a  very  good  thing  out  of  his  Presidency  of  Munster, 
was  by  no  means  too  pleased  with  the  proposed  change  in  his 
life,  and  wrote  such  pleading  remonstrances  on  the  subject  to 
Cecil,  that  he  was  finally  allowed  to  go  back  to  the  more  con- 
genial rule  of  Munster.  Loftus  and  Gardiner  were  then  ap- 
pointed Lords  Justices,  while  Ormonde  was  given  the  entire 
control  of  the  army  with  the  official  rank  of  Lord  Lieutenant- 
General  of  Her  Majesty's  Forces  in  Ireland. 

Nothing  could  have  suited  Tyrone  better  than  this  arrange- 
ment. Loftus  and  Gardiner  had  long  been  in  his  pay,  so  that, 
as  far  as  the  civil  government  was  concerned,  he  had  no  fears. 
Ormonde,  however,  was  an  unknown  quantity.  His  path  and 
Tyrone's  had  so  far  not  crossed,  nor  had  their  interests  clashed. 
Yet  he  was  clearly  the  very  first  man  to  be  propitiated  if  the 
pleasant  relations  of  the  past  were  to  be  maintained.  Tyrone 
•wrote  to  him  in  his  usual  strain,  underlining  his  love  for  the 
person  of  Her  Majesty  and  his  fundamental  loyalty,  and  finishing 
up  with  the  usual  petition  for  a  two-months'  truce.  Ormonde, 
in  reply,  gave  no  definite  undertaking,  but  promised  that  he 
would  meet  Tyrone  at  Dundalk  in  December  and  talk  things 
over. 

Before,  however,  we  come  to  this  much-discussed  interview 
and  its  results,  it  would  be  well  first  to  get  level  with  contem- 
porary events  in  the  north  of  Ireland.  The  interest  of  these 
is  chiefly  confined  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Carrickiergus, 
where,  for  some  months  past,  things  had  been  going  very  far 
from  well  with  the  English.  For  twenty  years  past  the  two 
North  Clandeboye  chiefs,  Shane  McBrian  and  Neil  McHugh,  had 
been  alternately  rebellious  and  loyal.  If  Shane  was  in  rebellion, 
Neil  at  once  became  loyal,  and  vice-versa,  the  aim  of  each  being 
the  acquisition  of  his  cousin's  lands.  Encouraged,  however,  by 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  281 

the  impotence  of  Morris,  and  the  consequent  expansion  of 
Tyrone's  tentacles,  both  these  Clandeboye  chiefs  had  simul- 
taneously revolted  about  the  time  of  Lord  Burgh's  arrival  in 
Ireland,  and  had  joined  forces  with  Brian  McArt  and  Arthur 
Magennis,  with  a  view  to  dividing  up  the  counties  of  Antrim 
and  Down  between  the  four  of  them.  The  combination  was, 
however,  heavily  defeated  in  the  field  by  Sir  John  Chichester, 
who  early  in  July  had  taken  over  the  government  of  Carrick- 
fergus.  Under  the  impotence  of  the  former  regime,  both  the 
principal  fortresses  in  North  Clandeboye  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Irish,  Shane  McBrian  being  responsible  for  the 
capture  of  Belfast,  and  Neil  McHugh  for  that  of  Edenduff- 
carrick.  Of  the  capture  of  the  first-named  place,  which  was 
in  charge  of  Ensign  Pullen,  very  grueome  details  are  furnished 
by  Captain  Egerton's  servant,  Anthony  Bering,  in  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  on  the  subject  to  Mrs.  Egerton.  "  Pullen," 
he  wrote,  "  was  as  unfit  a  man  as  could  have  been  chosen  for 
the  place,  who,  under  colour  of  his  charge,  robbed  the  people 
and  took  their  goods  to  maintain  his  drunkenness.  When 
Pullen  was  drunk  at  Carrickfergus,  his  own  man,  John  Aboyless, 
gave  Belfast  to  the  enemy  on  June  18th.  All  the  English  in 
the  garrison  were  hanged,  their  throats  cut,  and  their  bowels 
cut  out  of  their  bellies  by  Shane  McBrian.  Next  day,  by 
means  of  Captain  Thornton,  the  Castle  was  retaken."* 
Chichester  corroborates  the  story  as  far  as  the  killing  of  the 
garrison  is  concerned,  but  the  fort  was  not  retaken,  as  Bering 
affirms,  next  day,  but  three  weeks  later,  on  July  llth.  Thorn- 
ton, as  he  correctly  states,  supplied  the  necessary  boats  from 
his  ship,  and  at  high  tide  a  landing  was  effected  close  to  the 
walls,  and  the  garrison,  taken  completely  by  surprise,  was  easily 
overpowered  and  all  killed. f  At  the  beginning  of  August, 
Chichester  followed  up  this  success  by  retaking  Edenduffcarrick. 
This  last  achievement  appears  to  have  been  highly  creditable 
to  Chichester,  who,  in  the  assault,  showed  great  dash  and 
personal  courage,  and  who  also  gave  evidence  of  considerable 
organizing  powers.  These  three  successive  defeats  brought 
Shane  and  Neil  to  their  knees^  and  in  company  with  Neil 
McBrian  Feartagh — who  was  at  the  best  always  a  half-hearted 
rebel — they  came  into  Carrickfergus,  and  there  went  down 

*  Anthony  Bering  to  Mrs.  Egerton,  June  20th,  1597. 
f  Chichester  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  16th,  1597. 


232  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER] 

on  their  knees  in  the  usual  fashion  of  repentant  rebels. 
Chichester,  being  new  to  the  country,  was  in  some  doubt  as  to 
how  he  should  deal  with  a  man  who  had  just  disembowelled 
an  entire  English  garrison,  and,  in  view  of  all  the  circumstances, 
he  thought  it  best  to  convey  the  whole  party  up  to  Dublin, 
there  to  have  their  various  crimes,  claims,  grievances  and 
quarrels  properly  adjudicated  by  others  more  conversant  with 
the  ways  of  the  country  than  himself.  The  Dublin  award, 
which  seems  curiously  lenient  under  the  circumstances,  was 
that  Neil  McBrian  Feartagh,  whose  misdemeanours  were  of  a 
mild  order,  should  be  reinstated  in  the  lordship  of  South 
Clandeboye,  but  that  the  two  grandsons  of  Phelim  Bacagh 
were  for  the  time  being  to  be  incarcerated  in  Carrickfergus. 

The  adversity  of  the  two  North  Clandeboye  chiefs  was  always 
the  opportunity  of  the  sons  of  Sorley  Boy,  and  the  brothers 
James  and  Randall  were  not  long  in  overrunning  the  now 
derelict  county  of  Antrim.  They  had  already  turned  their 
cousins  out  of  the  Glynns,  and — mindful  perhaps  of  Donald 
Gorm's  threat  to  come  back  and  annihilate  them — they  now 
completed  their  former  work  by  demolishing  the  two  Castles 
of  Glenarm  and  Red  Bay,*  so  as,  at  all  events,  to  make  sure 
that  their  avenging  cousins  should  have  no  strongholds  on 
their  return  from  which  to  start  operations. 

In  spite  of  having  added  the  Glynns  to  their  landed  estates, 
neither  James  nor  his  brother  Randall  showed  any  disposition 
to  take  up  residence  there.  Possibly  they  reckoned  the  district 
too  near  Carrickfergus  for  safety,  or  too  easily  assailable  from 
Cantyre,  should  Donald  Gorm  carry  out  his  threat.  At  any 
rate,  they  were  content  for  the  moment  to  destroy  the  Glynns 
Castles,  and  to  live  exclusively  at  their  picturesque  and  more 
inaccessible  stronghold  of  Dunluce,  the  natural  impregnability 
of  which  was  enhanced  by  three  pieces  of  brass  ordnance, 
taken  from  the  wrecked  Spanish  ship  Gerona,  which  peered 
menacingly  out  from  the  ramparts.  Here  they  awaited  the 
turn  that  events  might  take  under  the  strange  direction  of  a 
Deputy  who  valued  honour  higher  than  personal  gain.  All 
doubts  on  this  score  having  been  settled  by  his  untimely  fate, 
James  McSorley  no  longer  hesitated,  but  openly  declared  him- 
self on  the  side  of  Tyrone  ;  and,  in  order  to  cement  the  newly- 
formed  alliance,  organized  a  raid  in  force  on  Magee  Island, 

*  Chichester  to  Burleigh,  Sept.  16th,  1597. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  283 

now  the  property  of  Robert  Earl  of  Essex.  The  raid,  which 
took  place  on  November  1st,  was  entirely  satisfactory  from 
the  raiders'  point  of  view.  Elated  with  his  success,  Sir  James 
(he  had  lately  been  knighted  by  the  King  of  Scotland)  then 
moved  west,  and,  taking  up  a  defiant  position  a  mile  or  so  to 
the  north-east  of  Carrickfergus,  proceeded  to  indulge  in  a 
series  of  provocative  manoeuvres  in  full  view  of  the  garrison. 
Such  a  direct  challenge  was  too  much  for  the  patience  of  so  hot- 
blooded  a  warrior  as  Chichester.  Leaving  half  the  garrison 
within  the  ramparts  under  command  of  Captain  Charles  Mansell, 
he  led  out  the  remainder  in  the  direction  of  the  intruders.  His 
original  intention  was  not  to  fight,  but  to  inquire  the  business 
of  the  Scots,  and  to  request  them  to  remove  themselves  to  a 
more  convenient  distance.  On  arriving  within  speaking  dis- 
tance, however,  it  was  suggested  to  Chichester  by  Captain 
Moses  Hill,  who  was  backed  up  by  that  redoubtable  fighter, 
Captain  Merriman,  that  the  Scots  were  in  a  very  irregular 
formation,  and  that  the  opportunity  for  a  sudden  and  successful 
charge  should  not  be  wasted.  Chichester  was  only  too  ready 
to  accept  such  counsels,  and,  in  spite  of  the  grave  warnings  of 
Captain  Rice  Mansell,  at  once  led  the  attack.  The  Scots 
appeared  to  give  way,  but  kept  up  a  Parthian  fight  for  some 
miles,  alternatively  standing  and  retiring,  till  the  glen  of 
Altfracken*  was  reached.  Here,  in  the  thick  scrub  that 
clothed  the  sides  of  the  glen,  five  hundred  Scots  had  been  placed 
in  ambush,  and  these  now  opened  a  devastating  fire  on  the 
entrapped  English.f  Chichester  received  two  wounds  in  the 
body,  and  was  finally  shot  through  the  head  and  fell  dead 
from  his  horse.  Almost  every  officer  in  the  party  was  either 
killed  or  wounded.  Captain  Merriman,  although  wounded  in 
two  places,  managed  to  swim  across  the  Olderfieet  River,  and 
so  escaped.  Captains  North  and  Moses  Hill  and  Lieutenant 
Barry  were  also  among  the  survivors,  and  Captain  Constable 
was  taken  prisoner,  but  all  the  rest,  including  Captain  Rice 
Mansell,  were  killed.  The  total  casualties  approached  two 
hundred,  and  of  the  brave  force  that  had  sallied  forth  in  the 
morning,  only  twelve  got  back  to  Carrickfergus  that  night. 
The  next  day,  however,  some  fifty  more,  who  had  lain  hidden 

*  Now  the  Old  Mill  Glen  near  Redhall. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  201-08-1. 


234  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

in  reeds  and  rushes  during  the  night,  straggled  back  to  the 
safety  of  the  town.* 

The  tale  of  disaster  to  the  English  did  not  end  with  the 
slaughter  at  Altfracken,  for  shortly  afterwards  Captain  Merri- 
inan,  while  making  his  way  to  Dublin  by  sea,  had  the  misfortune 
to  fall  overboard  and  was  drowned,  to  the  unbounded  jubilation 
of  Tyrone,  who  declared  that  he  would  sooner  have  Merriman's 
head  than  the  heads  of  any  other  forty  English  in  Ireland — 
a  remarkable  tribute  to  the  integrity  and  fighting  qualities 
of  Captain  Merriman. 

*  Egerton  to  Norris,  Nov.  6th,  1507. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

Meeting  of  Ormonde  and  Tyrone  at  Dundalk — Ormonde's  extraordinary  con- 
cessions— Indignation  of  the  Queen — Mountjoy's  opinion  asked — Captain 
Lee  accuses  Ormonde  of  treason — Lee's  character — Tyrone  granted  an 
eight  months'  truce — Desperate  condition  of  the  Blackwater  garrison — 
Bagenal's  relief  expedition — His  defeat  at  Yellow  Ford — Plight  of  the 
remnant  of  Bagenal's  army — Surrender  of  the  Blackwater  fort — Tyrone's 
magnanimity — Disastrous  effects  of  the  Yellow  Ford  defeat — Spread  of 
the  rebellion. 

WE  can  now  return  to  the  fateful  interview  between 
the  Earls  of  Ormonde  and  Tyrone,  which  it  will 
be  remembered  had  been  fixed  for  December.  The  Protestant 
Earl  of  the  south  and  the  Roman  Catholic  Earl  of  the  north 
met  at  Dundalk  as  agreed,  the  former  having  the  advantage 
(or  the  disadvantage)  of  Sir  Geoffrey  Fenton  at  his  elbow 
throughout  the  proceedings  that  ensued.  Tyrone,  as  usual, 
conducted  himself  with  considerable  dignity,  and,  according 
to  the  Bishop  of  Meath,  who  was  present,  delivered  himself 
of  the  following  rare  and  admirable  sentiments,  as  the  justi- 
fication for  his  rebellious  attitude.  "  By  the  cross  of  this 
sword,"  he  declared,  "  I  look  neither  for  Spain  nor  Scotland 
to  help  me,  but  I  will  not  have  it  to  be  said  that  I  should  be 
counted  a  perjured  wretch  to  those  that  I  am  sworn  to,  and 
to  leave  them  in  the  danger." 

The  conference  lasted  four  days.  Tyrone's  original  demands 
were  for  a  two  months'  truce,  and  the  restitution  of  O'Reilly 
(who  was  ninety  years  of  age)  in  the  lordship  of  Cavan  for  the 
remainder  of  his  life.  Ormonde's  only  condition  was  that 
Tyrone  should  revictual  the  Blackwater  fort  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  truce.  These  terms  were  practically  agreed 
to,  and  Tyrone  was  on  the  point  of  putting  his  signature  to 
the  contract  when  Henry  Hoveden  pulled  his  sleeve  and  stopped 
him.*  After  a  whispered  conference  between  the  Irish  chief 
and  his  English  Prime  Minister,  the  following  clause  was  added 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  302-89. 
236 


236  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

to  the  treaty  :  that  McMahon,  Magennis,  O'Hanlon,  Maguire 
and  the  two  Clandeboye  chiefs,  Neil  McBrian  Feartagh  and 
Shane  McBrian,  should  from  that  date  on  be  Tyrone's  urraghs 
instead  of  the  Queen's,  the  latter  arrangement  to  be  in  per- 
petuity. After  a  decent  pretence  of  hesitation  and  discussion, 
Ormonde  yielded  the  point. 

These  concessions  in  effect  amounted  to  a  free  gift  to  Tyrone 
of  every  point  for  which  the  Queen  had  been  so  assiduously 
fighting,  with  much  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure,  for  over 
thirty  years  ;  and,  in  the  circumstances,  it  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at  that  Elizabeth's  indignation,  on  receipt  of  the  news, 
was  hardly  to  be  restrained.  Tyrone,  conscious  of  having 
gained  every  point  for  which  he  was  out,  scrupulously  carried 
out  his  part  of  the  bargain,  though  by  no  means  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  hungry  Blackwater  garrison,  who  complained 
that  the  cattle  he  sent  them  were  the  thinnest  ever  seen,  even 
in  Ulster. 

More  than  ever  had  the  Queen  now  cause  to  regret  the  death 
of  Lord  Burgh  and  the  necessity  which,  in  consequence,  was 
once  more  forced  upon  her  of  entrusting  her  affairs  to  the  hands 
of  intriguing  politicians.  She  complained  bitterly,  but  with 
perfect  justice,  that  for  a  few  skeleton  cows  (probably  stolen 
from  the  English)  Ormonde  had  sold  all  her  interests  in  Ulster. 
She  further  maintained,  with  equal  justice,  that  there  had  been 
no  necessity  for  a  parley  of  any  description,  as  Ormonde  had 
sufficient  troops  at  his  disposal  to  have  completely  crushed 
the  rebellion,  had  he  so  willed.  Ormonde's  defence  was  that 
his  troops  were  physically  incapable  of  undertaking  a  winter 
campaign.  "  The  bodies  of  the  men,"  he  wrote,  "  be  so  miser- 
able in  show  as  they  resemble  more  prisoners,  or  men  worn 
out  in  body  and  mind  with  some  hard  affliction,  than  soldiers 
fit  to  serve  a  prince."  All  this  may  have  been  as  represented, 
but  the  explanation  failed  signally  to  satisfy  Elizabeth,  and  for 
many  a  long  day  to  come  the  ignominious  treaty  concluded 
by  Ormonde  continued  to  rankle  in  her  mind.  It  even  survived 
the  effect  of  a  very  similar  transaction  carried  out  shortly  after- 
wards by  her  favourite  Essex  ;  for  we  find  her  as  late  as  1601 
writing  to  Mount  joy — who  had  been  in  Ireland  at  the  time 
of  Ormonde's  negotiations — asking  his  opinion  as  to  what 
had  actually  taken  place  at  the  memorable  Dundalk  Confer- 
ence. What  actually  took  place  on  that  occasion  no  one  of 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  287 

course  could  say,  except  the  two  Earls,  Geoffrey  Fenton  and 
Henry  Hoveden,  and  these  were  not  likely  to  make  public 
more  than  suited  them.  Mount  joy  replied  in  the  following 
enigmatical  phrases  :  "  The  Earl  of  Ormonde's  parley,  I  vow 
on  my  allegiance  to  God  and  you,  was  without  my  privity  ; 
and  so  much  have  I  distasted  the  like  in  others  that,  before 
this  accident,  I  had  forbidden  it  to  private  captains,  and  no 
rebel  hath  ever  yet  spoken  to  myself  but  on  his  knees.  But 
if  I  may  presume  to  yield  unto  Your  Majesty  a  just  excuse 
for  the  President  of  Munster  [Ormonde],  as  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  hinder  the  Earl's  parley,  so  his  intention  to  be  present 
was  to  do  you  service  by  discovering  in  his  manner  many 
jealousies  conceived  upon  good  grounds  and  of  great  conse- 
quence to  Your  Majesty."* 

Ormonde's  most  persistent  accuser  over  the  matter  of  the 
conference  was  Captain  Thomas  Lee,  the  value  of  whose  state- 
ments was  considerably  discounted  by  the  fact  that,  at  the 
time  they  were  made,  he  was  himself  lying  in  Dublin  Castle 
under  a  charge  of  treason.  Lee,  who  was  the  younger  son  of 
a  very  good  Cheshire  family,  was  twice  tried  for  treason,  but 
on  each  occasion  acquitted,  mainly  owing  to  the  good  offices 
of  influential  friends  in  England,  of  whom  Essex  was  not  the 
least.  He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  personal  courage,  and 
of  very  high  military  capacity,  but  was  strongly  suspected 
by  many  of  treasonable  complicity  with  the  rebels.  His 
bitterest  enemy  was  Fenton,  and  his  most  consistent  apologist 
Lane.  He  was  finally  executed  in  the  Tower  for  a  mad  attempt 
to  seize  the  person  of  the  Queen  during  Essex's  abortive 
revolution. 

The  substance  of  Lee's  accusation  was  that  Tyrone  and 
Ormonde  were  in  reality  partners  in  the  rebellion,  the  arrange- 
ment being  that  Tyrone's  son  Hugh  was  to  marry  Ormonde's 
daughter,  and  that  the  two  Earls  were  to  divide  up  Ireland 
between  them,  Tyrone  ruling  north  of  Boyne  and  Ormonde 
south  of  it.  This  may  all  have  been  fiction,  but  that  which 
stands  out  as  solid  fact  is  that  Ormonde  subsequently  extended 
Tyrone's  two  months'  truce  for  a  further  eight  months,  without 
exacting  any  compensating  concessions  from  the  rebel  Earl, 
and,  indeed,  without  stipulating  that  Tyrone  should  continue 
to  supply  the  Blackwater  fort  with  provisions.  This  eight 

*  Cotton  Collection. 


288  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

months'  extension  can  by  no  apologetic  ingenuity  be  con- 
strued otherwise  than  as  a  deliberate  betrayal  of  the  Queen's 
interests,  for,  while  the  Blackwater  garrison  was  gradually 
starving,  Tyrone  had  eight  months'  guarantee  of  immunity 
from  molestation,  during  which  to  make  preparations  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  relieving  expedition  which  he  knew  must 
sooner  or  later  be  sent.  As  has  already  been  explained,  Tyrone's 
only  real  concern  in  military  matters  was  over  the  Blackwater 
fort.  It  was  to  him  what  Constantinople  was  to  Disraeli,  the 
key-position,  the  sacred  inviolability  of  which  overshadowed 
all  outside  considerations.  That  the  eight  months'  extension 
of  the  truce  to  which  Ormonde  agreed  was  sought  by  Tyrone 
with  the  sole  object  of  getting  the  Blackwater  once  more  into 
his  hands  is  beyond  the  range  of  doubt.  For  ten  months  from 
the  date  of  Lord  Burgh's  death,  hostilities  had  ceased  by  arrange- 
ment with  the  Queen's  acting  representatives.  During  the  last 
eight  months  of  that  period  the  Blackwater  garrison  had  to 
subsist  as  best  it  could.  By  the  end  of  the  ten  months  it  was 
in  the  last  extremities  of  starvation,  subsisting  wholly  on  the 
roots  and  plants  that  grew  on  the  ramparts  of  the  fort.*  Then 
at  last  the  tardy  relief  expedition  was  organized,  and  by  that 
time  Tyrone  was  sufficiently  strong  to  inflict  on  the  English 
the  worst  defeat  they  had  yet  sustained  in  Ireland.  This 
happened  in  August  of  the  following  year,  1598. 

On  the  12th  day  of  that  month  Sir  Henry  Bagenal,  the 
Marshal,  rode  out  of  Newry  at  the  head  of  3,500  foot  and  500 
horse  for  the  long  delayed  relief  of  the  Blackwater  fort. 
Armagh  was  reached  without  opposition,  and  on  the  14th 
the  army  set  out  on  the  final  stage  of  its  journey.  About 
two  miles  north-west  of  Armagh,  in  a  thickly-wooded  spot 
near  the  Callan  River,  locally  known  as  the  Yellow  Ford,  the 
further  progress  of  the  army  was  found  to  be  barred  by  a  deep 
trench  over  a  mile  in  length,  which  was  flanked  on  either  side 
by  impassable  bogs.  Bagenal  had  divided  his  force  into  six 
regiments,  which  marched  in  column,  with  very  long  intervals 
between  the  respective  regiments — a  formation  which  was 
afterwards  severely  criticized.  Captain  Percy,  who  commanded 
the  leading  regiment,  attacked  the  trench  with  great  gallantry, 
and  actually  succeeded  in  capturing  it,  but  he  then  found  him- 
self completely  isolated,  and  surrounded  by  vastly  superior 

*  Cox  :   "  Hibernia  Anglicana." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  M9 

numbers  of  the  enemy.  Had  Bagenal,  who  was  personally 
present  with  the  second  regiment,  promptly  come  up  to  his 
support,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  advantage  originally 
gained  would  have  been  maintained.  But  Bagenal  did  not 
come  up,  except  after  a  long  delay.  Personal  courage  had  never 
been  the  Marshal's  strong  point ;  in  fact  it  is  not  too  much  to 
say  that  he  was  found  deficient  in  that  quality  on  every  occasion 
when  the  test  was  put.  Captain  Lee  had  gone  so  far,  after 
Bagenal' s  somewhat  hurried  retirement  from  the  Battle  of 
Glenarm,  as  to  say  that  the  Marshal  "  was  ever  held  of  the  world 
to  be  a  man  of  most  cowardly  behaviour."  At  the  Yellow  Ford, 
however,  he  was  destined  to  make  full  reparation  for  all  such 
alleged  shortcomings-,  for,  when  he  did  ultimately  arrive  on  the 
scene,  he  was  at  once  shot  through  the  head  and  killed.  This 
was  only  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  further  disasters.  The 
brass  saker  which  accompanied  the  column  stuck  fast  in  a 
bog  ;  all  the  oxen  dragging  it  were  shot,  and  it  could  by  no 
means  be  extricated.  To  add  to  the  misfortunes  of  the  Govern- 
ment troops,  two  barrels  of  gunpowder  exploded,  killing  a 
number  of  men  and  throwing  such  as  were  not  killed  into 
hopeless  confusion.  The  new  English  levies  behaved  very 
badly,  and  all  the  Irish  went  over  to  the  enemy  the  moment 
they  saw  which  way  the  tide  was  setting.  The  end  of  it  all 
was  that  Bagenal' s  force  was  utterly  routed  with  very  heavy 
loss.  Bagenal  himself,  and  Captains  Evans,  Morgan,  Turner, 
Street,  Leigh,  Ellesdon,  Banks,  Petty,  Henshaw,  Bethel,  For- 
tescue  and  Hawes  were  killed,  as  was  also  Mulmore  O'Reilly, 
who,  as  the  Government  candidate  for  Cavan,  was  on  the 
English  side.*  Ormonde,  in  writing  to  the  Privy  Council, 
placed  the  total  losses  at  15  Captains,  9  lieutenants,  5  ensigns 
and  855  rank  and  file.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  names 
of  Captains  William  Warren  and  Garrett  Moore  do  not  appear 
in  the  list  of  casualties.  On  the  other  side  two  of  Art 
McBaron'sf  sons  were  killed  and  a  nephew  of  James  McSorley, 
but  the  total  losses  were  small  by  the  side  of  those  of  the 
English.  Tyrone  himself  was  not  present  at  the  fight,  the 
three  generals  opposed  to  Bagenal  being  Hugh  Maguire  and 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  III.-20-1  ;    also  28-3  and  84-1. 
t  Art  McBaron  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any  special  military  capacity 
himself,  but  his  sons  had  a  great  reputation.      Brian   McArt  was  reckoned  by 
Chichester  to  be  by  far  the  ablest  leader  on  the  Irish  side,  and  his  much  younger 
half-brother  Owen  Roe  made  a  considerable  reputation  as  a  general. 


240  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell  in  command  of  the  Irish,  and  James 
McSorley  in  command  of  the  Scots.  Tyrone's  absence  from  the 
Yellow  Ford  battle-field  did  not  prevent  the  Irish  panegyrists 
from  giving  full  scope  to  their  imaginative  talents  in  a  patriotic 
effort  to  do  him  honour.  In  a  special  epic  written  for  the 
occasion,  they  credited  him  with  having  killed  50,000  of  the 
English  in  the  battle,  taken  3,000  principal  captains  prisoners, 
and  set  free  2,000  notable  Ulster  chiefs.* 

The  remnants  of  Bagenal's  army,  numbering  some  1,500, 
found  their  way  back  as  best  they  could  to  Armagh,  where 
they  fortified  themselves  in  the  Great  Church,  and  prepared 
to  resist  a  siege.  Tyrone,  however,  whose  military  ambitions 
never  aimed  further  than  the  demolition  of  the  Black  water 
fort,  was  content  to  utilize  the  predicament  of  the  Govern- 
ment force  for  the  furtherance  of  the  one  object  which  he 
kept  ceaselessly  before  his  eyes.  The  demoralized  mob  shel- 
tering in  Armagh  church  was  wholly  at  his  mercy.  They  were 
for  the  most  part  without  arms,  and  wholly  without  leaders. 
Tyrone,  with  the  vast  concourse  of  armed  men  that  had  gathered 
to  his  standard  since  his  victory,  had  only  to  attack  the  church 
vigorously  in  order  to  annihilate  those  within.  The  usual 
engine  in  such  cases  was  fire.  The  victorious  rebel,  however, 
was  content  to  hold  the  beleaguered  1%500  under  his  hand  as  a 
cat  holds  a  captive  mouse.  His  irreducible  terms  were  the 
surrender  of  the  Blackwater  fort.  If  this  were  yielded,  he 
undertook  that  the  rabble  in  the  church  should  be  allowed 
to  make  its  way  back  unmolested  to  Newry.  If  it  was  not 
yielded  they  should  all  die.  It  seems  strange  that  a  handful 
of  starved  men  in  a  fort  with  mud  Walls — now  cut  off  from  all 
hope  of  relief — should  be  more  difficult  of  capture  than  a  church 
packed  tight  with  1,500  men  ;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that 
the  assault  of  fortified  strongholds  was  a  form  of  fighting  to 
which  the  Irish  were  not  accustomed,  and  which  it  was  difficult 
to  get  them  to  undertake.  Tyrone  had  already  made  one 
attempt,  with  all  his  available  forces,  to  capture  the  Blackwater 
fort  by  assault,  but  with  very  unsatisfactory  results,f  and  it 
is  more  than  probable  that  he  was  unable  to  persuade  his  men 
to  a  second  attempt,  which  he  most  certainly  would  not  have 
led  himself.  The  rabble  in  Armagh  church,  on  the  other  hand, 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  James,  1608-218. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  11-105. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  241 

was  entirely  destitute  of  any  effective  means  of  self-defence. 
If  its  destruction  had  been  determined  upon  it  could  easily 
have  been  accomplished,  without  risk  to  the  assailants,  by 
the  simple  process  of  setting  fire  to  the  church,  which  was  the 
method  usually  adopted  in  such  cases. 

So  very  clear  did  this  appear  to  the  men  of  the  beleaguered 
force  at  Armagh  that  they  sent  an  urgent  message  to  Captain 
Williams  imploring  him  to  save  all  their  lives  by  surrendering 
the  Blackwater  fort  to  the  Earl.*  At  the  same  time,  the  Dublin 
Privy  Council  wrote  to  Tyrone  in  the  most  abject  strain  pleading 
for  his  forbearance.  A  more  undignified  and  humiliating 
production  can  hardly  be  conceived,  nor  would  such  a  letter 
have  been  possible  from  any  but  from  such  as  were  in  close 
and  constant  touch  with  the  man  whom,  in  their  letters  to 
London,  they  never  failed  to  allude  to  as  "  the  Traitor." 

Elizabeth's  comments  on  this  famous  letter  were  scathing 
in  the  extreme.  "  You  of  my  Council,"  she  wrote,  "  framed 
such  a  letter  to  the  Traitor  after  the  defeat  as  never  was  read 
the  like,  either  in  form  or  substance,  for  baseness," f  a  verdict 
with  which  no  one  who  has  the  curiosity  to  turn  up  the  docu- 
ment in  question  is  likely  to  disagree.  The  whinings  of  the 
Privy  Council  were,  as  things  turned  out,  unnecessary,  for 
Captain  Williams  yielded  to  the  supplications  of  the  terrified 
mob  in  Armagh  church,  and  gave  up  the  Blackwater  fort  to 
Tyrone ;  who  thereupon  faithfully  carried  out  his  side  of  the 
compact,  and  allowed  the  remnant  of  Bagenal's  defeated 
army  to  return  to  Newry  unscathed.  Tyrone's  own  explanation 
of  an  act  of  magnanimity,  which  was  certainly  unusual  in 
sixteenth- century  warfare,  was  that — now  that  Bagenal  was 
lead  and  the  Blackwater  fort  in  his  own  hands — he  had  no 
special  grudge  against  the  rest  of  the  English,  and  he  was  par- 
ticularly anxious  to  disband  his  own  forces,  which  cost  him 
£500  a  day  so  long  as  they  were  concentrated  for  action  in  the 
field. 

The  whole  incident  tends  to  accentuate  the  peculiarly  defen- 
sive character  of  Tyrone's  rebellion.  Only  once,  prior  to  the 
arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  did  he  take  the  offensive  against  the 
Government  forces  ;  nor  did  he  at  any  time  show  a  disposition 
to  be  aggressive  or  rebellious  in  the  strict  sense,  except  in  the 
matter  of  the  Blackwater  fort,  the  occupation  of  which  by  the 

*  Fynes  Moryson.          f  Queen  to  Privy  Council,  Sept.  12th,  1598. 

16 


242  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Government  troops  was  the  point  at  which  his  indifference 
broke.  Outside  of  that  one  contentious  point  he  aimed  only 
at  immunity  from  interference  in  his  dealings  with  the  minor 
chiefs  from  whom  he  extracted  his  enormous  income.  In  order 
to  gain  this  financial  advantage,  he  was  content  to  dispense 
his  own  and  Spanish  money  with  a  lavish  hand  among  the  civil 
and  military  officers  of  the  Government.  He  seems  to  have 
attached  supreme  importance  to  the  inviolable  privacy  of  the 
county  of  Tyrone.  The  establishment  of  a  Government  post 
at  Blackwater  he  regarded  not  only  as  a  standing  menace 
to  the  sanctity  of  his  dominions,  but  as  a  slur  on  his  dignity 
as  the  O'Neil.  It  was  equivalent  in  his  eyes  to  the  installation 
of  a  jailer  in  the  entrance  lodge  to  his  private  park.  The 
moment,  however,  that  this  thorn  was  extracted  from  his  flesh, 
either  by  his  own  efforts  or  by  the  complacency  of  the  English 
officials,  his  active  hostility  towards  the  Government  auto- 
matically ceased. 

The  immediate  effect  of  the  Yellow  Ford  victory  was — as 
may  easily  be  imagined — to  enormously  increase  Tyrone's 
prestige  and  to  give  to  the  general  revolt  against  English 
rule  a  stimulus  hitherto  undreamt  of.  The  spirit  of  rebellion 
quickly  overflowed  the  boundaries  of  Ulster  and  Connaught. 
In  Leix  and  Offally  2,000  O'Moores  and  O'Connors  armed 
themselves,  with  noisy  demonstrations,  and  flew  the  ascendant 
flag  of  rebellion.  A  suddenly-inspired  patriot  named  Donnell 
Spainagh  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  four-figure  army  in 
Wexford,  and  even  as  far  south  as  Munster  the  infection  took 
hold  of  Lord  Mountgarrett,*  who  got  together  a  force  of  2,000 
rebels,  and  invited  Tyrone's  son  Con  to  come  down  and  place 
himself  at  their  head. 

*  Mountgarrett's  eldest  son,  Richard  Butler,  vraa  married  to  Tyrone's  daughter. 


Increasing  power  of  Tyrone — His  army  estimated  at  30,000 — Essex  lands  in 
Dublin — His  expedition  to  the  south — Essex's  renewal  of  Lord  Burgh's 
contract  for  Scots — His  expedition  to  the  north — Conference  with  Tyrone 
at  Anaghclint — Suspicious  features  of  the  conference — Ingratitude  of 
Essex  and  Tyrone — Essex's  revolutionary  schemes — Sir  William  Warren's 
disclosures — Essex  leaves  for  England — His  appearance  at  Nonsuch — His 
arrest  and  trial — Removal  of  Sir  Arthur  Chichester — Sir  George  Carey's 
protest — Essex's  revolution — His  death. 

WITH  the  military  forces  in  Ireland  hopelessly  dis- 
organized, with  no  responsible  head  to  the  Govern- 
ment, with  the  official  representatives  of  law  and  order  them- 
selves notoriously  unworthy  of  respect,  and  with  the  ball 
of  fate  to  all  appearance  at  the  feet  of  an  exuberant  rebellion, 
the  outlook  of  the  century's  penultimate  year  was  about  as 
bad  as  it  could  be.  There  is  a  philosophic  cult  which  holds 
that  to  every  country  no  less  than  to  every  individual  is  meted 
out  the  exact  fortune  deserved.  If  this  is  sound  philosophy, 
then  Ireland's  political  misfortunes  in  the  sixteenth  century 
would  appear  to  have  been  no  more  than  the  natural  outcome 
of  the  general  low  level  of  social  morality  throughout  the 
country.  It  is  probable  that  this  level  was  never  lower — even 
in  Fitz  william's  day — than  it  was  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1598.  Every  man  worked  solely  for  his  own  profit.  Neither 
public  not  private  morality  had  any  existence  in  fact.  Religion 
was  merely  a  pretext  for  the  endowment  of  indolent  and  evil- 
living  State-pensioners.  Justice  was  only  to  be  had  by  pay- 
ment ;  when  both  sides  paid,  the  highest  bidder  won.  No 
man  trusted  another,  and,  like  jackals  snarling  over  a  carcass, 
each  plunderer  grudged  his  neighbour  a  share  that  might  other- 
wise have  come  his  own  way.  An  anonymous  lament  over  the 
general  decadence,  published  in  1598,  gives  the  following 
curious  description  of  contemporary  society  in  Ireland  :* 

"  Notwithstanding    many    wise,    godly    and    virtuous,    yet 

*  See  also  Appendix  A  to  Introduction  Carew  MSS.,  1580-1000. 

«43  1 6* 


244  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

there  were  out  of  England  traitors,  murderers,  thieves,  coseners, 
coney-catchers,  shifting  mates,  runners-away  with  other  men's 
wives,  some  having  two  or  three  wives,  persons  divorced  living 
loosely,  bankrupts,  carnal  gospellers,  papists,  puritans,  Brown- 
ists.  .  .  .  One  great  fault  they  find  in  the  President  of  the 
Province  [Sir  Thomas  Norris]  is  that,  if  there  be  just  cause 
of  complaint  against  the  Irishry,  the  President,  laying  aside 
English  sympathies,  favours  the  Irish  more  than  the  English 
because  he  [sic]  brought  somewhat  in  his  hand  and  the  English 
came  empty  and  empty  he  went  away.  All  the  mischief." 
the  writer  continues  with  some  inconsequence,  "  cometh 
from  the  high  Prelates.  Such  Archbishops,  Bishops,  Deans 
and  men  of  unworthy  dignities  as  no  kingdom  hath  the  like, 
very  few  learned  and  reverent ;  of  the  rest  some  weavers,  some 
tapsters  and  men  of  occasion  out  of  England,  others  mere 
Irish  having  neither  learning  nor  honesty,  going  in  mantles 
and  Irish  trooses,  tippling  of  ale  and  aqua-vitee,  getting  of 
bastards  and  never  giving  themselves  to  study  or  preaching. 
What  shall  I  say  of  the  baser  sort  of  priests,  English  and  Irish 
all  alike,  for  the  most  part  lewd  and  ignorant  ?  A  scholar 
meeteth  one  of  them  and  saith,  '  Come  out  of  the  ale-house, 
Domine.'  He,  thinking  it  was  '  quomodo  vales  Domine,'  an- 
swereth  '  Ago  [sic]  tibi  gratias.'  Richard  Meredith,  Bishop  of 
Leighlin,  being  charged  by  an  honourable  gentleman,  Mr. 
Thornborow — then  newly  come  from  England  to  be  Bishop 
of  Limerick — that  there  was  found  great  fault  with  him  for 
breach  of  promise,  answered,  '  My  Lord  of  Limerick,  when  you 
have  been  here  a  twelve-month,  no  man  will  believe  one  word 
that  you  speak.'  Shameless  dealings  have  shameless  answers, 
and  such  was  the  corruption  of  the  times.  The  Bishops  have 
winked  for  gain  at  laymen,  children,  their  own  kindred  and 
household  servants.  Fourthly  and  lastly  the  corruption  of 
the  Government,  magistrates  and  council  in  general  hath  caused 
this  plague  [the  rebellion].  The  Irishry  desireth  no  better 
than  a  bad  cause  and  a  great  bribe  to  give  ;  than  doubteth 
he  not  that  he  shall  speed,  and  such  is  the  nature  of  them  that, 
when  they  have  corrupted  any,  they  will  be  first  that  will 
betray  it." 

Lord  Mount  joy,  on  his  arrival  in  Ireland  in  1600,  gave  his 
own  explanation  of  the  degraded  state  of  society  in  a  "  dis- 
course "  which  he  published  the  same  year.  "  The  reason 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  245 

why,"  he  writes,  "  council,  clergy  and  English  inhabitants 
in  this  kingdom  have  been  noted  of  so  corrupt  a  disposition 
when  they  live  here  is  because,  for  the  most  part,  they  are  in 
all  three  kinds  such  as  England  rather  refuseth." 

Pari  passu  with  the  steady  decadence  of  official  rectitude 
in  Ireland,  was  the  equally  steady  expansion  of  the  power 
and  prestige  of  the  Earl  of  Tyrone,  and  by  the  spring  of  1599 
the  tide  of  his  fortunes  may  be  said  to  have  reached  its  high- 
water  mark.  He  was  at  that  time  reckoned  to  have  at  his 
disposal  an  army  of  30,000  well-armed  men.  The  Government 
army  nominally  numbered  16,000,  but  its  actual  effective 
strength  was  not  more  than  half  that  figure.  If  Tyrone's  attitude 
had  been  aggressively  ambitious,  the  moment  had  arrived 
when  he  undoubtedly  could  have  shaken  Elizabeth's  rule  in 
Ireland  to  its  very  foundations.  But  never  do  we  find  this 
curious  rebel  really  rebelling,  and  even  now,  with  the  forces 
of  occupation  disorganized,  apathetic  and  wholly  venal,  he 
was  content  to  sit  down  in  the  enjoyment  of  pleasantly-corrupt 
relations  with  his  nominal  enemies. 

The  rebellion  had,  in  fact,  by  this  time  developed  into  a 
gigantic  conspiracy  between  the  Irish,  and  the  English  residents 
in  Ireland,  for  extracting  money  out  of  the  two  monarchs  who 
financed  their  respective  causes.  The  Irish  defrauded  the  King 
of  Spain,  the  English  defrauded  the  Queen  of  England.  The 
periodical  subsidies,  which  the  former  provided  for  the  further- 
ance of  the  war  with  England,  were  used  by  Tyrone  for  the 
purpose  of  buying  peace  from  England  ;  while  the  money  which 
Elizabeth  was  being  ceaselessly  called  upon  to  find  for  the 
maintenance  of  an  army  which  existed  mainly  on  paper,  was 
utilized  by  her  officers  for  any  other  purpose  rather  than  that 
of  prosecuting  the  war.  And  so  the  rebellion  dragged  on  and 
on  in  uneventful  monotony.  Of  honour,  of  chivalry,  or  of 
any  of  the  nobler  qualities  of  man  there  was  on  neither  side  any 
trace.  The  lower  natures  of  all  alike  ran  riot  in  a  perpetual 
orgy  of  treachery  and  greed.  "  The  wars,"  wrote  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Cashel,  "  are  more  fruitful  and  sweeter  to  the 
governors,  many  great  lords,  captains  and  officers  than 
the  peace,"and  thereby  the  same  must  continue." 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  in  April,  1599,  Robert 
Devereux,  Earl  of  Essex,  landed  in  Dublin,  after  an  extremely 
bad  crossing,  carrying  with  him  a  special  commission  from  the 


246  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Queen  to  substitute  straight  ways  for  crooked.  Essex's  first 
move  was  not  a  happy  augury  for  the  future,  and  was  in  fact 
so  extraordinary,  in  all  the  circumstances,  as  to  raise,  from  the 
very  first,  suspicions  in  the  Queen's  mind  as  to  the  honesty 
of  purpose  of  her  new  representative.  Having  been  sent  over 
with  the  special  object  of  crushing  Tyrone's  rebellion  in  Ulster, 
he  wasted  the  entire  spring  and  early  summer  of  the  year  in 
a  pyrotechnic  tour  of  the  south,  where  he  accomplished  nothing 
of  the  very  slightest  military  importance.  Essex  himself 
laid  the  blame  of  this  wasted  expedition  on  the  Privy  Council, 
and  probably  with  justice,  urging  in  extenuation  of  his  error 
that,  with  his  inexperience  of  the  country,  he  could  not  well 
do  otherwise  than  follow  the  advice  of  those  who  had  lived 
there  so  many  years.  The  letter  in  which  he  put  foiward  this 
excuse  was  convincing  and  full  of  admirable  sentiments.  No- 
thing, in  fact,  could  have  been  more  in  keeping  with  the  spirit 
which  the  Queen  was  seeking  to  encourage,  than  the  tone  of 
all  Essex's  earlier  letters  to  her.  His  first  letter  was  quickly 
followed  by  another,  equally  plausible,  in  which  he  dwelt  sadly 
on  the  general  prevalence  of  corruption  among  the  officials, 
and  on  the  weakness  and  insufficiency  of  the  English  garrisons. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  made  no  secret  of  the  immense  advantage 
which  any  commander  in  the  field  who  took  the  initiative, 
must  derive  from  the  inherent  reluctance  of  the  Irish  to  fight 
in  the  open  ;  so  that,  if  only  dangerous  passes  were  avoided, 
any  objective  could  be  reached  without  danger  of  opposition. 
Finally,  he  expressed  the  unshakable  conviction  that  he,  and 
he  alone,  was  the  man  to  carry  things  through  to  a  successful 
issue  on  the  above  lines.*  This  last  was  a  covert  hit  at  Charles 
Blount,  Lord  Mount  joy,  the  Queen's  latest  favourite,  who  had 
very  nearly  succeeded  in  capturing  the  post  of  Lord  Lieutenant 
of  Ireland  now  held  by  Essex.  The  latter's  faction,  however, 
had  proved  the  stronger  of  the  two,  and  Mount  joy's  govern- 
ment of  Ireland  was — to  the  Queen's  infinite  misfortune — de- 
ferred. 

It  was  not  till  August  had  very  nearly  seen  its  last  day, 
that  Essex  found  himself  free  to  devote  his  energies  to  the 
subjugation  of  the  irrepressible  Tyrone.  Then — as  far  as  surface 
appearances  went — he  acted  with  becoming  decision.  One  of 
his  first  acts  was  to  renew  Lord  Burgh's  contract  for  the  supply 

*  Fynes  Moryson. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  347 

of  5,000  Scots.  Angus  himself  was  in  prison — placed  there  by 
his  mutinous  sons — with  whom  Essex  completed  the  arrange- 
ment.* Having  by  this  admirable  stroke  provided  himself 
in  prospect  with  an  efficient  army,  he  then  set  out  from  Dublin, 
on  August  28th,  at  the  head  of  the  motley  gathering  which 
represented  the  argument  of  brute  force  in  Ireland.  Loutfr 
was  reached  on  September  4th,  and,  at  Sir  Edward  Moore's 
house  at  Mellifont,  those  three  gravely-suspected  officers, 
Captains  Garrett  Moore,  William  Warren  and  Thomas  Lee, 
joined  the  staff  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant.  On  the  following 
day  the  army  got  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Essex's  own  Barony 
of  Farney  without  meeting  with  any  actual  opposition.f 

As  soon,  however,  as  Louth  was  left  and  the  precincts  of  Ulster 
were  entered,  Tyrone  put  in  an  appearance  with  a  sufficiently 
imposing  force,  which,  for  three  days,  marched  pari  passu  with 
the  Lord  Lieutenant's  army,  but  without  in  any  way  attempting 
to  molest  it.  Indeed  there  was  no  reason  why  he  should  do 
so,  for,  during  the  whole  of  the  three  days  in  question,  Captains 
Moore,  Warren  and  Lee  were  going  backwards  and  forwards 
between  the  two  armies  with  friendly  communications,  but 
not,  as  in  Lord  Burgh's  case,  without  the  knowledge  of  their 
commander. J  As  a  result  of  these  preliminary  negotiations, 
Henry  O'Hagan  came  in  on  September  7th  with  a  formal 
request  for  a  parley. §  The  proposal  was  that  the  two  com- 
manders should  meet  on  the  following  day  at  the  Ford  of  Anagh- 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-100.  It  is  not  quite  clear  from  the  evidence 
of  the  State  Papers  whether  Essex  actually  renewed  this  contract  or  whether 
he  merely  pretended  to  have  done  so. 

t  The  Barony  of  Farney  in  County  Monaghan  had  been  escheated  to  the 
Crown  on  the  suppression  of  Shane's  rebellion,  and  in  1575,  Walter,  Earl 
of  Essex,  obtained  a  grant  of  these  lands,  which  meant,  in  plain  English, 
that  the  chief  paid  head-rent  to  Essex  instead  of  to  the  Crown,  as  would 
otherwise  have  been  the  case.  In  the  case  of  Farney  the  rent  paid  was 
£200  a  year,  and  was  practically  a  present  from  the  Queen  to  Essex  of  that 
amount.  The  granting,  however,  of  Ulster  lands  to  English  non-resident  land- 
lords, prior  to  the  great  Plantation,  added  very  greatly  to  the  difficulties 
and  complications  of  Government.  In  1592  Essex's  son  Robert  gave  a  three 
years'  lease  of  the  lands  to  John  Talbot,  to  the  great  indignation  of  Ever  MeCooley 
Mahon,  the  native  feudal  chief,  for  by  this  arrangement  Talbot  became  the 
secondary  lord  in  place  of  himself.  MeCooley  spent  six  months  in  England 
representing  the  hardship  of  his  case,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  obtained 
any  redress.  On  the  death  of  Earl  Robert,  however,  he  quietly  resumed  occu- 
pation of  the  lands,  nominally  under  the  young  Earl,  and  with  such  good  results 
that  in  1608  Ever  MeCooley  was  reported  to  be  wealthier  than  all  the  rest  of 
his  name  (McMahon)  combined.  [See  Sir  John  Davies'  "  Historical  Tracts."] 
Ever  died  in  1017,  after  which  his  son  Brian  paid  £1,500  a  year  for  Farney. 

%  Fynes  Moryson. 

$  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-164. 


248  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

clint  on  the  River  Lagan.  Essex  made  very  little  pretence 
of  hesitation,  having,  as  afterwards  transpired,  the  very  best 
of  reasons  for  wishing  to  come  to  close  quarters  with  the  rebel 
Earl. 

Accordingly,  on  the  following  day  Essex,  accompanied  by  the 
Earl  of  Southampton,  Sir  George  Bourchier  and  Sir  Warham 
St.  Leger,  rode  to  the  appointed  place,  where  Tyrone  was  already 
awaiting  them.  Conversation  at  the  first  was  carried  on  under 
considerable  difficulties,  owing  to  the  noise  of  the  intervening 
stream,  and,  after  a  time,  Tyrone,  finding  that  little  progress 
was  being  made,  rode  his  horse  up  to  its  girths  in  mid-stream, 
and  from  there,  with  bared  head  and  hat  in  hand,  delivered 
himself  of  the  following  speech  :  "  Sithens  it  is  not  unknown 
unto  your  Lordship  how  I  married  the  sister  of  Sir  Henry 
Bagenal,  and  living  together,  because  I  did  affect  two  other 
gentlewomen,  she  grew  in  dislike  with  me,  forsook  me  and  went 
unto  her  brother  to  complain  upon  me  to  the  Council  of  Ireland, 
and  did  exhibit  articles  against  me.  Upon  this  they  sent  for 
me,  and,  because  I  came  not  at  their  first  sendings,  they  pro- 
claimed me  traitor  before  I  never  meant  to  go  out,  and  so  then 
I  had  no  choice  remaining  but  to  go  out  and  save  my  head."* 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  recital  of  this  exhumed  fragment 
of  ancient  history  had  any  effect  upon  Essex  or  his  staff,  all  of 
whom  must  have  known  that  it  was  in  substance  quite  untrue. 
Tyrone  was  not  proclaimed  traitor  till  fully  two  years  after 
Mabel  Bagenal  had  left  him,  and  then  not  in  connection  with 
any  sworn  depositions  or  secret  information  laid  against  him  by 
his  wife  or  any  one  else,  but  because  of  his  own  overt  act  of 
aggression  in  attacking,  and  causing  a  number  of  casualties 
to,  the  Monaghan  relief  column.  Having  dealt  with  his  domestic 
troubles,  Tyrone  then  branched  off  into  another  line  of  argu- 
ment. He  declared  himself  to  be  fighting  in  the  good  cause  of 
the  one  and  only  true  religion,  of  which  he  was  the  chosen 
champion.  At  this  Essex  laughed  very  derisively.  "  Reli- 
gion !  "  he  cried,  "  hang  me  up,  Tyrone;  you  care  no  more  for 
religion  than  my  horse. "f  Tyrone's  reply  is  not  recorded, 
from  which  it  is  not  unreasonable^  to  assume^that^he^himself 
joined  in  the  general  laugh. 

Nothing  of  any  political  consequence  transpired  on  this  the 
first  day  of  the  meeting,  but  it  was  arranged  that  the  two 
*  Trevelyan  Papers.         t  "  Essex's  Defence  :  "    Fynes  Moryson, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  340 

principals  should  meet  again  on  the  following  day  unattended 
on  either  side.  At  Essex's  subsequent  trial  his  participation 
in  this  secret  conference  was  one  of  the  most  serious  charges 
levelled  against  him.  The  Attorney-General  submitted  that 
"  the  parley  was  suspicious  in  that  it  was  private  and  secret, 
no  man  suffered  to  approach,  but  especially  no  English."* 
The  practical  outcome  of  the  privacy  thus  afforded  was  so 
startling  as  to  raise  serious  doubts  as  to  Essex's  sanity.  In  the 
lace  of  the  Queen's  explicit  instructions  and  on  the  top  of  his 
own  very  recent  and  admirable  letters,  in  which  he  promised 
the  relentless  and  uninterrupted  pursuit  of  the  rebel  Earl, 
he  now  guaranteed  the  same  rebel  Earl  that  he  should  not  be 
molested  until  the  May-day  following,  i.e.,  for  nearly  eight 
months  from  the  date  of  meeting. 

This  meeting  at  Anaghclint  between  the  English  and  the  Irish 
Earl  was  not  only  productive  of  very  far-reaching  results,  but 
it  had  also  some  curious  features  outside  of  politics.  Both  the 
Earls  concerned  owed  everything  they  had  in  the  world  to  the 
favour  of  the  Queen.  Tyrone  she  had  educated  and  maintained 
at  her  own  expense  until  he  came  of  age,  after  which  she  had 
severely  strained  poor  Tirlough  Luineach's  loyalty  by  depriving 
him  of  half  his  territories  and  handing  them  over  to  the  favoured 
young  Baron — a  high-handed  act  of  partisanship  which  practi- 
cally assured  the  latter' s  succession  to  the  chiefry. 

Essex's  high  position,  no  less  than  Tyrone's,  was  the  out- 
growth of  Elizabeth's  personal  favour.  His  father  Walter  had 
died  when  Robert  was  a  boy  of  ten,  leaving  an  utterly  bankrupt 
estate,  debts  of  £35,000,  and  a  son  whom,  with  his  last  breath, 
he  commended  to  the  care  and  royal  patronage  of  the  Queen. 
Elizabeth  responded  nobly  to  the  trust.  Young  Essex  was,  in 
quick  succession,  given  high  commands  in  Flanders,  France 
and  Spain.  He  was  in  turn  created  Master  of  the  Horse, 
Master  of  Ordnance,  and  finally,  in  1597,  Earl  Marshal  of 
England.  After  the  death  of  his  stepfather  Leicester  in  1587, 
he  succeeded  to  that  great  man's  place  as  Elizabeth's  most 
confidential  favourite.  The  climax  of  his  ambitions  was  reached 
when  he  succeeded  in  defeating  the  candidature  of  Mountjoy 
for  the  Lord  Lieutenancyjjof  Ireland. 

At  Anaghclint  these  two  men,  who  had  in  each  case  been 
raised  by  Elizabeth's  hand  from  penury  to  the  highest  pinnacle 

*  Fynes  Moryson. 


250  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

of  their  respective  spheres,  met  and,  between  them,  hatched 
unutterable  villainies  against  the  Queen  to  whom  they  both 
owed  everything.  Of  the  two,  Essex  was  unquestionably  the 
greater  and  more  despicable  traitor.  It  was  made  fairly  plain 
by  the  evidence  at  his  ultimate  trial  that  it  was  he  who,  in  the 
first  instance,  sought  the  interview.  Unlike  his  predecessors, 
this  Deputy  was  not  in  search  of  petty  bribes.  His  aims  were 
broader  and  less  sordid,  but  none  the  less  evil.  He  had,  in 
fact,  conceived  the  insane  project  of  removing  Elizabeth  from 
the  throne  and  replacing  her  by  James  of  Scotland,  and  the 
main  object  of  his  interview  with  Tyrone  was  to  persuade  the 
other  to  create  a  diversion  in  Ireland,  at  the  moment  when  he 
himself  gave  the  signal  for  revolution  in  England.  The  actual 
details  of  the  interview  never  became  public,  but  that  Tyrone 
in  the  end  acquiesced  is  made  quite  clear  by  what  subsequently 
transpired.  He  himself  was  guaranteed  immunity  from  attack 
for  eight  months,  while  Essex — having  secured  the  co-operation 
of  the  Irish — hurried  back  to  England  to  complete  the  final 
arrangements  for  his  contemplated  revolution.  That  Essex's 
mad  scheme  was  the  main  topic  of  conversation  between  the 
two  Earls  during  their  parley  is  beyond  the  region  of  doubt. 
Tyrone  was  not  only  informed  of  the  proposed  revolution,  but, 
in  consideration  of  his  co-operation  in  Ireland  at  the  right 
moment,  he  was  promised  substantial  interests  in  England  under 
the  new  scheme.  This  is  made  quite  clear  by  the  evidence  of 
Sir  William  Warren.  After  Essex's  return  to  England,  this 
highly-suspected  knight  was  deputed  by  the  Privy  Council 
to  continue  and  complete  the  negotiations  already  entered  into 
by  the  Lord  Lieutenant,*  and  it  was  through  the  disclosures 
of  this  emissary  that  the  real  subject-matter  of  Essex's  conference 
with  Tyrone  became  known.  Warren  reported,  among  other 
things,  that  in  the  course  of  his  conversation  with  Tyrone  the 
latter  gave  vent  to  the  following  cryptic  utterances,  which,  at 
the  time,  were  unintelligible  both  to  Warren  himself  and  to  the 
Privy  Council,  to  whom  he  made  his  report,  but  the  meaning 
of  which  became  quite  clear  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events. 
"By  further  discourse,"  he  reported,  "  the  said  Tyrone  told 
to  the  said  Sir  William  Warren  and  delivered  it  with  an.  oath, 
that  within  these  two  months  he  should  see  the  greatest  altera- 
tion and  the  strangest  that  he,  the  said  Sir  William,  could 
*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-214. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  351 

imagine  or  ever  saw  in  his  life,  but  what  his  meaning  was 
thereby  neither  did  he  declare  the  same  to  the  said  Sir  William 
Warren  nor  could  he  understand  it,  more  than  that  Tyrone 
did  say  that  he  hoped  before  long  that  he,  the  said  Tyrone, 
would  have  a  good  share  in  England."* 

Essex  was  terribly  upset  when  the  news  reached  him  that 
his  fellow-conspirator  had  been  so  indiscreet  as  to  let  out  the 
secrets  that  had  passed  between  them.f  He  had  already  a 
sufficient  number  of  misdemeanours  to  answer  for,  without  the 
addition  of  this.  Apart  from  other  things,  his  trip  to  England 
was  in  direct  defiance  of  the  Queen's  commands,  which  were 
that  he  was  on  no  account  to  take  advantage  of  his  prerogative 
as  Lord  Lieutenant,  which  entitled  him  to  leave  the  country  in 
charge  of  a  Deputy,  but  was  on  the  contrary  to  stay  in  Ireland 
until  he  had  her  permission  to  leave.  In  laying  this  injunction 
upon  him,  the  Queen  possibly  had  some  inkling  of  his  treacherous 
designs,  and  knew  that  she  was  safer  with  the  sea  between  them. 

It  was  suggestive  of  insanity  that,  in  spite  of  this  explicit 
command,  Essex  should  suddenly  present  himself  before  the 
Queen  at  Nonsuch  within  three  weeks  of  the  date  of  his  meeting 
with  Tyrone,  and  pour  into  her  cold  and  sceptical  ear  a  wild 
tale  of  his  heart-broken  grief  at  her  non-appreciation  of  his  efforts 
on  her  behalf.  Elizabeth,  to  whose  credulity  and  forbearance 
there  were  decided  limits,  listened  to  his  recital  calmly,  but  in 
high  displeasure.  On  leaving  her  presence  the  Lord  Lieutenant 
was  at  once  placed  under  arrest,  and  shortly  afterwards  under- 
went his  trial  on  charges  which  were  epitomized  by  Elizabeth  as 
follows  :  (1.)  The  disgraceful  terms  which  he  concluded  with 
the  Traitor.  (2.)  Speaking  alone  with  him  out  of  hearing  of  the 
others  at  a  parley.  (3.)  Bestowing  our  offices  and  honours 
contrary  to  our  instructions.  (4.)  Making  the  Earl  of  South- 
ampton Master  of  his  Horse.  (5.)  Wasting  his  time  in  Munster 
instead  of  going  to  Ulster.  (6.)  Issuing  great  sums  of  money 
contrary  to  our  warrant,  and  for  divers  other  things.  J  One  of 
the  "  divers  other  things  "  was  that,  during  the  negotiation  of 
the  peace  terms,  Captain  Thomas  Lee  and  Sir  Christopher  Blount 
(both  subsequently  executed  in  connection  with  the  Essex 
rebellion)  had  gone  secretly  to  Tyrone  and  stayed  with  him  three 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  205-195-1. 
f  Cal.  State  Papers.  Vol.  205-210. 
J  Queen  to  Fenton.  Nov.  5th,  1599. 


252  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

clays,  for  which  act  each  of  these  Captains  received,  and  subse- 
quently produced,  a  written  pardon  signed  by  Essex  himself.* 

Elizabeth's  comments  under  No.  3  were  called  forth  by  the 
knowledge  that  Essex  had  made  sixty  knights  within  six  months, 
but  the  indictment  was  mainly  directed  at  certain  specific 
acts  done  in  connection  with  those  reprehensible  half-brothers, 
Captains  Garrett  Moore  and  William  Warren.  Both  these 
doubtful  subjects,  strongly  suspected  of  having  been  concerned 
in  Lord  Burgh's  death,  and  known  to  have  been  instrumental 
in  effecting  Hugh  Roe's  escape  from  Dublin  Castle,  had  been 
knighted  by  the  Lord  Lieutenant*  and  the  latter  had  actually 
been  appointed  by  Essex  Governor  of  Carrickfergus  in  substi- 
tution for  Sir  Arthur  Chichester.  This  last  was  a  very  out- 
rageous act,  the  effect  of  which  would  have  been  to  have  placed 
the  whole  country  north  of  Belfast  Lough  in  Tyrone's  hands. 

Sir  Arthur  Chichester  had  arrived  at  Carrickfergus  in  March 
to  take  over  the  command  lately  vacated  by  the  death  of  his 
younger  brother  John.  He  had  brought  with  him  500  fresh 
troops,  and  a  strong  determination  to  extract  revenge  for  the 
death  of  his  brother.  Arthur  Chichester — for  all  the  bloody 
deeds  which  are  laid  (and  truly  laid)  to  his  charge — was  known 
to  be  a  true  and  loyal  man,  and  one  whose  family  tragedy  had 
placed  him  clear  beyond  the  reach  of  any  suspicion  of  intrigue 
with  the  rebels.  Such  a  man  in  such  a  place  would  have  been  a 
very  serious  handicap  to  the  treacherous  schemes  which  Essex 
and  Tyrone  had  hatched  at  Anaghclint,  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
no  man  could  have  been  better  fitted  to  their  purpose  than  the 
newly-knighted  Sir  William  Warren.  Essex  accordingly  coolly 
removed  Chichester  and  put  Warren  in  his  place,  to  the  extreme 
scandalization  of  Lord  Chancellor  Loftus,  who  felt  himself 
inspired  by  the  occasion  to  once  more  level  at  Warren  his  accusa- 
tion of  being  an  open  traitor  to  his  Queen.  The  affair,  in  fact, 
was  too  scandalous  in  all  its  aspects  to  be  allowed  to  drop.  Sir 
George  Carey,  who  had  recently  succeeded  Wallop  as  trea- 
surer, wrote  in  ill-concealed  dismay  to  Cecil  on  the  subject. 
"  Sir  Arthur,"  he  said,  "  is  loth  to  forego  that  post,  and  for  my 
own  opinion  I  think  he  was  able  to  do  Her  Majesty  best  service 
there."  Carey's  remonstrance  would  seem  to  have  produced 
no  immediate  result,  for  in  July  of  the  following  year  we  find 
him  writing  once  more  to  Cecil,  warning  him  that,  since  Sir 

*  Deposition  of  David  Hetherington,  Jan.  8th,  1600. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  258 

Arthur  Chichester  had  left  Carrickfergus,  things  there  had  not 
gone  so  well  as  he  could  have  wished.*  This  second  letter  seems 
to  have  had  the  desired  effect.  Burleigh,  the  Lord  Treasurer, 
was  dead,  and  his  son,  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  now  guided  the  Queen's 
Councils.  Cecil  hated  Essex,  and,  now  that  the  latter  was  in 
disgrace,  he  had  no  hesitation  in  rescinding  his  Ulster  appoint- 
ments. Warren's  commission  was  revoked,  and  Chichester 
once  more  ruled  in  Carrickfergus. 

Essex's  trial  aroused  intense  interest  in  England,  both  on 
account  of  the  celebrity  of  the  prisoner,  and  because  of  the  singu- 
lar nature  of  the  charges  levelled  against  him.  He  was  tried 
at  York  House  by  his  peers,  and,  being  acquitted  of  the  higher 
charge  of  treason,  was  set  at  liberty,  but  with  the  loss  of  all  his 
public  offices.  Under  this  indignity  Essex  entirely  lost  what 
little  sense  remained  to  him.  He  utilized  his  freedom  for  no 
other  purpose  than  that  of  developing  the  mad  schemes,  which 
he  had  already  formed,  for  the  dethronement  of  Elizabeth. 
The  rising,  when  it  did  come,  was  suppressed  almost  without 
an  effort,  and  Essex's  comely  head  shortly  afterwards  rolled 
on  the  straw  on  Tower  Green.  Sir  Christopher  Blount  and 
Captain  Thomas  Lee  followed  their  patron  to  execution. 

*  Carey  to  Cecil,  Jan.  27th,  1600. 


CHAPTER   XXVI 

Tyrone's  curious  predilection  for  foreigners — Matters  concerning  the  succession 
— Tyrone  and  Maguire  set  out  for  Munster — Massacre  of  the  O'Carrols' 
and  Sir  Theobald  Dillon's  tenants — Tyrone's  quarrel  with  Maguire — 
Tyrone's  religious  enthusiasm — His  seizure  of  Ormonde — Ormonde's  im- 
prisonment— Unsuccessful  attempts  to  change  his  religion — Tyrone  and 
Maguire  joined  by  Desmond — Skirmish  at  Carrigrohane— Death  of  Hugh 
Maguire  and  St.  Leger — Great  loss  to  Tyrone's  cause — Lord  Mountjoy  arrives 
as  Deputy — His  ill-health  but  firm  resolution — Sir  Arthur  Chichester — 
His  policy  of  extermination — Native  precedents  for  his  policy — Sir  Henry 
Docwra — His  humane  methods  of  warfare— Expedition  to  the  Foyle  sug- 
gested by  Neil  Garv — Docwra  takes  command — Mountjoy  co-operates  by 
means  of  a  demonstration  from  the  south — Consternation  of  Tyrone — 
He  returns  from  Munster — His  anxiety  for  a  parley  with  Mountjoy — 
Mountjoy's  steady  refusal — He  returns  to  Dublin  on  rumours  of  a  Spanish 
invasion — Attack  on  the  Earl  of  Southampton  in  the  Moyerie  Pass. 

IT  is  one  of  the  commonplace  aphorisms  of  life  that  momen- 
tous happenings  can  often  be  traced  back  to  very  small 
first  causes.  Except  for  Essex's  mad  revolution  in  London, 
Mountjoy  would  never  have  been  appointed  Irish  Deputy  (for 
he  had  died  before  Essex's  natural  term  would  have  expired)  ; 
Tyrone's  rebellion  would  not  have  been  suppressed  ;  the  two 
principal  northern  chiefs  would  not  have  fled  the  country,  and 
the  Ulster  Plantation  would  never  have  been  possible  of  accom- 
plishment. The  duty  of  the  historian,  however,  is  to  deal  with 
facts  rather  than  with  speculative  flights  of  fancy.  Essex  did 
revolt,  and  the  effects  of  his  rising  are  to-day  engraved  history. 

Tyrone  had  not  the  time,  even  if  he  had  the  power,  to  effect 
the  diversion  agreed  upon.  Essex  was  in  the  Tower  before  the 
news  of  his  rising  had  reached  Ireland,  and  Tyrone  was  not  the 
man  to  batter  his  head  against  anybody  else's  wall.  With  the 
practical  opportunism,  which  was  his  main  characteristic,  he 
devoted  the  eight  months'  truce,  which  had  been  feloniously 
granted  him,  to  the  perfecting  of  his  own  civil  and  military 
organization.  The  opportunity  of  this  long  cessation  of  hostili- 
ties may  therefore  be  reasonably  taken  advantage  of  in  order 
to  take  a  brief  glance  at  Tyrone's  internal  Government  as  it 
was  in  the  year  1599. 

254 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  255 

A  curious  feature  in  ;i  man,  who — according  to  some — aspired 
to  be  King  of  Ireland,  was  the  predilection  which  he  displayed 
at  this  period  for  the  presence  of  foreigners  about  his  person. 
Mountfort,  his  original  priest  and  confessor,  had  been  an 
Englishman.  When  Mountfort  went  to  Spain  his  place  was 
taken  by  another  English  priest  named  Robert  Chamberlain.* 
His  Prime  Minister  and  chief  counsellor  in  all  political  matters 
was  the  Englishman  Henry  Hoveden ;  the  auditor  of  his 
accounts,  and  manager  of  all  his  bribes,  was  another  English- 
man named  Richard  Weston,f  and  his  personal  bodyguard  of 
200  picked  men  were  all  Scotch — "  Argyle  men  who  would 
run  afoot  all  day  long  with  their  furniture  as  hard  as  the  Earl 
would  ride. "|  The  O'Hagans  were  the  only  natives  in  whom 
he  seemed  to  repose  any  confidence.  This  sept,  which  claimed 
royal  lineage  and  a  descent  as  old  as  that  of  the  O' Neils,  were 
Tyrone's  foster-brothers  and  firmly  wedded  to  his  cause,  not 
so  much  as  against  the  English  as  against  any  possible  revival 
of  the  claims  of  Shane  O'Neil's  sons,  which  were  still  being 
secretly  pushed  by  the  Donnelly  sept.  There  can  be  no  question 
but  that,  if  Tyrone  had  met  his  death  at  this  period,  a  bloody  and 
promiscuous  war  would  at  once  have  broken  out  in  Tyrone  as  to 
the  succession.  The  O'Hagans  would  have  pushed  the  claims 
of  Cormac  McBaron,  and  the  Donnellys  those  of  one  of  Shane's 
sons.  In  addition  to  the  nominees  of  these  two  rival  factions, 
there  was  another  highly  eligible  candidate  in  the  person  of 
Hugh,  the  eldest  legitimate  son  of  the  Earl  by  Joan  O'Donnell, 
who  was  by  many  considered  the  proper  person  to  succeed  his 
father,  while  other  more  obscure,  but  duly  qualified  aspirants 
to  the  succession,  were  to  be  found  in  Tirlough  Luineach's  two 
sons  and  Tirlough  Braselagh's  sons.  Tyrone  troubled  himself 
not  at  all  over  the  possible  resurrection  of  Shane's  sons,  whom 
he  considered  as  good  at>  dead,  and  very  little  over  the  question 
of  a  succession  in  which  he  would  take  no  personal  interest. 
Later  on,  before  the  Battle  of  Kinsale,  he  did,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  nominate  his  son  Hugh  tanist,  but  this  nomination  would 
certainly  have  been  bloodily  contested  by  other  claimants,  as 
such  nominations  always  were.  So  long  as  Tyrone  was  alive 
none  of  these  questions  had  more  than  a  very  prospective  interest, 

*  Cal.  State  Papere,  Vol.  218,  Part  I.-15. 

t  Capt.  Dawtrey  to  Sir  John  Fortescue.  Sept.  7th,  1000. 

J  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202,  Part  IV.-64 


256  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

for  there  was  no  doubt  but  that  he  himself  was  very  much  the 
O'Neil.  In  the  spring  of  1600  he  was  even  something  more 
than  that,  for  he  was  perilously  near  being  the  uncrowned  king 
of  all  Ireland  from  Malin  Head  to  Cape  Clear.  Dublin  was  the 
only  county  not  in  acclaimed  rebellion. 

In  the  month  of  February  of  that  year  Tyrone,  who  held  the 
view— by  no  means  uncommon  in  Ireland — that  cessations  and 
truces  were  only  binding  on  the  enemy  and  not  on  himself, 
left  Cormac  in  charge  of  the  northern  army,  and,  in  company 
with  Maguire,  marched  down  into  County  Cork  at  the  head  of 
5,000  men,  harrying,  burning  and  spoiling  the  tenants  of  any 
and  all  who  refused  to  join  him.  In  Westmeath  his  patriotism 
found  expression  in  the  raiding,  killing  and  burning  of  the 
O'Carrols'  and  of  Sir  Theobald  Dillon's  tenants.*  "  All  the 
movable  possessions  were  carried  away,  and  nothing  left  but 
ashes  instead  of  corn,  and  embers  in  place  of  mansions.  Great 
numbers  of  men,  women,  sons  and  daughters  were  left  in  a  dying 
state,"  sing  the  Four  Masters. 

The  joint  expedition  of  Tyrone  and  Maguire  to  the  south 
had  a  certain  political  significance,  for  it  marked  the  reconcilia- 
tion of  these  two  chiefs,  between  whom,  for  some  time  past, 
there  had  been  a  marked  coolness.  The  coolness  arose  from 
exactly  the  same  cause  as  that  which  had  estranged  Tyrone  and 
Hugh  Roe,  for  Maguire — following  the  example  of  the  O'Donnell 
— had  grown  tired  of  the  Earl's  daughter  and  had  turned  her  off. 
The  estrangement  which  followed,  however,  was  not  of  a  lasting- 
character,  and,  by  the  date  of  the  Munster  expedition,  father- 
in-law  and  son-in-law  would  appear  to  have  arrived  at  a  satis- 
factory understanding  over  the  matter. 

It  is  by  no  means  clear  as  to  how  far  Tyrone  had  knowledge 
of  the  impending  Spanish  invasion,  but  it  is  quite  evident  that 
he  was  by  this  time  fully  alive  to  the  fact  that  in  any  future 
conflict  with  the  English  he  would  have  to  rely  solely  on  Irish 
troops,  for — with  the  exception  of  Sorley  Boy's  sons — all  the 
leaders  among  the  Scots  had  by  this  time  become  acutely  hostile. 
He  also  knew  that  religion  was  the  only  driving  force  which 
could  consolidate  the  Irish  under  his  banner,  and  the  only  justi- 
fication which — in  case  of  defeat — he  could  reasonably  put 
forward  for  having  invoked  the  aid  of  England's  declared  enemy, 
Spain.  He  accordingly  developed  a  sudden  and  convenient 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207-58. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  257 

enthusiasm  for  the  tenets  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  in  this 
mood  marched  through  Ireland,  with  Maguire  at  his  side,  preach- 
ing a  Holy  Crusade,  and  supporting  his  religious  beliefs  with  the 
usual  arguments  of  fire  and  sword. 

Some  idea  of  the  lengths  to  which  Tyrone's  new  pose  was 
capable  of  carrying  him  can  be  gathered  from  the  incident  of  the 
Earl  of  Ormonde.  On  April  7th  Ormonde  was  treacherously 
seized  near  Kilkenny  by  the  followers  of  one  Onie  McRory 
O' Moore,  during  a  parley  with  their  leader.  The  Earl  of 
Thomond,  who  was  with  Ormonde  at  the  time,  barely  escaped 
the  same  fate,  and  was  wounded  by  a  lance-thrust  in  the  back 
in  breaking  away.  Ormonde  was  lodged  by  McRory  in  the 
Castle  of  Gortnacleagh  between  Ossory  and  Leix,  but  later  on 
was  removed  for  convenience  to  Sir  Terence  O'Dempsey's  Castle 
at  Ballybrettas.  He  was  well  treated,  but  had  for  his  constant 
companions  Roman  Catholic  priests,  who  strove  by  day  and 
night  to  change  the  Earl's  religion.  The  hand  of  Tyrone  shows 
clearly  throughout.  He  evidently  recognized  that  a  united 
Ireland  was  impossible  so  long  as  the  great  Leinster  Earl  remained 
a  Protestant.  He  accordingly  wrote  him  the  following  appealing 
letter,  which  has  a  peculiar  interest  of  its  own  as  illustrating  the 
curious  way  in  which  the  divine  and  the  devilish  were  jumbled 
up  in  Tyrone's  superstitious  beliefs.  "  I  would  rejoice  in  your 
good  fortune,"  he  wrote  to  the  incarcerated  Ormonde,  "to  be 
in  hand  where,  without  any  fear,  you  may  be  converted  to  the 
Catholic  religion,  detesting  that  damnable  faith  which  hereto 
you  have  professed  ;  requesting  you  to  accept  of  imprisonment 
as  punishment  due  to  your  offences  in  times  past  committed,  and 
to  leave  off  your  delays  of  conversion  to  Him  who  shall  infernally 
punish  the  obstinacy  of  such  as  do  not  accept  of  His  proffered 
grace."* 

Ormonde  remained  a  prisoner  till  July  the  12th,  when  he  was 
released,  but  his  religion  remained  unchanged. 

On  arrival  in  Cork  the  two  Ulster  chiefs  joined  forces  with 
one  James  Fitz-Thomas,  who — quite  illegally — had  invested 
himself  with  the  title  of  Earl  of  Desmond.  The  combined  forces 
accomplished  very  little  beyond  the  ordinary  pillaging  and  burn- 
ing. One  armed  encounter  there  was  which  was  productive  of 
fateful  results.  Sir  Warham  St.  Leger  and  Sir  Henry  Power— 
who  had  been  appointed  joint  commissioners  of  Munster  after 

*  Tyrone  to  Ormonde,  May  9th,  1600. 

17 


258  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

the  death  of  the  Lord  President,  Sir  Thomas  Norris,  in  August  of 
the  previous  year* — were  riding  near  Carrigrohane  on  the 
River  Lee  when  they  fell  in  with  Maguire,  who  was  similarly 
occupied.  We  have  a  number  of  accounts  of  the  skirmish 
which  ensued,  all  of  which  differ  materially,  after  the  fashion  of 
such  accounts.  The  Four  Masters  affirm  that  St.  Leger  and 
Power  laid  an  ambush  for  Maguire,  which  in  that  case  must 
have  been  very  badly  contrived,  for,  according  to  their  return, 
only  one  of  the  Irish  was  killed  as  against  six  of  the  English. 
Sir  George  Carew  tells  us  that  only  one  man  was  killed  on  each 
side.  Sir  Henry  Power,  on  the  other  hand,  whose  account 
should  be  the  most  reliable,  seeing  that  he  was  present,  wrote 
to  the  Privy  Council  to  the  effect  that  he  chanced  by  accident 
upon  Maguire,  who  had  45  horsemen  with  him  and  16  "  shot," 
i.e.,  musketeers.  In  the  encounter  which  followed,  between 
30  and  40  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  and  only  one  on  the  side  of 
the  English. f  William  Meade,  Mayor  of  Cork,  practically 
substantiates  this  version,  though  he  reduces  the  number  of  the 
Irish  killed  to  20.  These  minor  details,  however,  are  of  little 
importance.  The  agreed  point  is  that  the  two  leaders  were 
killed,  and  the  picturesque  element  in  the  affair  is  that  they 
were  killed  in  an  old-fashioned  hand-to-hand  encounter,  which 
proved  fatal  to  both.  Maguire  was  killed  on  the  spot  and  St. 
Leger  succumbed  very  shortly  afterwards  to  wounds  in  the  head, 
thus  effectually  clearing  his  reputation  of  the  old  charge  of  com- 
plicity with  Tyrone. 

In  this  way  died  Hugh  Maguire,  after  close  upon  eight  years 
of  rebellion.  He  was  incomparably  the  best  military  commander 
among  the  chiefs  of  the  north,  and  the  only  one  destined  to  fall 
in  battle.  In  spite  of  the  doubts  thrown  on  his  courage  at  the 
Battle  of  Belleek,  he  was  unquestionably  a  brave  man,  and  his 
death  was  a  fittingly  gallant  one.  All  the  Maguires  of  that 
generation  were  brave  men,  and  both  Connor  Roe  and  his  son 
Brian  afterwards  did  admirable  service  with  Mount  joy's  army. 
The  loss  of  Maguire  was  a  serious  blow  to  Tyrone's  schemes,  so 
much  so,  in  fact,  that,  according  to  the  Four  Masters,  it  brought 
upon  him  "  giddiness  of  spirits."  This  might  well  be,  for 
neither  he  nor  Hugh  Roe  could  lay  claim  to  any  military  capa- 
city, or  even  personal  courage  in  the  field,  and  urgent  need  had 

*  Sir  Henry  Norris  died  five  days  after  his  brother, 
t  Sir  Henry  Power  to  Privy  Council,  March  4th,  1600. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  259 

now  arisen  for  both  these  qualities  in  those  who  would  take 
charge  of  affairs  in  the  fast-approaching  crisis.  That  a  crisis 
was  approaching  must  have  been  perfectly  clear  to  all,  for  there 
had  arrived  in  Ireland  since  the  beginning  of  the  year  three  men 
who — even  by  this  time — Tyrone  must  have  realized  could 
neither  be  bought  nor  fooled.  This  meant  that  the  era  of  tom- 
foolery in  rebellion  was  past  and  done  with,  and  that  serious 
warfare,  so  long  and  skilfully  postponed,  would  at  last  have  to 
be  faced. 

The  three  honest  men  who,  by  coincidence  rather  than  design, 
had  landed  all  but  simultaneously  in  Ireland,  were  Lord  Mount- 
joy,  Sir  Arthur  Chichester  and  Sir  Henry  Docwra.  The  first- 
named  arrived  at  the  Head  of  Howth  at  the  end  of  February 
in  the  capacity  of  Lord  Deputy,  and  with  his  advent  an  entirely 
new  phase  in  the  history  of  Ireland  may  be  said  to  have  opened. 

Charles  Blount,  Viscount  Mount  joy,  was  in  his  thirty-eighth 
year  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  Ireland.  He  was  a  singularly 
handsome  man,  with  a  round,  boyish  face  adorned  with  a  short 
thick  moustache  and  an  "  imperial."  Fynes  Moryson,  his 
secretary,  describes  him  as  "  tall  and  of  very  comely  propor- 
tions." Indeed,  it  had  been  his  good  looks  which  at  first 
brought  him  to  the  favourable  notice  of  the  susceptible  Queen, 
and  for  once  in  a  way  her  feminine  caprice  did  not  mislead  her. 
In  spite  of  his  somewhat  curious  behaviour  after  Tyrone's  final 
overthrow — and  incidentally  after  his  first  personal  interview 
with  Tyrone — it  may  truthfully  be  said  that  Mount  joy  was  not 
only  a  thoroughly  capable  military  leader,  but  an  honest  adminis- 
trator. His  health  was  not  too  good.  When  he  first  arrived 
in  Ireland  he  was  far  from  well,  but  the  strenuous  life  appears 
to  have  suited  him,  and  he  soon  became  more  robust.  That  he 
had  no  illusions  as  to  the  magnitude  of  the  task  that  lay  before 
him  is  made  quite  clear  by  the  tone  of  his  letters  home.  He 
had  barely  been  in  Ireland  a  month  before  he  wrote  tb  Cecil 
that  "  the  Queen  has  few  subjects  in  Ireland  of  any  sort  who  have 
not  some  kind  an  intelligence  with  Tyrone."* 

Sir  Arthur  Chichester  was  a  very  different  man  from  Mountjoy 
in  everything  except  honesty  of  purpose  and  loyalty  to  his 
Queen.  Some  of  the  methods  which  he  advocated,  and  indeed 
adopted,  are  not  easy  to  defend,  even  by  those  to  whom  his 
character  as  a  whole  is  worthy  of  admiration.  He  was  a  younger 
*  Mountjoy  to  Cecil,  April  3rd,  1000. 

I7* 


260  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

man  than  the  Deputy  by  about  three  years,  and  full  of  an  untir- 
ing energy.  He  was  a  frank  apostle  of  the  policy  of  extermina- 
tion, and  indeed  it  must  be  admitted  that,  at  the  moment,  it 
was  not  easy  to  formulate  an  alternative  policy  which  was  work- 
able, and  which  would,  at  the  same  time,  secure  for  the  Queen 
a  peaceful  settlement  of  a  country  which  preferred  to  be  un- 
settled. Chichester's  own  views  on  the  subject  were  quite 
definite,  and  he  advocated  them  without  any  appearance  of 
shame,  justifying  his  exterminating  policy  by  the  contention 
that  there  was  no  other  way.  "  The  Queen  will  never  reap  what 
is  expected,"  he  wrote  to  Cecil,  "  until  the  nation  be  either 
wholly  destroyed  or  so  subjected  as  to  take  a  new  impression 
of  laws  and  religion,  being  now  the  most  treacherous  infidels 
in  the  world,  and  we  have  too  mild  spirits  and  good  consciences 
to  be  their  masters.  He  is  a  well-governed  and  wary  gentle- 
man whom  their  villainy  doth  not  deceive.  Our  honesty, 
bounty,  clemency  and  justice  make  them  not  any  way  assured 
unto  us,  neither  doth  the  action  of  one  of  their  own  nation — 
though  it  be  the  murder  of  a  brother  or  friend — make  them 
longer  enemies  than  until  some  small  gift  or  '  buying  '  is  given 
to  the  wronged  party."*  From  these  premises  he  argued  that 
where  indulgence  produced  no  response  but  contempt,  extreme 
severity  was  the  only  alternative  and  the  only  policy  which  the 
natives  understood  or  respected. 

Chichester  certainly  lived  up  to  his  principles,  and  some 
of  his  punitive  raids  were  very  brutal,  neither  man,  woman  nor 
child  being  spared.  The  actual  number  of  victims  sacrificed 
in  these  affairs  would  appear  to  have  been  inconsiderable,  for 
the  natives  had  experienced  such  raids  from  the  earliest  days 
of  Irish  history,  and  had  inaccessible  hiding-places  into  which 
they  would  disappear  at  the  first  note  of  danger.  It  is  against 
the  principle  rather  than  the  fruitfulness  of  such  methods  that 
the  mind  revolts.  Horrible,  however,  as  such  indiscriminate 
massacres  must  seem  to  modern  ideas,  it  must  not  be  over- 
looked, before  condemning  Chichester,  that  they  represented 
the  traditional  methods  of  the  country,  and  that,  in  resorting 
to  them,  Chichester  was  merely  adopting  native  customs. 
Tyrone,  for  example,  as  we  have  just  seen,  had,  without  any 
provocation,  raided  the  O'Carrols,  and  left  "  great  numbers  of 
men,  women,  sons  and  daughters  in  a  dying  state,"  not  because 

*  Chichester  to  Cecil,  Oct.  8th,  1600. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  261 

the  O'Carrols  had  offended  him  in  any  way,  but  because  their 
lord  had  refused  to  join  his  enterprise.  Nor  do  the  Irish 
Annalists  who  record  the  incident  see  anything  but  what  is 
proper  and  natural  in-  the  procedure.  The  custom  of  visiting 
the  sins  of  the  chief  upon  the  heads  of  his  unhappy  serfs  was 
not  only  invariable,  but  was  recognized  as  one  of  the  rules  of 
warfare.  If  O'Neil  had  a  difference  of  opinion  with  O'Donnell, 
his  way  of  expressing  his  hostility  was  to  send  his  raiding 
horsemen  into  Donegal  to  massacre  man,  woman  and  child, 
and  to  carry  off  everything  portable.  O'Donneli  would 
retaliate  by  sending  his  horsemen  to  do  the  like  in  Tyrone. 
Very  seldom,  except  by  accident,  did  the  two  bands  of  raiders 
meet  and  exchange  blows.  There  was  a  kind  of  mutual  under- 
standing that  such  encounters  should  be  avoided  as  far  as 
might  be.  When  they  did  take  place  the  usual  result  was 
so  hollow  a  victory  for  one  side  or  the  other  that  the  victors 
came  off  without  loss.  After  Hugh  Maguire's  death  200 
people  were  killed  in  the  dispute  as  to  the  succession  between 
Cuconnaught  Maguire  and  Connor  Roe,  but  these  200  were 
not  combatants,  but  the  inoffensive  and  defenceless  agri- 
culturists whose  labours  made  the  country  productive.  The 
removal  of  these  impaired  the  productiveness  of  the  rival's 
lands,  and  for  this  reason  they  were  cut  down  just  as  the  corn 
was  cut  down. 

This  ruthless  native  custom  is  admirably  illustrated  by  the 
conduct  of  Neil  Garv  and  his  brothers  during  the  operations 
round  Lifford  in  the  Docwra  campaign.  These  three 
O'Donnells,  when  invading  the  territory  of  Hugh  Roe  or  of 
Tyrone,  spared  neither  age  nor  sex.  Docwra  himself  resorted 
to  such  measures  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  and  only  in 
the  case  of  extreme  provocation,  and  for  this  reason  his  cam- 
paigns in  the  north-west  present  to  the  eye  of  the  reader  a  far 
pleasanter  picture  than  do  those  of  Chichester  in  the  north- 
east, but  Docwra's  native  allies  were  troubled  with  no  such 
sentimental  scruples. 

Docwra  was  the  youngest  and  certainly  the  most  attractive 
in  character  of  the  three  men  who  were  destined  to  bring  about 
the  downfall  of  the  rebellion.  He  had  originally  been  brought 
over  specially  from  the  Low  Countries  to  help  Essex  in  military 
operations  which  never  took  place.  The  task  which  ultimately 
fell  to  his  lot  was  a  far  more  dangerous  and  delicate  under- 


262  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

taking  than  anything  which  Mount  joy  or  Chichester  had  to 
encounter  at  the  time,  and,  all  the  circumstances  considered, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  he  carried  it  out  with  singular  skill, 
and — considering  the  times  in  which  he  lived — with  com- 
mendable moderation.  Chichester's  methods  had  per  se  no 
attraction  for  him.  Instead  of  aiming  at  the  gradual  starva- 
tion of  the  natives,  we  find  him,  on  the  other  hand,  instructing 
them  in  all  forms  of  agriculture,  and  helping  them  to  reclaim 
and  cultivate  waste  lands.  The  Four  Masters,  on  the  borders 
of  whose  country  he  chiefly  worked,  have  little  to  urge  against 
him.  Indeed,  they  epitomize  him  as  "an  illustrious  knight  of 
wisdom  and  prudence,  and  a  pillar  of  battle  and  conflict." 

The  dispatch  of  an  expedition  to  Lough  Foyle  was  first 
suggested  to  Mount  joy  in  March  by  Neil  Garv  and  Sir  Art 
O'Neil.  These  two  wrote  conjointly,  advising,  on  purely 
military  grounds,  that  advantage  should  be  taken  of  Tyrone's 
absence  in  Munster  to  establish  a  strong  Government  force 
on  the  Foyle.  In  neither  case  was  the  advice  wholly  dis- 
interested. Neil  Garv,  who  was  the  eldest  survivor  of  Cal- 
vagh's  nine  sons,  aspired  to  usurp  Hugh  Roe's  position  as  the 
O'Donnell,  while  Sir  Art  thought  that  the  title  of  O'Neil  would 
sit  more  suitably  on  himself  than  on  the  Earl  of  Tyrone.  They 
each  undertook  to  join  any  English  force  which  might  be 
sent  with  a  considerable  muster  of  their  own  men.  The  obvious 
merits  of  the  scheme — provided  a  good  man  was  in  charge — 
strongly  appealed  to  Mountjoy's  common  sense,  and  early  in 
May  Sir  Henry  Docwra  was  relieved  from  the  Government  of 
Connaught,  and  sent  off  from  Carrickfergus  with  a  fleet  for  the 
Foyle.  At  the  same  time  Mount  joy  himself  made  a  demon- 
stration in  force  towards  Newry,  so  as  to  occupy  the  attention 
of  Tyrone's  forces  till  Docwra  should  have  had  time  to  estab- 
lish himself  firmly  on  the  Foyle. 

Tyrone  was  much  upset  by  these  aggressive  tactics,  which 
threatened  his  sanctuaries  simultaneously  from  north  and 
south,  and  he  came  back  post-haste  from  Munster,  arriving 
in  time  to  take  over  command  of  the  Irish  army,  which  was, 
as  usual,  hovering  on  the  flanks  of  the  Government  force.  A 
few  insignificant  skirmishes  followed,  but  nothing  in  the  nature 
of  a  serious  engagement,  though  Mount  joy  lost  no  opportunity 
of  trying  to  provoke  a  battle.  Tyrone's  aim  was,  as  usual,  for 
a  parley,  and  for  this  he  pleaded  earnestly  and  persistently 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  263 

with  his  new  opponent.  Mount  joy,  however,  acting  under 
very  definite  instructions  from  the  Queen,  who  now  knew  only 
too  well  what  parleys  with  Tyrone  meant,  declined  for  one 
moment  to  entertain  any  such  proposal.  He  had  come,  he 
explained,  to  fight  and  not  to  talk,  and  the  former  he  was 
always  ready  to  do,  but  not  the  latter.  Tyrone  must  hav 
known  that  in  these  words  lay  the  doom  of  his  rebellion,  and 
Mount  joy  must  also  have  known  that  they  carried  with  them 
a  very  grave  danger  to  himself.  Lord  Burgh's  untimely  fate, 
however,  had  not  been  without  its  value  as  a  warning  to  his 
successor,  and  the  new  Deputy  took  good  care  to  surround 
himself  as  far  as  possible  with  such  as  were  free  from  the 
taint  of  underhand  dealings  with  Tyrone. 

As  soon  as  Mountjoy  was  assured  of  Docwra's  safe  arrival 
at  the  Foyle,  the  main  purpose  of  his  expedition  was  accom- 
plished, and  he  prepared  to  return  to  Dublin  ;  for  the  rumour 
of  a  contemplated  Spanish  invasion  of  the  South  of  Ireland 
was  by  now  too  persistent  to  be  ignored.  The  main  body, 
numbering  1,000,  made  the  passage  of  the  Moyerie  Pass  on 
May  19th  without  hindrance  from  the  enemy,  but  the  Earl  of 
Southampton,  who  had  been  sent  on  two  days  ahead  with 
500  foot  and  fifty  horse,  under  Captain  Blaney,  was  less  for- 
tunate, being  subjected  to  annoyance  from  end  to  end  of  the 
Pass,  but  without  suffering  many  casualties.  Southampton's 
own  behaviour  in  this  affair  appears  to  have  been  particularly 
gallant,  for  Fynes  Moryson  records  that  on  one  occasion  he 
charged  220  of  the  enemy  with  only  six  horse,  and  "  drove 
them  back  a  musket-shot." 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

Docwra  reaches  the  Foyle — Friendliness  of  Art  O'Neil  and  O'Dogherty — 
Tyrone's  arrival  at  Strabane  with  five  thousand  men — His  understanding 
with  Fenton — Letters  from  Captains  Willis  and  Dawtrey — Tyrone's  singular 
inaction — Epidemic  in  Derry — Docwra' s  explanation — Hugh  Roe  carries 
off  sixty  horses — Docwra  wounded  in  the  pursuit — Treachery  of  McSweeney 
Dogh — His  arrest  and  escape — Rory  O'Cahan's  attempt  to  betray  the 
garrison — His  capture  and  execution — Neil  Garv — Docwra's  difficulty  in 
dealing  with  him — Death  of  Art  O'Neil — Character  of  Cormac  O'Neil — 
Attack  on  Derry  repulsed  by  Lieut.  White. 

SIR  HENRY  DOCWRA'S  expeditionary  force  to  Lough 
Foyle  reached  Culmore  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Lough 
without  mishap.  Here  Docwra  remained  six  days  repairing 
the  fort,  which  he  finally  left  in  charge  of  a  garrison  of  600 
men  under  Captain  Olphert,  and  thence  marched  to  Ellaugh 
Castle,  which  O'Dogherty  had  begun  to  pull  down,  after  the 
fashion  of  the  natives  when  they  abandoned  their  strongholds. 
Here  he  left  150  men  under  Captain  Ellis  Flood  to  effect 
repairs,  and  with  the  remainder  of  his  force  marched  on  to 
Derry.  The  importance  of  the  expedition,  which  completely 
overshadowed  anything  hitherto  attempted  in  the  Foyle, 
aroused  an  intense  excitement  in  the  district.  Most  of  the 
minor  local  chiefs,  exhilarated  by  the  prospect — always  dear 
to  the  Irish  mind — of  upsetting  the  existing  order  of  things 
and  substituting  something  else,  were  tentatively  friendly. 
The  only  notable  exception  was  Neil  Garv,  who — after  having 
invited  the  expedition — now  held  aloof  and  behaved  in  a 
very  foolish  and  unreasonable  way.  Sir  Art  O'Neil,  on  the 
other  hand,  gave  the  English  a  most  cordial  welcome  to  the 
land  of  the  north,  and  hospitably  invited  Docwra  to  come  and 
see  him  at  Dunalong.  Docwra  replied  shortly  that  he  was 
much  too  busy  to  cross  the  water,  and  that  if  the  candidate 
for  the  chiefly  of  Tyrone  wanted  to  see  him,  he  must  come  to 
Derry.  This  Sir  Art  agreed  to,  and  arrived  at  the  new  settle- 
ment on  June  1st,  very  glad  to  escape  the  attentions  of  Cormac 

264 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  265 

McBaron,  who  was  on  his  heels  with  anything  but  friendly 
intent.* 

O'Dogherty  was  next  interviewed,  and — in  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  invaded  country  was  his — Docwra  made  the  con- 
cession in  his  case  of  marching  out  some  three  miles  from 
Derry  to  meet  him.  The  Governor  took  with  him  Captains 
Willis  and  Thornton  and  1,000  men,  mainly  for  purposes  of 
effect.  Nothing  resulted  from  the  interview,  as  O'Dogherty 
proved  intensely  suspicious  and  refused  to  talk  except  to 
Docwra's  private  car,  a  condition  which  the  latter — in 
obedience  to  orders  received  from  Mountjoy — declined  for 
one  moment  to  entertain.  The  first  overt  act  of  hostility  to  the 
English  came,  as  might  be  supposed,  from  Hugh  Roe,  who — 
more  with  the  idea  of  registering  an  official  protest  than  from 
any  hope  of  success — swept  down  on  Derry  with  500  light 
horse,  but  without,  in  any  way,  incommoding  the  new  settle- 
ment. This  demonstration  was  shortly  followed  by  another 
on  a  much  larger  scale,  under  the  command  of  Tyrone  himself, 
who,  from  the  moment  when  he  was  relieved  from  the  pressure 
of  Mountjoy's  presence  at  Newry,  had  given  his  undivided 
attention  to  the  more  serious  danger  which  threatened  from 
the  north.  Accompanied  by  Hugh  Roe,  Cuconnaught  Maguire, 
O'Connor  Sligo  and  O'Rourke,  with  all  the  forces  which  they 
could  command,  estimated  by  Docwra  at  5,000,  he  arrived  at 
Strabane  on  June  3rd.  Docwra  made  preparations  for  resist- 
ing a  determined  siege,  but  the  Irish  force  was  not  disposed  to 
attack,  and,  after  spending  some  days  in  Tirlough  Luineach's 
now  ruined  and  deserted  town,  dispersed  without  unsheathing 
their  swords. 

Whether  this  singular  hesitation  on  the  part  of  Tyrone 
was  due  to  his  natural  timidity  or  to  advice  received  from 
further  south,  is  not  clear.  The  only  fact  as  to  which  there 
is  no  doubt  is  that  Tyrone  was  in  constant  communication 
with  some  of  the  members  of  the  Dublin  Government  during 
the  whole  of  his  stay  at  Strabane.  Captain  Willis's  information 
on  this  point  was  so  conclusive  that  he  thought  it  worth  a 
letter  to  Cecil.  "  There  hath  come  to  Tyrone  since  his  coming 
to  Strabane,"  he  wrote,  "  letters  and  messengers  from  some 
men  of  the  English  Pale  which  are  near  the  State.  I  have 
laid  out  to  have  a  certainty  of  it."  Captain  Dawtrey  wrote  in 

*  Capt.  Willis  to  Cecil,  June  4th,  1000. 


266  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

the  same  strain  quite  independently  of  Captain  Willis,  and 
from  another  part  of  the  country.  "  The  Deputy,"  he  re- 
ported, "is  a  marvellously  temperate  gentleman,  and  very 
affable,  but  I  fear  me  that  Tyrone's  faction  here  [i.e.,  in  Ire- 
land] have  gotten  a  strange  possession  of  him,  and  that  they 
do  abuse  him  with  their  cunning,  whereby  the  rebellion  will 
stand  long  and  put  Her  Majesty  under  great  charge."  He 
finishes  up  with  the  assertion  that  Fenton  and  Tyrone  are  in 
daily  correspondence  through  means  of  Richard  Weston.* 
This  seems  to  establish  beyond  doubt  that  the  man  in  Willis's 
mind  was  no  other  than  Fenton.  It  is  probable  that  this 
crafty  intriguer  warned  Tyrone  that  there  were  matters  pend- 
ing which  required  his  attention  further  south,  for  it  is  difficult 
otherwise  to  account  for  Tyrone's  surprising  inaction.  The 
Deny  settlement  threatened  the  privacy  of  his  dominions 
just  as  effectually  as  did  the  Blackwater  fort,  and,  in  fact, 
more  so,  for  the  victualling  of  the  former  by  sea  was  a  far  easier 
matter  than  the  victualling  of  the  latter  by  land.  However 
that  may  be,  the  fact  remains  that,  after  shaking  a  threatening 
fist  for  some  days,  Tyrone  disbanded  his  forces  and  turned 
his  back  on  Docwra's  enterprise. 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  Fenton,  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  Mount  joy  himself  had  no  illusions  as  to  the  real 
character  of  the  Permanent  Secretary,  for  in  January,  1603, 
we  find  him  penning  the  following  significant  letter  to  Sir 
George  Carey,  the  Treasurer,  another  official  who  was  popularly 
reported  to  have  amassed  much  ill-gotten  gain  during  his 
term  of  office :  "I  have,  at  your  earnest  desire,  signed  a 
warrant  for  Sir  George  Fenton  for  £100  (for  payment  of  spies), 
although,  as  you  remember,  he  had  a  concordatum  for  £100 
from  me  very  lately  for  such  occasions.  I  pray  God  his  in- 
telligence be  worth  it,  for,  by  God,  I  would  not  give  three 
farthings  for  any  I  received  by  his  means  since  I  came  into 
Ireland." 

Docwra's  most  formidable  foe  at  the  moment  was  disease. 
The  Irish  were  wont  to  say  that  their  four  best  captains  were 
Captain  Hunger,  Captain  Travail,  Captain  Toil  and  Captain 
Sickness,  and  on  this  occasion  certainly  the  last-named  proved 
their  most  effective  ally.  The  Derry  garrison  contracted 
a  strange  disease,  from  the  effect  of  which  all  were  more  or 
*  Capt  Dawtrey  to  Sir  John  Fortescue,  Sept.  7th,  1600. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  267 

less  incapacitated,  and  many  died.  Docwra  was  much  per- 
turbed by  this  epidemic,  and  wrote  in  apologetic  strain  to 
Cecil  :  "  The  cause  of  these  mortalities  I  know  will  be  re- 
quired ;  I  can  ascribe  it  to  nothing  but  the  distemperature 
of  the  air,  which  I  assureth  your  honour  exceedeth  all  credit 
to  such  as  feel  it  not."  If  Docwra's  explanation  was  correct, 
the  climate  must  have  marvellously  changed  in  the  last  three 
hundred  years,  for  it  is  hard  to  conceive  of  a  healthier  spot 
than  modern  Derry.  It  was  the  convenient  fashion  of  the  day 
to  ascribe  all  sickness  among  the  troops  to  the  malignity 
of  the  Irish  climate,  which  was  supposed  to  breed  mysterious 
maladies.  The  truth  was  that  in  the  majority  of  cases  the 
sickness  arose  from  the  excesses  of  the  soldiery,  coupled  with 
a  complete  ignorance  of  the  first  principles  of  hygiene.  The 
Derry  epidemic  does  not  seem  to  have  been  a  long-lived  affair, 
and  by  the  time  summer  had  set  in  we  hear  no  more  complaints 
of  sickness  or  even  of  climate. 

At  the  end  of  July  Hugh  Roe's  rebel  bands  scored  their 
first  success,  for  they  managed  to  steal  sixty*  of  the  garrison 
horses,  with  the  connivance  of  McSweeney  Dogh  (the  chief  of 
the  Dunfanaghy  district),  who  was  inside  the  walls  as  Docwra's 
ally,  and  who  let  the  horses  loose  by  previous  arrangement  with 
Hugh  Roe.  Docwra  was  quickly  on  their  track  with  a  hur- 
riedly raised  band  of  twenty  mounted  men,  with  which  he 
overtook  the  raiders  before  they  had  covered  many  miles, 
but  he  was  unable  to  recover  the  prey,  he  himself  being  struck 
in  the  forehead  by  a  javelin  thrown  by  Hugh  McHugh  Duv,  and 
•so  badly  wounded  that  the  pursuit  had  to  be  abandoned.! 

McSweeney' s  treachery  in  the  matter  was  fully  established 
by  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Hugh  Roe,  which  Docwra  managed 
to  intercept,  and  he  was  at  once  placed  under  arrest.  Docwra, 
being  still  new  to  his  position  and  not  on  the  best  of  terms 
with  the  Lord  Deputy,  showed  more  hesitation  in  dealing 
summarily  with  a  case  of  this  sort  than  he  did  later  on.  He 
determined  to  pass  the  responsibility  on  to  his  superior,  and, 
as  a  ship  was  on  the  eve  of  sailing  for  Dublin,  McSweeney  was 
placed  on  board  and  confined  below  hatches,  with  a  view  to 
taking  his  trial  at  the  Metropolis.  The  hatches,  however, 

*  According  to  the  Four  Masters  the  number  of  horses  captured  was  200. 
Docwra's  figures  are,  however,  the  more  likely  to  be  correct. 
•f  Four  Masters. 


268  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

were  afterwards  opened  to  take  on  board  some  beer,  and  this 
seemed  to  McSweeney  a  favourable  opportunity  for  avoiding 
a  ceremony  which  naturally  had  little  attraction  for  him.  He 
accordingly  leaped  on  to  the  deck,  flung  himself  into  the  water, 
and — being  a  strong  swimmer — got  away,  before  any  pursuit 
could  be  organized,  to  O'Cahan's  shore,  where,  with  a  derisive 
yell,  he  disappeared  into  the  underwood.* 

McSweeney  Dogh  had  originally  gained  Docwra's  favour 
and  confidence  by  bringing  in  a  hundred  of  Hugh  Roe's  cattle. 
On  August  19th,  Rory  O'Cahan  (O'Cahan's  brother)  tried  the 
same  tactics.  He  arrived  in  Derry  with  forty  men  and  sixty 
fat  beasts.  Docwra  paid  him  for  the  beasts  and  sent  him 
for  more,  which  he  produced.  Having  in  this  fashion  estab- 
lished, as  it  were,  his  footing,  Rory  then  asked  for  800  men, 
with  which  he  undertook  to  overcome  his  brother  Donnell, 
and  place  the  entire  Coleraine  country  under  the  rule  of  the 
Queen.  Sir  Art  O'Neil,  who  was  in  Derry  at  the  time,  for- 
tunately warned  Docwra  against  trusting  Rory,  whom  he 
described  as  a  notorious  traitor.  Docwra  accordingly  refused 
him  the  men,  and  accused  him  to  his  face  of  intended  treachery, 
but  allowed  him  to  go  free  on  depositing  two  pledges  for  his 
good  conduct.  Rory  went  off  humbly  enough,  but  the  very 
next  day  appeared  on  the  opposite  shore  with  300  men,  and 
shouted  across  insulting  defiance  at  Docwra  and  all  English- 
men generally,  adding,  at  the  same  time,  that,  if  his  pledges 
were  hanged,  he  would  kill  every  Englishman  that  fell  into 
his  hands  thereafter.  Docwra's  reply  was  to  erect  a  gibbet 
on  the  rampart  and  hang  the  two  pledges  in  full  view  of  their 
depositor,  who  could  hardly  have  expected  any  other  issue. f 

Rory  did  not  live  to  carry  out  his  threat.  Three  months 
later,  Docwra,  in  obedience  to  orders  received  from  Mount  joy, 
sent  Captain  Orme  over  the  water  by  way  of  Greencastle, 
while  he  himself  crossed  at  Lifford.  The  two  then  worked 
towards  one  another  on  the  far  side,  destroying  all  the  corn- 
stacks  as  they  went,  and  while  engaged  on  this  work  came 
suddenly  upon  Rory,  who  was  captured  and  immediately 
hanged  for  his  past  treachery.  J  It  afterwards  transpired  that 
the  800  men  he  had  asked  for  were  to  have  been  led  by  him 
into  a  prepared  ambush,  by  arrangement  with  Tyrone. 

*  Docwra  to  Cecil,  Aug.  29th,  1600. 

|  Docwra  Narration.         %  Fynes  Moryson. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  269 

At  the  end  of  August  Captain  Hart  arrived  in  the  Foyle 
with  reinforcements  of  men  and  horses,  and  Docwra  found 
himself  strong  enough  to  split  his  forces.  He  himself  kept 
300  men  at  Derry,  and  sent  400  under  Sir  John  Bowles,  his 
second  in  command,  to  Dunalong  to  support  Sir  Art  O'NeiL 
whose  own  force  consisted  of  forty  Irish  only. 

Neil  Gary,  who  so  far  had  proved  very  difficult  and  con- 
tradictory, now  came  in  and  made  an  offer  to  form  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  with  the  English  if  he  was  guaranteed 
the  chiefry  of  Donegal,  freedom  of  religion  and  the  right  to 
select  his  own  sheriff.  To  these  conditions  Docwra  agreed 
in  substance,  though  with  certain  diplomatic  reservations  as 
to  Neil  Garv's  future  conduct.  At  the  same  time,  "  as  a 
token  of  his  love,"  he  sent  him  a  hat,  a  piece  of  kersey  and  a 
piece  of  khaki.*  Neil  Garv  afterwards  claimed  that  his  terms 
were  agreed  to  unconditionally,  and  on  the  subsequent  non- 
fulfilment  of  the  first  condition,  which  stipulated  that  he  should 
rule  Donegal  "  in  as  ample  a  manner  as  his  grandfather,  Cal- 
vagh,"  he  managed  to  build  up  an  imperishable  grievance. 
The  next  chief  to  come  in  was  O'Dogherty,  whose  condition 
was  that  he  should  have  Ellaugh  Castle  (in  the  parish  of 
Templemore)  as  soon  as  it  had  been  rendered  defensible,  and 
that  he  should  also  have  the  catering  contract  for  the  Derry 
garrison.  Both  these  points  were  agreed  to,  and  O'Dogherty 
at  once  took  up  his  new  duties  as  caterer,  but  his  prices  proved 
so  hopelessly  exorbitant  that  the  arrangement  was  not  of  long 
duration,  a  development  from  which  he  in  turn  was  not  slow 
to  manufacture  a  grievance. 

Docwra  had  now  three  important  native  allies  to  back  him 
up,  but  it  was  not  long  before  he  began  to  experience  more 
trouble  from  his  Irish  confederates  than  from  his  Irish  enemies. 
Sir  Art  O'Neil,  who  had  lived  his  entire  life  in  penurious 
obscurity,  now  became  so  elated  with  his  sudden  access  of 
prosperity  that  nothing  could  be  done  with  him.  Docwra, 
who  had  received  special  instructions  from  the  Government 
to  exploit  this  son  of  Tirlough  Luineach  as  the  prospective 
O'Neil,  wrote  in  despair  to  both  Mountjoy  and  Cecil,  complain- 
ing that  he  was  quite  impossible  to  deal  with  on  account  of 
his  unreasonable  rapacity.  Mountjoy  was  not  surprised. 
"  That  Sir  Art  O'Neil  is  discontented,"  he  wrote  to  Cecil, 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  V.-58. 


270  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

"is  no  wonder  ;  for  even  the  best  of  this  people,  out  of  all 
their  extreme  pride  and  over-valuing  themselves,  are  never 
satisfied."*  The  problem,  however,  as  far  as  Sir  Art  was 
concerned,  was  quickly  solved  by  his  death.  He  was  seldom 
sober,  and  in  October  died  "  of  too  many  carouses  on  his 
wedding-day."  f  The  moment  Art  was  dead,  his  brother 
Cormac  came  in,  claiming  all  the  privileges  which  had  been 
conceded  to  his  elder  brother.  Cormac  proved  a  very  superior 
character  in  every  respect  to  Art,  and  Docwra  at  the  first 
had  great  hopes  of  him.  He  is  described  as  "  of  a  mild,  honest 
disposition,  willing  to  serve  without  grating  beggary  and 
unreasonable  demands,  but  little  less  barbarous  than  the 
better  sort  of  wood-kerne."  J  The  Governor's  chief  difficulty 
lay  in  the  inveterate  hatred  of  all  his  three  Irish  allies  for  one 
another.  Each  in  turn  ceaselessly  accused  the  other  two  of 
being  traitors  and  spies  working  in  the  interest  of  Hugh  Roe,§ 
so  that  the  difficulty  of  knowing  which  to  believe  and  which 
to  trust  was  more  than  a  little  disconcerting.  ||  Docwra  very 
wisely  began  by  distrusting  them  all,  but  gradually  changed 
his  opinion  with  regard  to  Neil  Garv,  whom,  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  he  had  pronounced  to  be  trustworthy,  though  intensely 
difficult  to  deal  with.  Unfortunately,  however,  this  first 
favourable  impression  did  not  stand  the  test  of  time. 

The  actual  fighting  so  far  had  been  insignificant,  the  only 
relief  from  the  monotony  of  daily  routine  arising  from  an 
attempt  at  a  surprise  attack  on  Deny  by  "  a  hundred  "  (i.e., 
a  fair-sized  party)  of  Hugh  Roe's  men  ;  this  happened  at  the 
end  of  September.  The  night  was  a  very  dark  one,  but  the 
watch  was  well  kept,  and  Lieutenant  White,  who  Was  on  guard 
with  twenty  mounted  men,  quickly  got  the  alarm,  and,  hurry- 
ing to  the  threatened  spot,  charged  and  dispersed  the  assailants, 
who  left  fifteen  of  their  number  dead  on  the  ground.^} 

*  Mountjoy  to  Cecil,  Oct.  27th,  1600. 

f  Capt.  Willis  to  Cecil,  Oct.  27th,  1600.  See  also  Chichester  to  Cecil 
Oct.  29th,  1600. 

J  Sir  John  Bowles  to  Cecil,  Dec.  1st,  1600. 

§  Sir  John  Bowles  to  Cecil,  Nov.  1600. 

||  Fynes  Moryson. 

<J  Docwra  Narration.  In  his  letter  of  Oct.  1st  to  the  Privy  Council  Docwra 
says  White  had  eight  men  with  him  and  killed  two,  but  the  revised  figures  in 
his  later  Narration  may  be  accepted  as  the  more  correct. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

Mountjoy's  energy — He  reaches  the  Moyerie  Pass — Unprecedented  rain — 
Description  of  Tyrone's  defences — Their  capture  by  Capt.  Williams — 
Connor  Roe  escapes  from  Tyrone — Mountjoy's  good  opinion  of  him — 
English  casualties  in  the  Moyerie — Mountjoy  returns  to  Dundalk — He 
returns  to  the  attack — Disappearance  of  Tyrone's  opposition — Mountjoy 
cuts  down  the  trees — He  reaches  Newry  unopposed — Establishment  of 
new  fort  at  Mount  Norris — Attack  by  Tyrone's  men — Too  much  whisky — 
Mountjoy  returns  to  Dundalk  via  Carlingford — Fight  at  Ballyonan — A 
price  is  placed  on  Tyrone's  head. 

THE  energy  which  had  characterized  Mountjoy's  earlier 
movements  proved  no  mere  flash  in  the  pan.  He  quickly 
gave  evidence  of  a  determination  to  allow  the  rebel  Earl  no 
respite  from  his  attentions.  In  October  he  made  an  effort  to 
bring  matters  to  a  climax.  This  he  hoped  to  achieve  by  a 
concerted  movement  which  aimed  at  attacking  Tyrone 
simultaneously  from  north  and  south,  while  Chichester  co- 
operated from  the  Carrickfergus  side.  In  furtherance  of  this 
scheme,  he  left  Dundalk  on  the  20th  with  1,700  foot  and  140 
horse,  and  encamped  at  the  Faughart  Hill,  at  the  entrance  to 
the  famous  Moyerie  Pass.  Tyrone,  quite  alive  to  the  import- 
ance of  the  occasion,  had  lined  the  pass  with  an  army  of 
3,000  foot  and  300  horse,  and  that  he  recognized  the  gravity  of 
the  situation  is  made  evident  by  his  announcement  to  his 
followers  that,  if  the  Deputy  once  reached  Newry,  Ulster  was 
as  good  as  lost.*  On  this  occasion  the  Deputy  was  not  destined 
to  reach  Newry,  for  it  rained  without  cease  for  ten  con- 
secutive days  from  the  moment  of  his  arrival  at  the  Moyerie, 
the  downpour  being  the  heaviest  in  the  memory  of  man  for 
thirty-seven  years.  |  Following  the  same  tactics  which  had 
proved  so  successful  in  the  case  of  Bagenal's  ill-fated  expedition 
from  Armagh,  Tyrone  had  dug  two  parallel  lines  of  trenches 
from  wall  to  wall  of  the  pass,  the  second  line  being  just  beyond 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  V.-84. 
t  Sir  F.  Stafford  to  Cecil,  Oct.  4th,  1600. 

27I 


272  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

the  Four  Mile  Water,  i.e.,  the  ford  on  the  Kilmory  River,  four 
miles  from  the  camp.*     "  From  mountain  to  mountain,  from 
wood  to  wood,  and  from  bog  to  bog,"  Mountjoy  wrote  to  the 
Queen,  "  were  long  traverses,  with  huge  and  high  flankers  of 
great  stones  mingled  with  turf,  and  staked  on  both  sides  with 
palisades  wattled. "f     Formidable  as  these  two  lines  of  trenches 
appear  to  have  been,  they  were  both  captured  by  that  admirable 
soldier,   Captain  Williams,   of  Blackwater  fame,  in  a  perfect 
deluge  of  rain  on  September  25th,  the  defenders  abandoning 
the  position  without  putting  up  any  fight.     A  number  of  arms 
and  a  considerable  stock  of  provisions  were  captured,  but  the 
trenches  themselves  were  not  held,  as  they  were  too  far  ahead 
of  the  transport  and  baggage,  which  the  weather  had  rendered 
immovable.     On  October  2nd  there  was  another  brisk  skirmish, 
in   the  confusion  arising  from  which  Connor  Roe's  son  Brian, 
who  was  a  prisoner  with  Tyrone,  escaped  and  came  over  to  the 
English  side,  where  he  rendered  such  good  account  of  himself 
as  to  "  kill  two  rogues  with  his  own  hand."J     Not  only  did 
he  effect  his  own  escape,  but,  in  coming  across,  he  managed  to 
compel  the  attendance  of  Cormac  McBaron's  eldest  son,  whom 
he  brought  in  triumph  to  Mount  joy's  camp  and  subsequently 
sold  to  the  Deputy  for  £50.§     Connor  Roe  himself  had  been 
with  the  Deputy's  force  from  the  outset,   and  he,  too,  was 
reported  to  have  acquitted  himself  right  well  and  nobly  in 
the  fighting.     Mountjoy  had  a  very  high  opinion  of  the  elder 
Maguire.     "  The  old  man,"   he  wrote  to  Cecil,   "  is  the  only 
honest  Irishman  that  I  have  yet  found  since  my  coming  hither, 
and,  believe  me,  Sir,  the  wisest  man  that  I  have  known  of  his 
nation."| 

'The  skirmish  on  the  2nd  was  productive  of  nothing  definite 
in  the  way  of  results.  On  the  English  side  Captain  Rush  and 
Lieutenants  Willis  and  Jackson  were  killed,  the  other  casualties 
in  all  amounting  to  about  a  hundred.  On  the  5th,  which  was 
the  first  fine  day  experienced  since  Dundalk  had  been  left, 
the  fight  was  renewed.  Sir  Charles  Percy  and  Sir  Oliver  St. 
John,  with  their  companies,  scaled  the  crags  on  the  left  of 

*  The  site  of  these  trenches  is  between  Acton  and  Poyntzy  Pass. 

f  Mountjoy  to  the  Queen,  May,  1602. 

j  Mountjoy  to  Cecil,  Dec.  12th,  1600. 

§  Mountjoy  to  Privy  Council,  Dec.  llth,  1GOO 

!|  Mountjoy  to  Cecil.  Dec.  12th,  1000. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  273 

the  pass  and  put  the  opposing  forces  to  flight,  but  they  sus- 
tained some  losses  in  doing  so,  Sir  Robert  Lovell  being  shot 
through  the  head  and  Lieutenant  Brereton  being  also  killed. 
The  casualties  in  killed  and  wounded  on  the  English  side  now 
amounted  to  250,*  and,  though  the  actual  fighting  had  been 
in  their  favour,  the  tactical  victory  rested  with  Tyrone,  for 
on  October  7th  the  Deputy  was  forced  to  return  to  Dundalk. 

The  curious  passivity  of  Tyrone's  methods  were  now  once 
more  exemplified  by  the  fact  that,  after  Mount  joy  had  retired 
to  Dundalk,  Sir  Samuel  Bagenal's  contingent  was  allowed  to 
return  to  Newry  (i.e.,  to  move  towards  the  north)  through  the 
Moyerie  Pass  without  molestation,  though  Tyrone  was  through- 
out on  the  heights  above,  watching  the  proceedings.  Sir 
Samuel  was  a  cousin  of  the  late  Marshal,  and  a  man  whom, 
beyond  all  others,  except  Chichester,  Tyrone — as  a  true  patriot 
— should  have  hated,  for  his  methods  were  fully  as  brutal  as 
were  those  of  the  Carrickfergus  Governor  ;  and  yet  he  was 
allowed  to  pass  unhindered  with  a  small  force  which  Tyrone's 
big  army  could  easily  have  overwhelmed,  f  Still  more  curious 
was  Tyrone's  subsequent  action,  or  rather  inaction,  in  the 
Moyerie  Pass  itself,  for  ten  days  later,  when  Mount  joy,  having 
reorganized  his  force,  renewed  his  attempt  on  the  Pass,  he 
found  every  conceivable  artificial  obstacle  barring  his  way, 
but  no  armed  opposition.  Taking  advantage  of  this  all  but 
providential  opportunity,  Mount  joy  made  most  deliberate 
progress  through  the  Pass,  cutting  down  the  trees  on  both  sides 
as  he  went,  so  as  to  ensure  that  any  future  fighting  between 
Dundalk  and  Newry  should  at  any  rate  be  done  in  the  open. 
On  October  27th,  he  and  his  army  reached  Newry.  There  is  no 
explanation  of  this  extraordinary  neglect  of  opportunity  on 
the  part  of  Tyrone  except  on  the  assumption  that  he  had  not 
yet  read  Mount  joy  aright,  and  hoped  by  such  kid-gloved  methods 
to  cajole  him  into  the  customary  parley.  If  this  was  his 
expectation,  he  was  doomed  to  disappointment,  for  on  this 
point  Mountjoy  remained  immovable.  Hugh  Roe  subsequently 
upbraided  his  chief  most  bitterly  with  having  grievously 
bungled  the  whole  affair. 

*  Sir  George  Carey  to  Cecil,  Oct.  9th,  1600  ;  see  also  Sir  F.  Stafford  to  Fenton. 
Oct.  6th,  1600.  The  Four  Masters,  in  their  account  of  the  affair  state  that "  count- 
less numbers  of  their  gentlemen,  oflicers,  recruits  and  attendants  were  slain." 

t  Samuel  Bagenal  was  not  held  in  high  repute  even  by  the  English,  and  he 
was  shortly  afterwards  relieved  by  Mountjoy  of  his  command. 

18 


274  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 


resting  for  a  week  at  Newry,  Mount  joy  set  out  towards 
Armagh,  with  the  idea  of  selecting  some  half-way  spot  which 
would  act  as  a  connecting  link  between  these  two  places,  and 
so  facilitate  the  advance  of  expeditionary  forces  working 
towards  the  Blackwater.  He  found  an  ideal  spot  near  Aughna- 
grane,  about  eight  miles  from  Newry,  where  there  was  an  old 
Danish  tower  and  a  fine  spring  of  water.  While  Mount  joy 
was  engaged  in  making  a  peaceful  survey  of  this  favourable 
spot,  his  force  was  suddenly  attacked  with  terrific  yells  by 
Tyrone's  men.  The  surveying  party  was  taken  so  completely 
by  surprise  that  serious  consequences  might  have  followed  if 
the  Earl,  in  his  anxiety  to  stimulate  the  military  ardour  of  his 
men,  had  not  so  overdosed  them  with  whisky  —  or  aqua  vita,  as 
it  was  then  called  —  that  the  majority  measured  their  length 
before  coming  within  striking  distance,  and  remained  where 
they  fell,  incapable  of  moving.*  The  most  important  prisoner 
taken  in  this  ignominious  fashion  was  Neil  O'Quinn,  and  he 
was  so  drunk  that  it  was  twenty-four  hours  before  he  could 
speak  at  all. 

Mountjoy  decided  to  christen  the  new  fort  Mount  Norris. 
Four  hundred  men,  under  Captain  Blaney,  who  is  doubtfully 
described  as  "a  very  worthy  and  painful  gentleman,"  were 
left  to  carry  out  its  construction.  On  November  12th  Mountjoy 
returned  to  Dundalk  via  the  Narrow  Water  and  Carlingford, 
a  route  by  the  adoption  of  which  the  fatal  Moyerie  Pass  was 
avoided.  Mountjoy,  however,  had  other  reasons  for  his  deci- 
sion, the  chief  of  which  was  that  there  was  an  abundance  of 
provisions  at  Carlingford,  while  Dundalk  and  Newry  were 
eaten  bare.  All  his  force  was  accordingly  transferred  across 
the  water  in  small  boats,  after  which  he  set  out  along  the  sea- 
shore towards  Carlingford.  .  While  yet  two  miles  short  of  that 
place,  but  after  passing  Ballyonan,  he  was  attacked  by  Tyrone, 
who  had  erected  two  strong  barricades  from  the  woods  to  the 
sea,  and  who  had  four  hundred  men  posted  on  the  steep 
wooded  slopes  which  commanded  the  barricades,  f  From  these 
slopes  a  wild  fusillade  was  opened  on  Mount  joy's  men  the 
moment  they  set  to  work  to  break  down  the  obstacles.  The 
English  troops,  who  behaved  extraordinarily  well  in  a  very 
trying  position,  replied  as  well  as  they  were  able  in  the  absence 
of  any  visible  enemy.  In  the  end  the  barricades  were  success- 

*  Sir  Griffin  Markhum  to  Cecil,  Nov.  8th,  1600.         f  Fynes  Moryson. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  275 

fully  removed  and  the  army  proceeded  on  its  way,  but  fifteen 
of  the  English  were  killed  and  fifty  wounded  in  the  process, 
Mount  joy's  secretary,  Cranmer,  who  was  shot  close  by  the 
Deputy's  side,  being  among  the  former.* 

Mount  joy  was  greatly  incensed  by  the  loss  of  his  men,  and 
especially  »by  the  death  of  his  secretary — so  much  so,  in  fact, 
that  on  arrival  at  Dundalk  he  at  once  issued  a  proclamation 
offering  a  reward  of  four  thousand  marks  for  Tyrone  alive  and 
two  thousand  for  him  dead.  It  speaks  much  for  the  sanctity 
in  which  the  O' Neil's  person  was  held  by  the  natives  that, 
as  far  as  is  known,  no  one  of  his  followers  made  any  attempt 
to  take  advantage  of  this  offer. 

With  the  return  of  the  army  to  Dundalk,  Mount  joy's  first 
serious  campaign  against  the  rebel  Earl  may  be  said  to  have 
closed. 

The  results  actually  achieved  were  small,  and  yet,  small 
though  they  were,  of  supreme  military  importance,  for  the 
establishment  of  the  new  fort  at  Mount  Norris  was  the  first 
nail  in  the  coffin  of  Tyrone's  rebellion. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.- 25. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

Capture  of  Liffbrd  by  Sir  John  Bowles— Neil  Garv  is  left  in  command — Neil 
Gary's  many  enemies — Hugh  Roe  attempts  to  retake  Lifford — His  two 
successive  failures — Death  of  Manus  O'Donnell- — Death  of  Hugh  McManus 
— Hugh  Roe's  brutal  act  of  revenge — Neil  Garv  and  his  brothers  raid  New- 
town — Hugh  Roe's  attempt  on  Culmore  Fort — Attempted  intrigue  with 
Captain  Olphert — Hugh  Boy  McDavitt— His  character — Description  of 
Derry — Spanish  ships  at  Killibegs — Death  of  Sir  John  O'Dogherty — 
Phelim  Oge  and  Cahir  contend  for  the  succession — Shortage  in  the  Derry 
musters— Docwra's  explanation — McSweeney  Fanad — His  revolt  and 
submission — The  custom  of  "  pledges  " — Docwra's  native  allies — Their 
characters — Neil  Garv  goes  to  Dublin — His  views  on  social  questions — 
Tyrone  attempts  to  raid  Dunalong — His  failure  and  precipitate  flight — 
Capture  of  Newtown,  Castle  Derg  and  Omagh. 

IN  the  meanwhile  events  at  Derry  were  progressing  smoothly 
and  uneventfully,  but,  from  the  English  point  of  view, 
quite  satisfactorily.  The  first  act  of  expansion  oil  the  part 
of  the  settlement  was  the  capture  of  Lifford.  This  was  achieved 
by  Sir  John  Bowles,  who  left  Derry  on  the  evening  of  October  8th 
with  five  hundred  foot,  including  one  hundred  and  twenty 
Irish  under  Neil  Garv,  and,  after  marching  all  night,  arrived 
opposite  Lifford  at  9  a.m.  on  the  following  morning.  Hugh 
Roe's  garrison  was  apparently  taken  completely  by  surprise  ; 
the  fort  was  captured  with  but  little  opposition  and  the  garrison 
put  to  the  sword.*  The  fort,  which  was  in  the  form  of  a 
triangle  surrounded  by  a  deep  fosse  and  a  rampart,  contained 
some  twenty  houses,  which,  now  that  winter  was  approaching, 
afforded  a  welcome  addition  to  the  house  accommodation  of  the 
army. 

Neil  Garv,  to  his  great  delight,  was  left  in  command  of  Lifford, 
being  thus  reinstated  in  his  family  heritage  after  many  years 
of  enforced  residence  at  Castle  Finn.  His  establishment  at 
Lifford  had  something  more  than  a  sentimental  value  to  this 
homeless  Ishmaelite,  who  at  the  moment  was  in  extremely  bad 
odour  with  the  majority  of  his  own  people.  Hugh  Roe,  whom  he 

*  Docwra  to  Privy  Council,  Nov.  2nd,  1600.  Other  accounts  state  that  they 
all  fled  and  were  not  pursued. 

276 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  277 

was  trying  to  supplant,  was  very  naturally  his  implacable  foe 
and  had  placed  a  price  on  his  head.  Hugh  Roe's  mother, 
Ineenduv,  was  no  less  furiously  hostile,  and  certainly  no  less 
to  be  feared.  That  dangerous  and  energetic  lady's  two  main 
residences  were  at  Mongavlin  and  at  Carrigans,  and  though 
Docwra's  proximity  had  compelled  her  to  shift  her  quarters 
further  south,  her  influence  was  still  strong  enough  in  and 
around  those  places  to  cause  uneasiness  to  a  man  who  had  no 
ramparts  round  him,  and  who  had  not  forgotten  the  murder  of 
his  two  brothers.  Not  content  with  the  active  hostility  of 
Hugh  Roe  and  his  mother,  Neil  Garv  had  recently  still  further 
excited  the  family  hatred  by  most  unwisely  killing  his  uncle 
Nachten  "  in  a  drunken  fury,"*  a  deed  for  which  retaliation 
in  one  form  or  another  might  reasonably  be  expected.  In  all 
the  circumstances,  then,  the  shelter  of  a  strong  fort  was  not 
to  be  despised. 

Apart  from  its  value,  sentimental  or  protective,  to  Neil 
Garv,  Lifford  was  a  distinct  acquisition  from  the  genera 
military  standpoint,  for  not  only  did  it  command  the  only 
passage  into  Donegal  across  the  River  Mourne,  but  it  also 
dominated  the  town  of  Strabane  on  the  opposite  bank.  Stra- 
bane,  it  is  true,  was  in  ruins,  having  remained  in  that  condition 
ever  since  Tyrone  had  demolished  it  in  1595,  but  it  still  had  a 
certain  political  importance  as  the  recognized  headquarters  of 
Tirlough  Luineach's  descendants,  who  at  the  moment  were 
the  Government  favourites  for  the  title  of  O'Neil.  Cormac, 
indeed,  offered  to  rebuild  it  if  Docwra  would  provide  him  with 
the  necessary  masons,  but  this  did  not  prove  practicable  at  the 
moment,  and  the  idea  was  abandoned. 

Hugh  Roe  made  two  efforts  to  capture  Lifford,  one  on 
October  17th  and  another  on  the  24th,  but  in  each  case  he  was 
beaten  off  by  Neil  Garv.  On  the  first  of  these  occasions 
Neil  Garv  very  seriously  wounded  Hugh  Roe's  brother  Manus 
O'Donnell,  whom  he  transfixed  under  the  arm  with  a  long 
lance.  Manus  was  carried  on  a  litter  to  Donegal,  where  he 
died  on  October  22nd.  His  old  father  Hugh  McManus,  who 
for  many  years  ^>ast  had  been  quite  doting,  died  six  weeks 
after  his  son.  "I" 

Hugh   Roe   was  so  enraged  by  his  defeat  and  by  the  death 
of  his  brother,  that  he  rode  straight  away  up  to  Castle  Finn, 
*  Csil.  State  Pii|>er.s,  Vol.  2<)7,  Part  V.-120.          f  Four  Masters. 


278  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

where  Neil  Gary's  wife  Nuala  lived,  and,  seizing  her  four  year- 
old  boy  by  the  heels,  beat  out  his  brains  against  the  door-post 
before  the  mother's  eyes.*  The  brutality  of  this  act  was 
enhanced  by  the  fact  that  Nuala  was  Hugh  Roe's  own  sister. 
Unhappily  the  sacrifice  of  the  innocent  to  the  spirit  of  vengeance 
did  not  end  there,  for  Neil  Garv,  supported  by  his  brothers  Con 
and  Donnell,  retaliated  for  the  death  of  his  son  by  making  a 
raid  on  Henry  Hoveden's  country  (between  Newtown  Stewart 
and  Omagh),  in  the  course  of  which  five  hundred  cattle  were 
captured  and  man,  woman  and  child  were  indiscriminately 
killed,  f 

Four  months  later — during  Neil  Garv's  temporary  absence 
in  Dublin — his  two  brothers  made  a  similar  raid  upon  Newtown, 
in  the  course  of  which  twelve  wood-kerne  and  thirty-eight 
"  others  "  were  killed.  J 

In  the  meanwhile  some  interesting  developments  were  taking 
place  in  Derry  itself.  One  of  the  garrison,  by  name  Lieutenant 
Roberts,  had  killed  another  lieutenant  in  a  quarrel,  and  in 
order  to  avoid  punishment,  he  fled  to  O'Dogherty,  who  passed 
him  on  to  his  dominant  chieftain,  Hugh  Roe.  Hugh  Roe 
at  once  took  advantage  of  the  situation  in  order  to  try,  through 
the  medium  of  his  prisoner,  to  get  possession  of  Culmore  Fort, 
and,  incidentally,  of  the  person  of  his  hated  rival  Neil  Garv. 
The  fort  was  in  charge  of  Captain  Olphert,  and  Hugh  Roe 
promised  that,  if  Roberts  could  prevail  on  Olphert  to  hand  it 
over  to  him  after  having  invited  Neil  Garv  to  supper,  he  would 
give  one  thousand  pounds  to  be  divided  between  Roberts  and 
Olphert,  in  addition  to  which  he  would  give  Olphert  a  gold 
chain  and  three  hundred  pounds  for  his  men.§  Roberts 
pretended  to  acquiesce,  but  found  means  to  let  Docwra  have 
all  the  particulars  of  the  plot.  In  connection  with  this  plot  a 
young  Irishman  of  the  name  of  Hugh  Boy  McDavitt  appears 
for  the  first  time  on  the  scene.  This  Hugh  Boy  was  destined 
later  on  to  play  a  rather  prominent  part  in  the  affairs  of  Derry, 
as  was  also  his  brother  Phelim  Reagh.  Hugh  Boy  is  described 
by  a  contemporary  as  being  a  tall,  good-looking  young  man,  of 

*  Docwra  to  Cecil,  Feb.  12th,  1601. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Jan.  24th,  1601. 
J  Fynes  Moryson. 

§  Docwra  says  that  the  bribe  offered  was  a  gold  chain  and  £3,000  a  year 
from  the  King  of  Spain. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  271) 

extremely  engaging  manners,  with  as  honest  and  open  a  coun- 
tenance as  a  man  might  wish  for,  and  with  as  dishonest  a  heart. 
The  latter  characteristic,  however,  was  never  admitted  by 
Docwra.  The  Governor  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  been  completely 
hypnotized  by  this  young  man,  who,  according  to  many,  made 
a  thorough  fool  of  him.  This,  however,  was  not  till  later. 
At  the  time  of  the  Culmore  Fort  plot  this  youth  was  sent  by 
Hugh  Roe  to  Olphert  with  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
Roberts.  Armed  with  this  passport,  he  made  his  way  to  Cul- 
more, where  he  duly  presented  Captain  Olphert  with  the  letter 
of  introduction,  and  with  the  gold  chain  (which  had  been  given 
to  Hugh  Roe  by  the  King  of  Spain,  and  which  was  valued  at 
one  hundred  and  sixty  pounds)  as  an  earnest  of  his  chief's 
friendly  intentions.*  No  money  changed  hands  on  the  occa- 
sion of  this  first  meeting,  nor  is  it  probable  that  Hugh  Boy  came 
provided  with  any  more  tangible  bribe  than  the  chain. 
Olphert,  not  to  be  outdone  in  politeness,  made  a  pretence  of 
agreeing  to  the  proposition,  but  took  good  care  to  keep  Docwra 
fully  informed  of  all  that  was  going  on,  in  the  hopes  of  cap- 
turing the  proposed  party  of  occupation.  Hugh  Roe's  scheme, 
however,  never  got  beyond  the  preliminary  stages,  for  Hugh 
Boy  became  suspicious  that  Docwra  knew  more  than  was  sup- 
posed, and  the  whole  scheme  was  allowed  to  drop.f  The  only 
practical  effect  of  the  affair  was  that  Docwra  wholly  broke  off 
all  friendly  relations  with  O'Dogherty,  who  had  proved  himself 
too  double-faced  to  be  trusted.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  he  was 
of  very  little  value  either  as  an  ally  or  an  enemy,  for  he  was 
hopelessly  incapacitated  both  in  body  and  mind  by  ceaseless 
drunkenness.^ 

In  the  winter  of  1600,  while  the  various  English  garrisons  on 
the  Foyle  were  resting  till  the  following  spring,  it  may  be  of 
interest  to  take  a  glance  at  the  country  in  which  they  had 
settled.  Derry  is  described  as  an  island  of  high,  uneven 
ground,  a  mile  long  and  a  quarter  of  a  mile  wide,  containing 
the  ruins  of  two  churches,  a  Castle  and  a  Cathedral.  On  one 
side  was  the  sea,  and  on  the  other  a  bog  passable  on  foot  in 
summer,  but  not  in  winter.  The  sea  was  in  the  shape  of  a 
bow,  the  bog  forming  the  string.  There  were  good  slate  and 

*  Docwra  Narration. 

t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-77-1. 

%  Cal.  State  Papers,  Dec.  1000. 


280  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

stone  quarries  on  the  island,  and  two  excellent  springs  of  water. 
Right  opposite  Derry  was  a  very  large  wood,  and  a  mile  higher 
up  the  river  plenty  of  birch  and  hazel,  but  no  other  kinds  of 
wood.  Off  the  mouth  of  the  Foyle  there  was  good  fishing  for 
cod,  and  off  Culmore  reasonably  good  herring  fishing.  From 
Dunalong  to  Lifford  excellent  salmon,  trout  and  flounder 
fishing  from  June  to  the  end  of  August.  Vast  quantities  of  wild- 
fowl at  all  times.  On  Inishowen  there  was  no  timber  of  any 
sort,  but  good  crops  of  flax,  oats  and  barley  were  grown,* 
which  were  systematically  improved  and  increased  by  Docwra, 
who  instructed  the  natives  in  the  newest  methods  of  agriculture. 

In  January,  1601,  there  was  great  excitement  in  north-west 
Ulster  over  the  arrival  of  two  Spanish  ships  at  Killibegs,  bring- 
ing ten  thousand  ducats  and  two  thousand  muskets,  with 
powder  and  lead  to  match.  Half  of  this  consignment  went 
to  Tyrone,  while  the  other  half  was  divided  up  between  Hugh 
Roe,  O'Rourke,  O'Connor  Sligo  and  McWilliams.  Tyrone, 
who  on  former  occasions  had  experienced  certain  difficulties 
with  regard  to  the  circulation  of  Spanish  coinage  in  Ireland, 
resolved  that  there  should  in  any  case  be  no  trouble  this  time, 
and  issued  a  proclamation  that  any  refusal  to  take  the  money  as 
legal  tender  should  be  reckoned  as  a  capital  offence,  f 

In  the  same  month  the  situation  in  Lough  Foyle  district  was 
a  good  deal  complicated  by  the  death  of  Sir  John  O'Dogherty> 
an  occurrence  which  at  once  gave  rise  to  the  usual  family 
squabble  over  the  succession.  The  rival  candidates  in  this 
case  were  O'Dogherty's  brother  Phelim  Oge,  and  his  son  Cahir. 
Hugh  Roe  nominated  the  former  chief  of  Inishowen,  while 
Docwra,  as  a  natural  sequence,  supported  the  cause  of  the 
latter.  At  the  same  time,  and  as  a  necessary  part  of  the 
transaction,  Docwra  extended  a  free  pardon  to  Hugh  Boy 
for  his  share  in  the  recent  attempt  on  Culmore  Fort.  This  was 
by  no  means  the  least  important  development  arising  out  of 
the  new  situation,  for  from  this  time  onwards  this  insidious 
youth  began  to  worm  his  way  into  the  Governor's  counsels, 
and  to  exercise  an  altogether  unaccountable  influence  over 
his  policy.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  known  to  be  Hugh 
Roe's  most  intimate  associate,  and  in  spite  of  warnings  from 
many  quarters,  both  English  and  Irish,  that  his  ultimate 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-85. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VII.-15, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  281 

designs  were  treacherous,  Hugh  Boy  was  allowed  to  come  and 
£0  as  he  pleased,  in  and  out  of  all  English  garrisons  on  Lough 
Foyle,  without  challenge  or  supervision. 

These  garrison  forts  now  included  Derry,  Culmore,  Dunalong, 
Lifford,  Greencastle,  Ellaugh  Castle  and  Rathmullen  Abbey, 
the  latter  having  been  captured  by  a  small  force  which  Docwra 
had  sent  quietly  at  night  across  Lough  Swilly.  The  total 
number  of  troops  in  occupation  of  these  places  was  now  returned 
at  three  thousand  five  hundred  men,  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
this  figure  was  double  the  actual  number  mustered,  and  Docwra 
very  nearly  fell  under  his  Queen's  heavy  displeasure  over  the 
discrepancy.  He  was  ordered  to  explain  why  he  had  allowed 
the  commissioners  to  make  false  returns  of  the  musters, 
"  whereby  the  Queen  is  much  abused  and  her  treasury  frau- 
dulently consumed."  Docwra  made  the  usual  excuse  to  the 
effect  that  he  himself  had  been  deceived  by  his  Captains,  which 
may  or  may  not  have  been  true  ;  but  the  excuse  was  at  all 
events  accepted  in  high  quarters  at  the  time,  so  it  may  reason- 
ably be  accepted  by  the  less  interested  reader  of  the  present 
day. 

Docwra' s  three  native  allies  at  the  moment  were  Neil  Garv, 
Tirlough  Luineach's  son  Cormac,  and  Hugh  Boy  McDavitt. 
McSweeney  Dogh,  as  we  have  seen,  had  proved  false.  His 
namesake,  McSweeney  Fanad,  proved  little  more  reliable. 
He  had  started  by  being  very  friendly,  but  had  later  on 
deserted  to  Hugh  Roe,  whereupon  Docwra  had  raided  his 
country  (west  of  Lough  Swilly)  and  carried  off  a  thousand 
cattle.  This  brought  McSweeney  to  his  knees,  and  he  came 
in  and  offered  absolute  submission  if  he  might  have  his  cattle 
back  again.  Docwra  returned  him  the  greater  part  of  them, 
but  kept  a  few  by  way  of  a  fine,  an  arrangement  with  which 
the  chief  appeared  quite  satisfied.  He  left  six  pledges  for  his 
future  good  behaviour,  of  whom  one  was  his  son,  and  he  and 
Docwra  parted  on  the  best  of  terms.  Almost  immediately 
afterwards,  however,  he  openly  joined  Hugh  Roe,  and  cele- 
brated the  event  by  raiding  and  carrying  off  a  large  number 
of  the  garrison  cattle,  whereupon  Docwra — according  to  native 
custom— hanged  his  six  pledges.*  Not  content  with  exacting 
this  penalty— which  he  suspected  would  leave  McSweeney  un- 
moved—Docwra  invaded  the  country  of  Fanad,  and  burned  all  he 

*  Docwra  Narration. 


282  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

could  find,  "  whereof  most  of  his  people  died."*  This  is  the 
most  notable  instance  on  record  of  Docwra  having  deliberately 
adopted  fire-and-sword  methods,  and  it  must  be  owned  that 
the  end  achieved,  even  if  it  did  not  justify  the  morality  of  the 
means  employed,  certainly  justified  their  expediency,  for 
McSweeney  was  so  impressed  by  the  length  and  power  of 
Docwra' s  arm  that  he  made  a  second  submission,  put  in  six 
fresh  pledges  and  remained  loyal  to  the  end. 

The  custom  of  giving  hostages  or  "  pledges  as  a  guarantee 
of  good  faith  had  always  been  a  recognized  practice  in  Ireland, 
and  in  the  sixteenth  century  it  was  universally  adopted  by  the 
English  in  their  relations  with  the  natives.  When  a  chief  of 
importance  gave  an  undertaking  to  follow  some  particular  line 
of  action,  the  custom  was  to  leave  a  certain  number  of  pledges, 
on  the  understanding  that  they  should  lose  their  lives  if  he 
failed  to  carry  out  his  compact.  The  pledges  left  were  generally 
the  nearest  and  dearest  obtainable  in  the  circumstances,  and  the 
system  seems  to  have  worked  admirably,  for  everyone  except 
the  pledges,  whose  interest  in  the  issue  was  more  exciting 
than  pleasant.  By  no  means  the  least  remarkable  feature  of 
this  custom  was  the  apparent  callousness  with  which  the  chiefs 
sacrificed  their  pledges — even  when  they  were  their  own  children 
— to  any  whim  of  the  moment. 

Between  Docwra's  new  allied  triumvirate,  Neil  Garv,  Cormac 
and  Hugh  Boy,  there  was  as  bitter  a  hatred  as  there  had  been 
between  the  original  three,  Neil  Garv,  Art  O'Neil  and 
O'Dogherty.  Not  one  of  them  would  hear  anything  good  of 
the  other  two.  Docwra's  own  estimate  of  their  respective 
merits,  though  prone  to  periodical  modifications,  may  be 
summarized  as  follows  :  Hugh  Boy,  now  officially  installed  as 
Constable  of  Birt  Castle  on  Lough  Swilly,  he  guardedly  describes 
as  "  subtle,  wise  and  civil."  His  wisdom  he  gave  early  proof 
of,  for  his  first  piece  of  advice  to  Docwra  was  "  to  carry  a  hard 
hand  on  such  Irish  as  serve  Her  Majesty,  for  they  care  for  no 
man  that  doth  not  so."|  This  elementary  truth,  so  obvious  to 
the  Irish  mind  and  so  unintelligible  to  the  English,  must  have 
already  been  brought  home  to  Docwra  by  the  typical  case  of 
McSweeney  Fanad,  who,  when  he  was  softly  treated  and  his 
cattle  returned  to  him,  at  once  rebelled,  but  who,  when  his 

*  Docwra  Narration  ;    see  also  Four  Masters, 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VII.-98. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  283 

pledges  were  hanged  and  his  country  burned,  no  doubt  on  the 
above-quoted  advice '  given  by  Hugh  Boy,  became  not  only 
submissive  but  permanently  loyal. 

To  Neil  Garv's  character  Docwra  devotes  far  more  atten- 
tion, analysing  it  in  detail  in  quite  a  number  of  his  letters  to 
Headquarters,  but  always  a  little  puzzled.  The  sum  of  his 
earlier  conclusions  (afterwards  modified)  was  that  Neil  Garv 
was  valiant  in  battle,  but  marring  his  valour  by  overmuch 
boasting  and  exaggeration.  Very  vain  and  continually  taking 
offence  at  nothing.  "  He  is  prone  to  tyranny  where  he  may 
command,  and  to  importunate  beggary  where  he  is  subject ; 
to  extreme  covetousness,  whether  he  be  rich  or  poor,  and 
unseasoned  of  any  manner,  discipline,  knowledge  or  fear  of 
God."  His  brothers  are  described  as  being  worse  than  himself 
in  every  particular.  Cormac  is  described  as  being  of  a  more 
mild,  honest  and  satiable  disposition  by  far  than  Neil  Garv. 

During  the  winter  of  1600  to  1601  Cormac,  Neil  Garv  and 
his  son  Nachten  were  sent  by  Docwra  to  Dublin  with  the  idea  of 
stimulating  their  loyalty  by  the  process  of  personal  contact 
with  the  Queen's  representative.  This  result  may  possibly 
have  been  achieved,  but  what  is  quite  certain  is  that  Neil  Garv 
came  back  with  an  enormously  inflated  idea  of  his  own  import- 
ance. He  reached  Derry  at  the  end  of  April,  and  at  once  had 
an  interview  with  Docwra,  which  the  latter  records  verbatim, 
and  which  is  of  the  deepest  interest  as  an  example  of  the 
orthodox  views  of  the  Irish  chiefs  on  the  subject  of  their  obliga- 
tions towards  those  over  whom  they  held  sway.  The  interview, 
which  was  carried  on  partly  in  Neil  Garv's  broken  English 
and  partly  through  the  interpretation  of  Captain  Willis,  opened 
with  a  demand  by  Neil  Garv  that  he  should  at  once  be  established 
as  the  O'Donnell.  Docwra  gives  the  rest  of  the  conversation 
as  follows  : 

"  Why."  said  I,  "  admitting  that  you  shall  be  made  lord  of 
all  Tyrconnell,  what  is  the  prerogative  that  you  would  claim  ?  " 

"  I  will  cess  my  people,"  saith  he ;  "  upon  the  churls  I  will 
take  such  things  as  I  want  and  employ  the  inhabitants  at  my 
own  discretion." 

"  For  cutting  upon  the  country,"  I  answered,  "  it  is  so  pool- 
that  Her  Majesty  was  content  for  this  year  to  forbear  such 
rights  as  she  might  otherwise  justly  impose." 

He  replied  :    "  Let  the  Queen  do  with  her  rights  what  she 


284  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

will.    Inishowen  is  mine,  and  were  there  but  one  cow  in  the 
country,  that  cow  would  I  take  and  use  as  mine  own." 

"  And  how  would  you  provide  for  the  poor  people  to  live  ?  " 
said  I. 

"  I  care  not,"  saith  he ;  "  let  one  thousand  die,  I  pass  not 
a  pin,  and  for  my  people  they  are  my  subjects.  I  will  punish, 
exact,  cut  and  hang  where  and  whenever  I  list."* 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  from  the  above  that  Neil  Garv  was 
any  more  brutal  than  his  compeers.  He  was  only  enunciating 
doctrines  which  every  chief  in  Ireland  would  have  applauded 
and  endorsed. 

A  month  after  his  return  from  Dublin,  Neil  Garv  did  Docwra 
a  signal  service,  for  which  the  Governor  was  for  ever  gratefuL 
Tyrone  had  given  out  that  he  was  in  Dungamion,  but  Neil 
Garv,  from  his  private  sources  of  information,  learned  that  he 
was,  in  point  of  fact,  in  the  Strabane  country,  and  purposed 
making  a  raid  on  the  Dunalong  cattle  on  the  26th  day  of  that 
month — i.e.,  May.  He  imparted  his  news  to  Docwra,  who, 
on  the  day  in  question,  sent  off  Neil  Garv  with  his  Irish,  and 
Captain  Windsor  with  one  hundred  English,  to  lie  in  wait  for 
the  enterprising  Earl  and  his  marauders.  Neil  Garv's  informa- 
tion proved  quite  correct,  for  presently  Tyrone  was  seen  coming 
along  with  four  hundred  horsemen,  all  happily  unconscious  of 
any  ambush.  At  the  psychological  moment  the  Derry  party, 
with  loud  yells,  made  their  attack.  The  yells  in  themselves 
were  enough,  for  Tyrone's  men,  without  waiting  for  anything 
more  substantial,  made  off  at  top  speed,  headed  by  the  Earl 
himself.  The  pursuit  which  followed  was  kept  up  for  six 
miles,  during  which  "  a  hundred  "  of  the  raiders  were  killed. 
Tyrone  himself  was  nearly  caught  more  than  once,  his  prin- 
cipal pursuer  being  Neil  Garv,  who  kept  shouting  to  him  to 
turn  and  strike  one  blow  if  he  was  a  gentleman,  j  The  taunt, 
however,  was  ineffectual,  and  Tyrone,  who — as  usual — was 
very  well  mounted,  got  safely  away.  Twenty-five  horses  were 
captured,  and  a  number  of  arms  which  the  raiders  had  flung 
away  in  their  flight. 

This  abortive  raid  was  very  certainly  part  of  a  larger  scheme 
prearranged   with  Hugh  Roe,  for  on  the  very  same  morning 

*  Docwra  to  Privy  Council,  April  23rd,  1601. 

f  Capt.   Covert  to  Cecil,  May  31st,   1601  ;    see  also  Capt.   Willis  to  Cecil, 
June  10th,  1601,  and  Docwra  to  Privy  Council,  June  10th,  1001. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  285 

the  Donegal  chief,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  made  a  similar 
expedition  into  Inishowen  ;  but  warning  of  this  had  also  been 
received,  and  he  went  home  with  no  cattle  and  with  an  appre- 
ciably smaller  following  than  he  had  brought. 

At  the  end  of  June  Docwra  captured  Newtown,  where  he 
left  a  garrison  under  Captain  Atkinson,  and  simultaneously 
Neil  Garv  captured  Castle  Derg.  A  fortnight  later  Omagh  was 
also  added  to  the  list  of  towns  wrested  from  Tyrone,  and  Art 
McHugh  Mergoh,  the  minor  chief  in  whose  country  the  town 
lay,  was  left  in  charge.  Encouraged  by  these  successes, 
Docwra,  accompanied  by  Neil  Garv  and  Cormac,  next  set  out 
on  an  exploring  expedition  as  far  as  Lough  Erne,  with  the 
idea  of  laying  the  foundation  of  a  settlement  at  Ballyshannon. 
In  the  matter  of  the  proposed  settlement  nothing  very  definite 
resulted  from  this  journey,  but  Docwra  succeeded  in  cap- 
turing twelve  hundred  cattle  during  the  march,  of  which  five 
hundred  were  brought  safely  back  to  Derry.  The  rest 
mysteriously  disappeared  during  the  march  home,  having — 
as  it  afterwards  turned  out — been  surreptitiously  secreted  by 
Cormac  and  Neil  Garv  ;  but,  as  each  of  these  two  partners  in 
the  fraud  informed  against  the  other,  the  bulk  of  the  missing 
prey  was  ultimately  recovered.* 

Here,  then,  for  the  moment  we  may  leave  the  Derry  settle- 
ment. So  far  its  success  had  been  surprising,  not  so  much  in 
relation  to  the  resources  at  Docwra' s  command,  which  were 
quite  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  but  by  comparison  with  previous 
ventures  of  the  same  kind  in  other  parts  ot  Ireland.  The  secret 
of  his  success  was  simply  that  Docwra  was  a  reasonably  honest 
man.  It  is  not  suggested  that  he  was  a  paragon  of  all  the 
virtues.  Such  men  did  not  offer  themselves  for  the  Irish 
service,  but  he  was  at  all  events  free  from  the  taint  of  sordid 
intrigue  with  an  enemy  whom  he  was  paid  to  fight. 

*  Docwra  to  Privy  Council,  July  2nd,  1001. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

Mountjoy  and  Chichester's  destruction  of  Tyrone's  corn — Docwra's  reluctance 
to  adopt  the  same  methods — Tirlough  McHenry's  energy  as  a  corn-destroyer 
— Mountjoy's  justification  of  his  policy. 

WHILE  Sir  Henry  Docwra  was  gradually  reducing 
Tyrone's  hold  on  the  north-west,  Sir  Arthur  Chichester 
was  being  little  less  energetic  on  the  north-east  side  of  the 
province.  Chichester's  methods  differed  from  Docwra's  in 
that  they  were  frankly  and  avowedly  brutal,  whereas  Docwra 
was  only  brutal  when  circumstances  forced  brutality  upon  him. 
While  the  latter  was  encouraging  the  Inishowen  Irish  to  increase 
their  tillage  and  improve  their  methods  of  agriculture,  Chichester 
was  deliberately  working  to  bring  about  a  comprehensive 
famine  in  the  district  under  his  control.  The  full  effects  of 
this  heartless  policy  were  not  felt  till  a  year  later,  and  these 
will  be  dealt  with  in  their  place.  In  the  meanwhile,  however, 
it  may  be  well  to  bear  in  mind  that,  though  the  odium  insepar- 
able from  such  drastic  methods  of  conquest  still  attaches  to 
the  name  of  Sir  Arthur  Chichester,  it  is  impossible  to  avoid  the 
conclusion  that  the  responsibility  for  them  rested  to  a  very 
large  extent  on  the  Lord  Deputy  Mountjoy.  Mountjoy  was 
undoubtedly  the  originator  of  the  policy,  and  though  Chichester 
adopted  it  with  an  enthusiasm  which  outstripped  that  of  his 
superior,  it  was,  first  and  last,  Mountjoy's  policy,  and  he  him- 
self set  the  example  of  putting  it  into  practice.  Fynes  Moryson, 
his  secretary,  tells  us  that  one  of  his  first  acts  on  arriving  at 
the  Blackwater  was  to  cut  down  all  the  corn  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  "  he  sent  orders  to  Sir  Henry  Docwra  and  Sir  Arthur 
Chichester  to  do  the  same."  Docwra  at  no  time  showed  any 
disposition  to  interpret  his  orders  literally,  and,  in  fact,  never 
made  any  real  effort  to  carry  them  out,  except  when  he  was 
dealing  with  O'Cahan's  country  on  the  east  of  the  Foyle,  which 

286 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  287 

was,  in  fact,  part  of  Tyrone's  country.  To  the  west  of  the 
Foyle — if  we  except  the  isolated  case  of  Fanad — tillage  and 
husbandry  were  persistently  encouraged,  and  in  1604,  when 
famine  was  devastating  Antrim  and  Down,  Docwra  had  the 
gratification  of  being  able  to  report  that  Inishowen  was 
**  abounding  in  houses,  corn,  cattle  and  people."*  Mountjoy 
justified  his  methods  with  perfect  candour,  and  evidently 
without  consciousness  that  there  was  anything  exceptionally 
barbarous  in  what  he  was  doing  ;  and  it  is  to  be  doubted 
whether  any  of  his  contemporaries,  English  or  Irish,  would 
have  condemned  his  methods  as  being  in  any  way  out  of  the 
common.  Tirlough  McHenry,  who  was  with  Mountjoy  in  the 
character  of  an  ally,  was,  we  are  told,  the  foremost  of  any  in 
cutting  down  his  half-brother's  corn.  ^ 

Such  of  the  English  officials  as  thought  it  necessary  to  frame 
a  justification  for  the  policy  of  fire  and  sword  did  so  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  other  way.  "  If  the  rebels  are 
received  to  peace,"  Sir  Oliver  Lambert  wrote  to  Cecil,  "  without 
killing,  burning  and  wasting,  then  Her  Majesty  may  expect  a 
fresh  war  every  year."J  Fire  and  sword  were,  in  fact,  the 
unpleasant  necessities  which  were  forced  on  the  executive  in 
dealing  with  a  people  who  invariably  misunderstood  clemency, 
and  abused  it.  Mountjoy's  own  explanation  of  his  strong- 
hand  policy  was  rather  on  the  ground  of  general  expediency. 
"  Without  corn,"  he  wrote  to  the  English  Privy  Council,  "  they 
have  no  other  means  to  keep  their  bonaghts,  which  are  their 
hired  soldiers  ;  and  this  course,  since  our  last  despatch,  we 
have  so  earnestly  applied  as  that  we  have  destroyed  an  uncredible 
amount  of  corn.  ...  If  our  means  will  serve  to  keep  us  together 
till  their  harvest  be  past,  we  make  no  doubt  but  we  shall  utterly 
break  and  undo  them,  for  though  they  have  that  abundance 
of  corn  that  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  cut  it  all,  yet,  being  here- 
abouts, we  shall  give  opportunity  to  the  garrison  to  gather  in 
a  good  part,  which  will  stand  them  in  great  stead.  .  .  .  The 
corn  which  we  have  destroyed,  besides  feeding  their  bonaghts, 
would  have  fed  many  Spaniards,  had  they  come." 

The  responsibility  for  the  corn-destroying  policy,  which 
ultimately  produced  the  famine  of  1603,  may  have  rested,  and, 

*  Docwra  Narration. 

f  Mountjoy  to  Cecil,  Aug.  7th,  1601. 

%  Lambert  to  Cecil,  March  7th,  1002. 


288  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

indeed,  by  the  evidence  of  his  own  letter  actually  did  rest, 
with  Mount  joy  ;  but,  none  the  less,  Chichester  still  stands  out 
as  by  far  the  most  ruthless  of  the  three  English  commanders 
who  were  gradually  bringing  about  the  subjugation  of  the 
rebel  Earl. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

Local  affairs  in  Antrim — Shane  McBrian  and  Neil  McHugh — Their  unreliability 
— Chichester's  final  allocation  of  lands  to  the  native  chiefs  in  Antrim — 
Con  McNeil — He  attacks  the  Belfast  garrison — His  imprisonment  in 
Carrickfergus — Hugh  Montgomery — James  Hamilton — Con  parts  with  his 
estates  in  return  for  liberty — Origin  of  the  Scottish  settlement  in  Ulster — 
Sir  Edward  Cromwell's  purchases  of  land  in  County  Down — Death  of  James 
McSorley — Suspicion  of  poison— Randall  McSorle'y  succeeds — His  capture 
of  Sir  James  McDonnell — Cause  of  the  rupture  between  Randall  and  Sir 
James — The  latter  is  imprisoned  in  Dunluce. 

'THHE  parochial  doings  of  the  petty  Ulster  chiefs,  their 
internecine  feuds,  their  rebellions,  repentances,  absolu- 
tions and  lapses  are  mainly — and,  indeed,  perhaps  solely- 
interesting  as  milestones  or  finger-posts  leading  up  by  gradual 
stages  to  the  situation  at  the  present  day.  From  this  point 
of  view,  there  is  a  live  interest,  and,  indeed,  an  actual  import- 
ance, in  following  the  kaleidoscopic  movements  which  gradu- 
ally settled  down  into  the  configuration  identified  with  the 
modern  counties  of  Down  and  Antrim.  We  last  left  the  two 
rival  chiefs  of  North  Clandeboye,  Shane  McBrian  and  Neil 
McHugh,  as  companions  in  Carrickfergus  Castle,  both  having 
been  there  imprisoned  as  the  penalty  for  their  betrayal  of 
their  respective  trusts  of  Belfast  and  Edenduffcarrick.  These 
lapses  from  good  behaviour  had  occurred  just  prior  to  Sir  John 
Chichester's  arrival  as  Governor,  and  that  energetic  warrior 
had  quickly  recaptured  both  these  important  strongholds,  and 
had  taken  the  two  delinquents  up  to  Dublin  with  him,  where 
Loftus  and  Wallop — who  were  at  this  time  administering  the 
Government  during  the  absence  of  Lord  Burgh — had  pro- 
nounced on  both  the  cousins  the  very  mild  penalty  of  tem- 
porary incarceration  in  Carrickfergus.  In  January,  1598, 
Neil  McHugh  had  managed  to  effect  his  escape,*  and  very 
shortly  afterwards  made  an  abortive  attempt  to  capture 

*  C»l.  State  Papers,  Vol.  202-22. 

289  19 


290  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Edenduffcarrick.  For  this  act  there  was  some  justification 
in  the  piratical  conduct  of  the  English  garrison,  who,  under  an 
unprincipled  commander,  had  robbed  and  spoiled  the  neigh- 
bouring peasants.  Chichester,  recognizing  that  the  provocation 
offered  had  been  very  great,  not  only  overlooked  Neil's  offence, 
but  went  to  the  length  of  removing  the  offending  commander, 
and  of  once  more  reinstating  Neil  McHugh  as  Constable  of 
Edenduffcarrick.  For  two  years  Neil  appears  to  have  behaved 
reasonably  well ;  but  in  December,  1600,  moved  no  doubt  by 
the  knowledge  of  the  approaching  Spanish  invasion,  he  once 
more  betrayed  the  Castle,  together  with  all  Chichester's  fleet  of 
boats,  into  the  hands  of  Tyrone.*  This  second  act  of  treachery 
proved  too  much  for  the  patience  of  Sir  Arthur  Chichester, 
who. had  by  this  time  taken  his  younger  brother's  place.  He 
quickly  recaptured  the  lost  Castle,  but  he  for  ever  lost  all  faith 
in  the  reliability  of  Neil  McHugh. 

Shane  had  remained  all  this  time  a  prisoner,  but  finally — 
sickened  by  Neil  McHugh's  repeated  acts  of  treachery — 
Chichester  went  up  with  Shane  to  Dublin,  with  a  view  to 
recommending  his  pardon,  and  to  re-establishing  him  as  the 
chief  of  North  Clandeboye  in  place  of  his  untrustworthy  cousin. 
In  advocating  this  step  he  was  frankly  advocating  the  lesser 
of  two  evils.  He  well  knew  that  both  the  cousins  were  quite 
undependable.  "  They  are  so  false  and  hollow-hearted,"  he 
wrote  to  Cecil,  shortly  after  his  return  from  Dublin,  "  that 
there  is  little  trust  or  dependency  upon  their  oaths,  pledges  or 
promises."f  Each  of  the  two  habitually  accused  the  other 
of  every  species  of  infamy,  and,  when  put  to  the  test  himself, 
proved  worthy  of  his  own  description.  Shane's  record,  how- 
ever, was,  on  the  whole,  less  objectionable  than  that  of  his 
cousin,  and,  on  Chichester's  recommendation,  this  son  of 
Brian  McPhelim  was  once  more  given  a  trial.  It  is  to  be 
assumed  that,  with  the  advance  of  years,  Shane's  treasonable 
activities  had  become  to  a  certain  extent  impaired,  for  the 
experiment  would  seem  to  have  been  quite  successful ;  and,  in 
the  final  redistribution  of  1605,  we  find  Shane,  still  evidently 
the  exemplary  subject,  allotted  ten  thousand  acres  in  the 
southern  part  of  North  Clandeboye,  while  the  children  of  the 
less  exemplary  Neil  had  to  be  content  with  four  thousand  acres 

*  Chichester  to  Cecil,  April  12th,  1601.         f  lbid- 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  291 

further  north,  and  Rory  McQuillin  with  two  thousand  acres 
beyond  again.*  The  Route  and  the  Glynns  were,  at  the  same 
time,  officially  vested  in  Randall  McSorley,  by  that  time  known 
as  Sir  Randall  McDonnell,  who  had  managed,  by  posing  as  a 
compatriot,  to  extract  from  James  I.  a  grant  of  the  entire 
coast-line  from  Larne  to  the  Bann. 

We  can  now  turn  for  a  moment  to  South  Clandeboye.  Here, 
it  will  be  remembered,  that  on  the  death  of  Con  McNeil  Oge, 
the  tentatively  loyal  Neil  McBrian  Feartagh  had  been  estab- 
lished as  chief.  He  was  a  weak  but  harmless  man,  who 
changed  sides  with  each  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  of  war,  but 
who,  even  when  nominally  hostile,  was  guiltless  of  any  enor- 
mities. When  this  man  died  in  February,  1601,  Chichester, 
without  hesitation,  established  his  son  Con  McNeil  in  his 
father's  place,  in  preference  to  a  rival  candidate  in  the  person 
of  one  Owen  McHugh.  Con  did  not  repay  Chichester's  con- 
fidence in  the  way  that  was  hoped,  for  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards  at  Kinsale  in  September  of  the  same  year,  he — in 
common  with  almost  every  chief  in  Ireland — jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  millennium  had  arrived,  and,  in  order  to 
be  an  early  participator  in  its  loaves  and  fishes,  went  over 
bodily  to  Tyrone.  In  place,  however,  of  the  expected  millen- 
nium came  the  news  of  Tyrone's  complete  overthrow,  and 
Con,  to  his  painful  surprise,  found  himself  on  the  losing  side.f 
He  was  imprisoned  in  Carrickfergus,  and  Shane  McBrian, 
who  certainly  had  it  to  his  credit  that  he  had  not  joined 
Tyrone  on  the  invasion  of  the  Spaniards  (he  having  been 
in  prison  at  the  time),  was  given  temporary  sway  over 
South  Clandeboye  in  addition  to  his  own  proportion  of  North 
Clandeboye. 

Con  was  soon  pardoned  on  account  of  his  youth  and  inex- 
perience, and  reinstated  in  Castlereagh,  which  was  the  prin- 
cipal fortress  of  South  Clandeboye.  Here  he  behaved  himself 
with  decency  and  decorum  for  a  year,  but  in  1603  he  was  guilty 
of  a  lapse  the  consequences  of  which  were  so  momentous  as  to 
entirely  revolutionize  the  history  of  Ulster. 

The  facts  of  the  case  are  as  follows  :  Con  was  indulging  in 
a  pleasant  carouse  at  Castlereagh.  So  successful  and  so  pro- 

*  Cal.  State  Papers  (James),  588. 
f  Chichester  to  Cecil,  Sept.  8th,  1601. 

I9* 


292  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

tracted  was  the  entertainment,  that  he  ran  out  of  wine,  and 
sent  some  men  of  his  to  Belfast  to  fetch  more.  The  men 
returned  very  drunk  indeed,  but  without  the  wine,  and  with  a 
story  that  the  English  soldiers  had  fallen  upon  them  and  taken 
it  from  them  by  force.  The  thirsty  Con,  furious  at  his  dis- 
appointment, threatened  his  men  with  the  most  gruesome 
penalties  if  they  did  not  at  once  return  and  avenge  this  insult 
on  the  persons  of  the  English  soldiers.  He  himself  led  them 
back  till  within  striking  distance,  when  he  prudently  withdrew 
to  a  convenient  hill  from  which  he  could  watch  operations. 
The  men,  who  were  still  very  drunk,  made  an  effort  to  do  as 
directed,  but  were  easily  beaten  off,  and  some  of  them  were 
killed.*  For  this  unprovoked  act  of  aggression  (for  Con's 
men  had  of  course  drunk  the  wine  themselves  and  in- 
vented the  story  of  its  seizure  by  the  English),  Con  was 
imprisoned  in  Carrickfergus,  but  was  allowed  full  liberty  to 
walk  about  the  town  accompanied  by  a  single  sentry  as 
guard. 

A  certain  Scotsman,  named  Sir  Hugh  Montgomery,  had  a 
small  barque  with  which  he  used  to  trade  backwards  and 
forwards  between  Carrickfergus  and  Scotland,  and  he  now 
came  forward  with  an  offer  to  set  Con  at  liberty  if  the  latter 
would  make  over  to  him  half  his  lands.  Con  joyfully  accepted 
the  condition,  provided  Sir  Hugh  made  pretence  of  carrying 
him  off  by  force.  This  was  agreed  to,  and  the  comedy  was  duly 
carried  out  as  planned.  Con  and  his  pretended  captor  got 
safely  away  to  Scotland,  and  from  there  made  their  way  to 
London,  where  the  King  ratified  the  transaction.  Before  it 
was  finally  carried  through,  however,  one  James  Hamilton,  for 
reasons  which  are  very  far  from  clear,  became  a  partner  in  the 
deal,  with  the  result  that  Con  had  to  be  content  with  one-third 
of  his  lands  instead  of  the  half  originally  agreed.  To  this  rather 
questionable  modification  of  the  agreement  Con  seems  to  have 
raised  no  objection,  being  apparently  quite  satisfied  to  find  him- 
self a  free  man  and  the  possessor  of  twenty-two  thousand  acres. 
Unfortunately,  however,  he  had  not  the  strength  of  mind  to 
retain  possession  of  these,  but,  bribed  by  the  lure  of  ready 
money,  disposed  of  them  later  on  to  Hamilton  and  Montgomery,  f 
This  arrangement  was  not  as  unfavourable  to  Con  as  might 

*  Hamilton  MSS. 

t  In  return  for  a  cash  payment  of  £60  and  an  annual  rent  of  £160. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  293 

appear,  for  the  lands  at  the  time  were  desolate  and  denuded 
of  population  ;  but  it  constituted  a  distinct  hardship  on  his 
son  Daniel,  who,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  found  himself 
landless  and  penniless.  The  hardship  of  Daniel's  case,  how- 
ever, was  duly  recognized  by  Charles  I.,  and  he  received  special 
consideration  from  the  Government. 

While  Hamilton  and  Montgomery  were  carrying  through  the 
above-described  deal,  Sir  Edward  Cromwell,  in  County  Down, 
had  bought  from  McCartan  part  of  his  country,  and  later  on 
acquired  a  considerable  tract  of  land  in  Lecale.  All  these  pur- 
chases of  land  were  facilitated  by  the  desolation  and  unproduc- 
tiveness of  these  portions  of  Down  and  Antrim  consequent 
upon  Chichester's  famine.  King  James's  ratification  of  the 
transfers  contained  the  proviso  that  the  purchased  lands  were 
to  be  exclusively  peopled  with  English  or  inland  Scots,  and  in 
this  way  was  laid  the  foundation-stone  of  the  great  Ulster 
Plantation. 

By  the  time  the  Government  was  ready  to  deal  with  the 
question  of  the  six  counties  forfeited  on  account  of  Tyrone's 
rebellion,  a  colony  of  Anglo-Saxon  families  had  spread  over 
the  greater  part  of  Ulster's  two  north-eastern  counties.  The 
coast-line  between  Glenarm  and  the  Bann,  and  the  lands 
behind  known  as  the  Route  and  the  Glynns,  were  unaffected 
by  these  changes,  and  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  High- 
land Scotch. 

Local  disturbances  in  these  districts  had  been  occasioned 
by  the  death  of  James  McSorley  at  Dunluce  Castle  in  April, 
1601.  The  conditions  surrounding  his  death  were  so  peculiar 
as  to  give  rise  to  the  rumour  that  he  had  been  poisoned  by  his 
surgeon,  William  Linn,  bribed  to  the  act  by  an  emissary  of 
Chichester.  The  evidence  in  support  of  this  story  is,  however, 
anonymous  and  not  very  convincing.  Sir  James's  first  wife 
had  been  a  daughter  of  old  Phelim  Bacagh,  but  he  had  later  on 
married  a  nine-year-old  daughter  of  Tyrone.*  He  left  nine 
sons,  but  none  of  these  benefited  in  any  way  by  his  death,  for 
his  brother  Randall,  by  virtue  of  the  tanistry  custom,  at  once 
stepped  into  his  position,  and  took  command  of  the  armed  forces 
of  the  Route.  Randall's  first  venture  as  commander-in-chief 
was  singularly  fortunate.  He  intercepted  Sir  James  McDonnell 

*  Cal.  State  Paper*,  Vol.  aol-67-2  »nd  201-70. 


294  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

( Angus' s  eldest  son),  who,  in  company  with  Henry  O'Hagan 
and  eighty  of  Tyrone's  horsemen,  was  returning  from  a  con- 
sultation with  the  Earl.  The  surprised  party,  which  was  pre- 
sumably outnumbered,  took  to  its  heels,  but  not  before  Sir 
James  had  been  taken  prisoner.  It  was  reported  at  the  time 
that  Henry  O'Hagan  (the  eldest  son  of  Art  Bradagh  O'Hagan) 
had  been  killed  during  the  encounter,  but  this  turned  out  to 
be  untrue. 

The  explanation  of  the  above  affair  is  as  follows  :  Old  Angus 
now  lived  entirely  in  Cantyre.  He  was  generally  drunk,  and 
had  lost  all  interest  in  the  lands  which  he  had  once  owned  in 
Ulster.  His  eldest  son  James,  wearying  of  his  father's  incon- 
venient longevity,  made  an  unfilial  attempt  to  make  away 
with  him  ;  but,  being  foiled  in  this,  had  to  flee  for  his  life  to 
Ireland,  where  he  at  once  started  intriguing  with  Tyrone  with 
a  view  to  the  restitution  of  his  lands  in  the  Glynns,  which 
Randall  had  usurped. 

A  convenient  lever  with  which  to  bring  pressure  to  bear  on 
Tyrone  had  been  placed  in  Sir  James's  hands  by  Elizabeth's 
recent  change  of  attitude  in  the  matter  of  Scotch  mercenary 
troops.  After  many  years  of  hesitation,  she  had  at  last  so  far 
made  up  her  mind  to  the  use  of  these  at  Lough  Foyle  as  to  start 
serious  negotiations  on  the  subject  with  one  Achinross,  resident 
in  Cantyre.*  Achinross  was  merely  an  agent  or  intermediary, 
and  the  only  sources  on  which  he  could  draw  for  his  supplies 
of  men  Were  the  Campbells,  Macleans,  or  McDonnells.  Of  these, 
the  McDonnells  were  the  strongest,  and  it  was  with  these  that 
he  actually  started  negotiations.  Old  Angus  was  still  loyal 
to  the  Queen,  and  willing  to  help  her  to  the  utmost  limits  of 
his  powers,  but  those  powers  had  to  a  great  extent  passed  out 
of  his  hands,  and  negotiations — as  in  the  time  of  Essex — had 
mainly  to  be  conducted  through  the  medium  of  his  sons.  Of 
these,  James  was  already  in  Ulster,  and,  taking  advantage  of 
the  situation,  he  lost  no  time  in  approaching  Tyrone  with  a 
view  to  putting  forward  a  counter-offer,  which  was,  in  effect, 
that  the  Scotch  army  chartered  for  the  Queen  by  Achinross 
should  be  at  Tyrone's  disposal  in  return  for  his  guarantee  that 
the  Glynns  would  be  restored  to  the  line  of  Angus.  The  Earl, 
it  need  scarcely  be  said,  was  deeply  interested,  and  James  was, 

*  Privy  Council  to  Docwra,  Nov.  5th,  160O. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  295 

as  a  matter  of  fact,  on  his  return  under  escort  from  an  interview 
with  Tyrone  on  this  very  subject,  when  Randall,  who  had  got 
news  of  his  intentions,  managed  to  turn  the  tables,  as  above 
described,  by  capturing  his  cousin.  Tyrone's  men  scurried 
back  to  their  master,  and  Sir  James  went  as  a  prisoner  to 
Dunluce  Castle. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

Chichester  builds  a  fleet  of  boats  for  Lough  Neagh — His  massacre  of  Patrick 
O'Quin's  family — Mountjoy  visits  Carrickfergus — His  military  tour  of 
Down — His  moderation — Submission  of  Arthur  Magennis  and  Patrick 
McArt  Moyle — Mountjoy  reaches  the  Blackwater — Tyrone's  army  prepares 
to  bar  his  way — Mountjoy's  determined  advance — His  astonishment  at  the 
precipitate  flight  of  the  Irish — Skirmish  at  Benburb — Arrival  of  the  Spanish 
Fleet  at  Kinsale. 

SIR  ARTHUR  CHICHESTER  was  a  man  of  untiring 
energy  and  of  feverish  zeal  in  the  service  of  his  Queen. 
During  the  winter  of  1600  he  built  a  boat  of  thirty  tons,  another 
of  fourteen  tons,  two  of  ten  tons  each,  and  a  number  of  smaller 
craft,  all  of  which  were  launched  on  Lough  Neagh  and  ready 
for  use  by  the  spring  of  1601.*  These  were  the  boats  which 
Neil  McHugh  afterwards  delivered  into  Tyrone's  hands  when 
he  betrayed  the  Castle  of  Edenduffcarrick.  Tyrone's  desire 
to  get  possession  of  the  fleet  is  easily  understood,  for  its  pre- 
sence on  the  waters  of  Lough  Neagh  opened  up  his  country  to 
attack  from  all  sorts  of  unexpected  quarters. 

The  baptism  of  Chichester' s  new  fleet  was  a  bloody  cere- 
mony. In  May  he  transported  a  force  across  to  the  western 
shore  of  Lough  Neagh,  with  the  idea  of  making  it  quite  clear 
to  the  rebel  Earl  that  the  day  was  passed  when  his  territory 
was  only  vulnerable  by  way  of  the  Blackwater  fort,  which  at 
the  moment  was  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Chichester 
carried  out  his  enterprise  with  his  customary  thoroughness  and 
brutality.  His  selected  victim  was  one  Patrick  O'Quin,  who 
lived  four  miles  only  from  Dungannon,  and  who,  in  order  to 
furnish  an  illustration  of  the  length  of  Chichester' s  arm,  was 
wiped  off  the  face  of  the  earth,  together  with  his  family  and 
all  his  belongings,  f 

Chichester  had  hardly  returned  from  this  bloody  raid  before 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  May  31st,  1602. 
t  Chichester  to  Cecil,  May  15th,  1601. 

296 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  29? 

he  received  a  visit  from  the  Deputy.  Mountjoy  had  by  now 
assured  the  lines  of  communication  between  Dundalk  and 
Newry  by  adopting  the  obvious  precaution  of  building  a  fort 
in  the  Moyerie  Pass  at  the  Three  Mile  Water.  Sir  Samuel 
Bagenel  was  brought  down  from  Newry  and  put  in  charge  of 
this  new  fort  (a  distinct  degradation),  while  Sir  Francis  Stafford 
was  promoted  to  the  governorship  of  Newry.  Having  by  this 
admirable  stroke  eliminated  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  invasion  of 
the  north,  the  Deputy  then  passed  on  to  Newry,  and  from  there 
struck  off  to  the  east  through  Magennis's  country  (Iveagh)  to 
Lecale.  The  object  of  this  last  move  was  to  bring  the  recal- 
citrant Arthur  Magennis  to  his  senses.  With  this  end  in  view, 
all  Magennis's  Castles  were  taken  out  of  his  hands  and  garrisoned 
with  English  troops.  Magennis's  rule  was  declared  at  an  end, 
and  Sir  Richard  Moryson  was  established  as  Governor  of 
Iveagh  and  Lecale  with  his  headquarters  at  Down.* 

It  was  the  time-honoured  practice  of  the  native  Irish  to  visit 
the  sins  of  the  chief  on  the  heads  of  the  people  over  whom  he 
ruled,  the  basic  idea  at  the  back  of  the  practice  being  that,  as 
the  chief's  people  were  the  sources  from  which  he  drew  his 
revenue,  it  was  a  financial  annoyance  to  the  chief  to  have  them 
killed.  In  pursuance  of  this  principle,  we  have  seen  Farney 
and  Magee  Island  raided,  and  the  peasants  killed — by  Tyrone 
in  the  one  case  and  by  James  McSorley  hi  the  other — with  the 
sole  idea  of  injuring  the  Earl  of  Essex,  who  was  the  English 
grantee.  Later  on  again,  we  find  Tyrone  on  two  occasions 
burning,  killing  and  spoiling  the  O'Carrols'  and  Sir  Theobald 
Dillon's  tenants  in  Westmeath  for  no  other  reason  than  that 
their  landlord  had  refused  to  join  him.  j  Had  he  been  guided  by 
native  precedents,  Mountjoy  would  have  been  fully  justified  in 
exacting  a  bloody  retribution  from  the  peasants  of  Iveagh  and 
Kilwarlin  for  the  defection  of  their  lords.  He  did  not.  As  far  as 
can  be  judged  from  the  contemporary  records  there  was  no 
bloodshed  during  this  tour,  or,  at  any  rate,  no  bloodshed  ol 
non-combatants. 

In  June  Mountjoy  passed  on  from  Lecale,  through  McCartan's 

*  Fynes  Moryson. 

f  Chichester  writing  to  the  Privy  Council  on  Sept.  8th,  1007,  with  regard  to 
this  practice  says  :  "These  people  being  apt  to  think  that  the  ollVnres  of  tlu-ir 
lords  are  punishable  on  them,  how  innocent  soever,  are  apt  to  run  into  disorder, 
and  to  remove  their  fears  they  have  Commissioners  to  assure  them  of  His  Majesty's 
gracious  disposition  towards  them." 


298  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

country,  to  Carrickfergus,  where  he  met  Chichester,  who  had 
just  returned  from  an  expedition  which  could  certainly  not  be 
called  bloodless  (the  butchery  of  the  O'Quins).  It  Would  be 
interesting  to  know  whether  the  two  had  any  argument  as  to 
the  relative  merits  of  their  respective  methods. 

The  reason  for  Mount  joy's  visit  to  Carrickfergus  was  that 
he  had  originally  planned  to  work  round  along  the  coast  from 
that  point  to  Lough  Foyle,  keeping  in  touch  with  a  victualling 
fleet  which  was  to  have  arrived  from  England.  The  fleet, 
however — as  was  not  uncommon  in  such  cases — -did  not  come, 
and  Mount  joy,  being  short  of  provisions,  was  obliged  to  dis- 
band the  bulk  of  his  small  force  of  twelve  hundred  men  into 
the  most  convenient  garrisons  in  the  neighbourhood,  including 
those  recently  established  in  Magennis's  country.  Mount  joy 
himself,  with  a  remarkable  disregard  of  personal  danger, 
returned  to  Dundalk  with  only  three  companies  in  attendance. 

Mount  joy's  expedition  through  County  Down,  bloodless 
though  it  had  been,  was  not  without  its  effect,  for  he  had  no 
sooner  got  back  to  Dundalk  than  Arthur  Magennis  and  Patrick 
McArt  Moyle  (the  betrayer  of  Monaghan)  presented  themselves 
before  him  and  tendered  their  humble  submission.  Each  was 
fined  three  hundred  cows  (for  the  use  of  the  troops,  and  not — 
as  in  old  days — for  the  Deputy's  own  pocket),  and  so  were  sent 
away  absolved.  Having  by  these  very  opportune  fines  re- 
plenished his  commissariat,  Mount  joy,  on  July  llth,  once  more 
started  for^the^north  with  an  army  of  sixteen  hundred  men, 
and  on  the  13th  reached  Mount  Norris.  Here  he  stayed  one 
night  with  Captain  Blaney,  and  on  the  following  morning  set  out 
for  the  Blackwater.  This  fort,  as  already  recounted,  had  been 
lost  to  the  English  after  Bagenal's  defeat  at  the  Yellow  Ford. 
Captain  Blaney  had  retaken  it  with  the  Mount  Norris  garrison 
about  four  months  before  the  Deputy's  visit,  but  he  had  been 
unable  to  garrison  it,  and  it  had  once  again  fallen  into  Tyrone's 
hands.  The  river  Blackwater  being,  so  to  speak,  Tyrone's 
park  fence,  and  the  country  beyond  it  the  forbidden  ground 
on  which  no  English  were  to  tread,  every  conceivable  device 
had  been  adopted  by  which  Mount  joy's  passage  of  the  ford 
could  be  barred. 

The  Lord  Deputy  took  up  his  position  on  the  south  side  of 
the  river,  and  Tyrone  with  all  his  forces  did  the  like  on  the 
north  side,  with  a  derisive  display  of  the  banners,  drums  and 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  299 

trumpets  taken  in  the  Yellow  Ford  battle.  A  defiant  volley  or 
two  was  also  fired  at  the  Deputy's  force,  but  the  distance  was 
too  great  for  any  effect.  Mountjoy  had  brought  with  him  a 
rabinet  and  a  falcon,  and — not  to  be  outdone  in  noise — he  now 
fired  one  round  from  the  latter  across  the  river,  upon  which 
Tyrone's  entire  army  vanished  as  if  by  magic  and  was  seen 
no  more  that  day.  There  were  no  casualties  on  either  side, 
but,  no  doubt  in  deference  to  the  noise  or  the  intention,  the 
Four  Masters  describe  the  day's  proceedings  as  ".a  fierce 
and  furious  battle." 

On  the  following  day  Mountjoy  went  down  to  the  ford,  on 
the  far  side  of  which  Tyrone  had  posted  his  army  in  a  most 
elaborate  system  of  trenches.  Mountjoy,  encouraged  by  the 
success  of  his  experiment  of  the  day  before,  gave  them  one 
shot  from  the  rabinet,  but  this  time  with  no  effect,  the  defenders 
realizing  no  doubt  that  they  were  safer  from  this  form  of  attack 
in  their  trenches  than  in  the  open  behind.  Mountjoy  then 
ordered  Captain  Williams  to  attempt  the  ford  at  the  old  fort, 
while  Sir  Henry  Danvers  and  Sir  Henry  Folliott  simultaneously 
attacked  the  fords  above  and  below.  This  determined  advance 
proved  too  severe  a  trial  for  the  fortitude  of  Tyrone's  army, 
and  they  did  not  await  further  developments.  "  The  Irish  fired 
some  volleys  of  shot  out  of  their  spyke- holes,"  Fenton  wrote  to 
Cecil,  "  but  when  they  saw  the  companies  resolved  to  enter 
the  water,  they  quit  their  trenches  and  ran  to  the  woods."* 
Mountjoy  was  no  less  elated  than  surprised  at  this  unexpectedly 
easy  victory,  for  the  position  offered  every  opportunity  for  a 
fierce  and  stubborn  defence,  which  might  have  cost  his  army 
dear.  "  Upon  view  of  the  trenches  made  upon  every  ford," 
Fynes  Moryson,  who  was  present  on  the  occasion,  writes,  "  his 
lordship  found  them  so  strongly  and  artificially  fortified, 
wondering  much  that  they  should  either  so  laboriously  fortify 
them  if  they  meant  not  to  defend  them,  or  should  so  cowardly 
quit  such  strong  places  and  so  suddenly,  if  they  had  former 
resolution  to  make  them  good."f 

On  July  16th  Mountjoy  took  with  him  Sir  Christopher  St. 
Lawrence's  regiment  of  Irish,  and  went  up  the  river  to  Benburb. 
Tyrone  appeared  in  strength,  but  at  a  prudent  distance. 
Gradually  all  Mountjoy's  forces  came  up,  and  the  whole  day 
was  occupied  in  long-range  skirmishes  with  the  enemy,  during 

*  Fenton  to  Cecil,  July,  1601.         f  Fyn««  Mory§on. 


800  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

which  Captain  Williams' s  leg  was  broken  by  a  bullet,  and  the 
Government  force  in  all  had  twenty-five  killed  and  seventy 
wounded.  We  have  no  figures  as  to  the  Irish  losses,  which 
were  probably  insignificant,  as  they  had  the  advantage  of 
cover  from  the  woods.  The  Bishop  of  Meath,  however,  was 
more  optimistic,  and  in  a  letter  to  Sir  George  Carey  he  remarked 
with  bloodthirsty  piety,  that  "  the  loss  to  the  rebels  is  thought 
to  be  great — God's  name  be  blessed  !  " 

That  gallant  soldier,  Captain  Williams,  after  having  had  his 
leg  set  by  the  army  surgeon,  was  once  more  left  in  command 
of  the  Blackwater  fort,  and  the  Deputy  returned  to  Dundalk. 
Nothing,  however,  was  further  from  his  thoughts  than  to  remain 
inactive  and  leave  the  work  to  others.  He  spent  the  whole  of 
August  in  riding  backwards  and  forwards  between  Dundalk 
and  the  Blackwater,  so  as  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  reconstruc- 
tion work,  and  to  see  to  the  strengthening  of  his  lines  of  com- 
munication. In  this  month  he  once  more  renewed  the  pro- 
clamation offering  a  reward  for  the  Earl  of  Tyrone  dead  or 
alive,  but  for  some  curious  and  unexplained  reason  the  prize- 
money  was  now  reduced  by  half,  two  thousand  marks  being 
offered  for  the  rebel  chief  alive  and  one  thousand  dead.  The 
offer  produced  no  better  response  than  before,  and  before 
Mountjoy  had  time  to  judge  of  its  effect  the  entire  situation  in 
Ireland  was  changed  by  the  sudden  materialization  of  the  long- 
expected  Spanish  invasion  in  the  south.  Early  in  September 
forty-three  galleons  sailed  proudly  into  Kinsale  harbour,  and 
there  landed  some  4,500  men,  who  took  possession  of  the  pro- 
montory to  the  east  of  the  town.  Leaving  Ulster  for  the  time 
to  look  after  itself,  Mountjoy,  with  all  the  available  forces  he 
could  raise,  hurried  down  to  Munster  to  meet  this  new  danger. 
On  September  27th  he  reached  Cork,  where  he  spent  three  weeks 
in  collecting  and  organizing  his  force,  and  on  October  16th 
continued  his  march  to  Kinsale  at  the  head  of  4,300  men.* 

*  Fynes  Moryson. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

Excitement  in  Ireland  consequent  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards — General 
belief  in  the  overthrow  of  the  English — Defection  of  the  friendly  chiefs — 
Tirlough  McGilson — IDs  treacherous  seizure  of  Newtown — Docwra's  intense 
surprise — Art  McHugh  Mergoh  at  Castle  Derg — Hugh  Boy  appointed  arbi- 
trator in  the  Inishowen  case — He  nominates  himself  supreme  chief — Deadly 
enmity  between  Neil  Garv  and  Hugh  Roe — The  case  of  Donegal  Castle — 
Explosion  in  the  magazine — Neil  Garv's  supposed  complicity — Docwra's 
belief  in  his  innocence — Relief  of  Donegal  Castle  by  Docwra. 

r  I  ""HE  excitement  aroused  in  Ulster  by  the  coming  of  the 
JL  Spaniards  was  intense.  Every  sort  of  wild  speculative 
rumour  was  afloat  as  to  the  magical  benefits  which  would  be 
showered  upon  the  country  as  the  result  of  this  influx  of 
England's  enemies.  These  rumours  were  none  the  less  exciting 
in  that  they  were  wholly  nebulous  and  vague,  as,  indeed,  from 
their  very  nature  they  were  bound  to  be.  Altogether  apart 
from  speculative  rumours,  however,  the  known  facts  were  in 
themselves  quite  sufficient  to  fill  the  Irish  with  a  reasonable 
hope  that  the  ball  of  victory  now  at  length  lay  at  their  feet.  A 
dispassionate  review  of  the  circumstances  cannot  but  lead  to  the 
admission  that  such  hopes  were  in  substance  justified.  For 
ten  years  past  Tyrone's  rebellion  had  defied  suppression.  During 
the  latter  part  of  this  period  it  had  been  freely  given  out,  among 
the  inner  circles  of  the  Irish,  that  the  Earl  was  merely  playing 
with  the  English  authorities  by  temporary  submissions,  pre- 
tences of  loyalty,  etc.,  until  such  time  as  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards  should  make  him  strong  enough  to  throw  off  the 
mask,  and  to  annihilate  the  dupes  with  whom  he  had  been 
temporizing.  That  moment,  in  the  public  opinion,  had  now 
come.  If  Tyrone,  unaided,  could  hold  the  English  forces  for 
ten  years,  it  seemed  a  foregone  conclusion  that,  with  the  invin- 
cible Spaniards  at  his  side,  he  could  sweep  all  before  him. 
The  only  factor  in  the  case  which  was  lost  sight  of,  and  which, 
indeed,  was  not  within  the  knowledge  of  many,  was  that  a 

301 


302  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

genuine  man  had  now  at  last  taken  the  place  of  the  succession 
of  shuffling  intriguers  who  for  five-and-twenty  years  had 
governed  Ireland.  The  most  noticeable  outcome  of  the  sudden 
change  in  the  situation  was  the  promptitude  with  which  the 
native  Irish  adherents  of  the  Government  went  over  to  the 
winning  side,  or  to  what  they  had  little  doubt  at  the  time  was 
going  to  prove  the  winning  side.  The  first  to  go  over  was 
Tirlough  McHenry,  who  a  month  earlier  had  been  such  an 
enthusiastic  destroyer  of  the  rebels'  corn  that  it  was  said  he 
resented  any  man's  efforts  to  cut  more  than  he  did  himself. 
His  example  was  at  once  followed  by  Tirlough  Luineach's 
son  Cormac,  to  the  intense  mortification  of  Sir  Henry 
Docwra.  Cormac  had  always  been  Docwra's  favourite 
Irish  ally,  and  his  disaffection  went  far  to  shake  the 
Governor's  belief  in  the  reliability  of  the  native  element. 
His  faith,  however,  was  shortly  to  receive  a  ruder  shock 
still.  When  Cormac  went  over  to  Tyrone,  his  company 
of  Irish  was  given  by  Docwra  to  one  Tirlough  McGilson. 
Docwra's  confidence  in  this  man  was  very  firmly  established. 
In  August,  1601,  shortly  before  the  above-mentioned  appoint- 
ment, Docwra  informed  the  English  Privy  Council  that  "  Tir- 
lough McGilson,  of  all  the  Irish  without  exception  in  the  nature 
of  a  wasting  kerne,  hath  absolutely  done  the  best  service  and 
discovered  most  of  his  countrymen's  lewdness."  Nor  was 
Docwra  the  only  man  who  liked  and  believed  in  the  friendly 
McGilson.  Captain  Atkinson,  the  Constable  of  Newtown, 
thoroughly  approved  of  Docwra's  selection,  and  at  once  wrote 
asking  that  McGilson  might  be  sent  to  help  him  at  Newtown,  as 
he  was  not  only  a  personal  friend  of  his  own,  but  a  man 
who  knew  all  the  country  round  by  heart,  and  who  would 
therefore  be  of  the  greatest  assistance  both  as  guide  and  as  an 
adviser. 

Accordingly  McGilson  and  his  new  company  of  Irish  were 
transferred  to  Newtown,  but  with  results  very  different  from 
those  anticipated  by  either  Docwra  or  Atkinson  ;  for,  after  a 
few  days  of  friendly  intercourse,  the  harmony  of  the  mixed 
garrison  was  disturbed  in  the  following  startling  manner. 
McGilson  enticed  the  unsuspecting  Atkinson  down  to  the  banks 
of  the  Mourne  on  some  plausible  pretext,  and  there  suddenly 
caused  him  to  be  seized  and  bound  by  a  number  of  his  men 
who  were  concealed  there  for  the  purpose,  while  the  remainder 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  808 

of  the  Irish  garrison  fell  upon  their  unsuspecting  English  com- 
rades and  murdered  every  man  of  them  in  cold  blood.* 

Docwra's  distress  and  astonishment  at  this  unexpected 
development  was  very  great.  "  The  man  was  so  well  known," 
he  wrote,  "  and  trusted  and  beloved  of  all  men.  He  had  served 
among  us  since  Art  O'Neil  first  came  in,  and  has  to  my  know- 
ledge delivered  up  at  least  twenty  spies  to  be  hanged,  and  has 
killed  with  his  own  hand  not  so  few  as  two  hundred  people  of 
his  own  nation.  He  lived  intimately  with  Atkinson,  and  had 
received  so  many  gifts  from  him  that  I  think  no  man  would 
have  believed  his  being  a  traitor  ;  but  my  own  conclusion  is 
that,  out  of  the  mere  disposition  of  a  perfidious  nature,  delight- 
ing in  the  very  qualities  of  evil,  he  was  moved  thereunto  by  a 
sudden  and  mere  instigation  of  the  devil,  and  so  doth  himself 
confess,  making  offer  to  redeem  his  offence  by  a  like  murder 
upon  the  contrary  side,  so  he  may  withal  be  well  rewarded  for 
his  labour."f 

Docwra's  astonishment  at  McGilson's  lapse  is  understand- 
able, but  to  us  the  explanation  of  his  conduct  is  simple  enough. 
He  had  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  Munster  (which 
Docwra  at  the  time  of  his  writing  had  not),  and  hoped  to  win 
favour  with  Tyrone  by  putting  Newtown  into  his  hands.  His 
opportunism  was,  however,  as  it  turned  out,  miscalculated. 

Further  evidence  of  the  sudden  insanity  which  had  fallen 
upon  the  Province  was  furnished  by  the  case  of  Castle  Derg, 
which,  in  many  respects,  was  very  similar  to  that  of  Newtown — 
so  similar,  in  fact,  as  to  make  it  tolerably  clear  that  both  inci- 
dents were  part  of  the  same  plot.  These  are  the  facts  with 
regard  to  Castle  Derg.  On  the  morning  following  the  seizure  of 
Newtown,  Art  McHugh  Mergoh,  whom  Docwra  had  appointed 
Constable  of  Omagh,  rode  up  to  Castle  Derg,  and  asked  for  an 
interview  with  Captain  Dutton,  who  was  in  charge.  Dutton, 
who  had  heard  nothing  of  the  Newtown  disaster,  came  out 
without  hesitation,  and  walked  down  with  Art  McHugh  to  the 
banks  of  the  Derg,  where  he  was  seized  and  bound  in  very 
much  the  same  way  that  Captain  Atkinson  had  been  seized  and 
bound.  Here,  however,  the  exact  parallel  ceased,  for  there 
were  no  Irish  within  the  walls  of  Castle  Derg  to  put  the  finish- 
ing touches  to  the  transaction.  Art  McHugh  was  therefore 

*  Docwra  Narration. 

f  Docwra  to  Privy  Council  of  England,  Sept.  28th,  1001. 


304  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

forced  to  less  direct  methods  in  order  to  get  the  Castle  into  his 
hands.  He  informed  the  Lieutenant,  on  whom  the  command 
had  devolved,  that  he  would  at  once  hang  his  Captain  unless 
the  Castle  were  given  up  to  him.  The  threat,  however,  failed  to 
move  the  Lieutenant,  who  possibly  agreed  with  Docwra  that 
Button  richly  deserved  hanging  for  being  such  a  fool  as  to  be 
taken  in,  after  the  repeated  warnings  he  had  received.*  Art 
McHugh  did  not  in  the  end  carry  out  his  threat,  and  Button 
was  eventually  restored  to  Bocwra,  in  whose  estimation,  how- 
ever, he  never  regained  his  lost  place. 

This  succession  of  disappointments  seriously  shook  Boewra's 
belief  in  his  judgment  of  character,  and  he  began  to  have  doubts 
even  of  Hugh  Boy.  That  young  gentleman,  however,  had 
rendered  very  material  service  to  the  Governor  by  an  act 
for  which  Bocwra  could  not  be  otherwise  than  grateful.  He  had 
warned  the  Berry  Governor,  earlier  in  the  year,  that  a  Spanish 
force  would  most  certainly  land  in  Munster  before  Christinas. 
Bocwra  had  passed  the  information  on  to  Mount  joy,  who  was 
wise  enough  to  take  it  as  a  serious  warning,  which  indeed  it 
had  proved.  Bocwra's  gratitude  took  a  practical  shape.  He 
appointed  Hugh  Boy  sole  commissioner  to  arbitrate  on  the 
dispute  between  Phelim  and  Cahir  O'Bogherty  as  to  the  suc- 
cession to  the  chiefry  of  Inishowen.  Hugh  Boy,  feeling  doubt- 
less some  reluctance  to  favour  one  of  the  claimants  at  the 
expense  of  the  other,  settled  the  matter  by  dispossessing  both 
the  O'Boghertys,  and  nominating  himself  chief  of  Inishowen. 
Such  was  Bocwra's  infatuation  at  the  time  that  he  actually 
endorsed  this  outrageous  act  of  piracy,  and  established  the 
usurper  in  the  Castle  of  Birt. 

The  chief  of  Inishowen  was,  of  necessity,  the  caterer  for  the 
wants  of  the  Berry  garrison,  and  it  is  quite  clear  that  a  desire 
to  hold  this  office  was  at  the  back  of  Hugh  Boy's  high-handed 
proceeding  ;  for  he  at  once  started  exacting  the  most  exorbitant 
prices  for  the  country  produce,  his  greed  in  this  respect  even 
surpassing  that  of  his  predecessor,  Sir  John  O'Bogherty. 
This  unreasonable  rapacity  not  unnaturally  disgusted  Bocwra, 
and  when — as  above  narrated — three  of  his  other  selected 
favourites  had  in  quick  succession  proved  false,  he  lost  all 
faith  in  human  nature,  and,  for  fear  of  worse,  removed  Hugh 
Boy  from  his  self-appointed  post  and  re-established  Cahir 

*  Docwra  Narration. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  805 

O'Dogherty  in  his  inheritance.  Hugh  Boy  seems  to  have 
accepted  the  rebuff  with  a  good  grace,  and  remained  at  any 
rate  nominally  loyal  to  the  end,  for  he  was  still  in  Docwra's 
service  when  he  was  killed. 

Neil  Garv,  who  had  been  the  most  suspected,  and  certainly 
the  most  disliked  of  all  Docwra's  original  Irish  allies,  was  now 
the  only  one  left  him.  His  loyalty  had  so  far  been  fairly  well 
assured,  for  he  had  been  playing  a  game  in  which  the  assistance 
of  the  Governor  was  a  necessary  factor  to  the  realization  of  his 
schemes.  His  loyalty  was  still  further  assured  by  the  deadly 
enmity  existing  between  him  and  Hugh  Roe.  For  this  enmity 
there  were  several  most  cogent  reasons.  First  and  foremost, 
Neil  Garv  was  trying  to  usurp  the  position  of  the  O'Donnell ; 
he  had  killed  Hugh  Roe's  brother  ;  Hugh  Roe  had  killed  his 
infant  son  ;  Hugh  Roe  had  offered  a  big  reward  for  his  head, 
and  had,  moreover,  as  we  have  seen,  attempted  to  bribe  Captain 
Olphert  to  hand  over  Neil  Garv  at  the  same  time  as  the  fort  of 
Culmore,  in  which  case  there  is  little  doubt  that  Neil  Garv's 
head  would  have  speedily  parted  from  his  body.  In  such 
circumstances  it  is  hardly  conceivable  that  the  two  men  should 
have  been  in  amicable  conspiracy  against  the  English. 

Allegations  to  this  effect  were  freely  circulated,  but  Docwra 
was  always  sceptical,  and  nothing,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  ever 
proved  even  in  connection  with  the  Donegal  Castle  explosion, 
as  to  which  the  ill-natured  hinted  that  Neil  Garv  was  privy. 
The  facts  of  this  case  are  as  follows  :  On  August  2nd,  1601, 
Neil  Garv  and  bis  brother  Con,  together  with  Captains  Rande, 
Orrel  and  Gore,  and  five  hundred  men,  were  sent  to  occupy 
Donegal  Castle  and  the  Abbey  attached  to  it.  Nothing  of 
striking  interest  occurred  for  the  first  two  months,  but  at  the 
beginning  of  October  the  garrison  was  besieged  by  no  less  a 
person  than  Hugh  Roe  himself,  backed  up  by  all  the  forces 
he  could  muster.  It  is  more  than  probable  that,  in  making 
this  attempt  upon  the  Castle,  Hugh  Roe's  main  objective  was 
the  person  of  Neil  Garv,  whose  destruction  was  of  far  more 
importance  to  him  than  the  destruction  of  the  English  garrison. 
The  siege,  however,  which  was  in  the  nature  of  a  blockade, 
made  no  impression  upon  those  within  the  walls  beyond 
reducing  their  food  supplies  to  a  very  low  ebb.  On  Michaelmas 
Day,  as  a  result  either  of  mischance  or  of  treachery,  a  fire  broke 
out  in  the  Abbey,  which  was  being  utilized  as  the  powdfi 

20 


306  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

magazine.  A  tremendous  explosion  followed,  which  was  so 
immediately  succeeded  by  an  attack  from  the  Irish  as  to  suggest 
that  the  occurrence  had  not  been  altogether  unexpected ; 
in  fact,  the  Four  Masters'  version  of  the  incident  practically 
admits  that  the  explosion  was  expected.  The  attack  was 
beaten  off,  but  Captain  Rande,  a  sergeant  and  twenty-six  men 
were  killed  by  the  explosion,  and  Neil  Gary's  brother  Con  was 
so  badly  injured  by  the  falling  of  a  wall  that  he  subsequently 
died.*  The  Store  House,  Provost  House  and  Castle  remained 
intact,  but  all  the  powder  was  lost,  together  with  two  hundred 
pounds  in  money  and  a  large  quantity  of  provisions.  Outside 
of  these  minor  calamities  the  explosion  had  little  practical  effect 
on  the  progress  of  the  siege.  That  it  was  the  work  of  someone 
within  the  walls  is  beyond  doubt,  but  that  Neil  Garv  had  any 
hand  in  it  is  improbable  in  the  extreme.  Docwra's  report  of 
the  affair  was  to  the  effect  that  Neil  Garv  had  behaved  very 
well,  both  before  and  after  the  explosion.  In  any  case,  the 
salient  fact  stands  out  that,  in  spite  of  the  great  straits  to 
which  the  garrison  was  subsequently  put  for  food,  the  place 
was  successfully  held  by  Neil  Garv  till  Hugh  Roe  was  forced 
to  march  south  at  the  beginning  of  November  to  join  the 
Spaniards  at  Kinsale.  Docwra  then  himself  relieved  the 
garrison  from  their  unpleasant  position,  and  it  was  on  his 
return  march  from  this  expedition  that  he  devastated 
McSweeney  Fanad's  country  in  the  manner  already  described. 

*  Docwra  Narration  ;    see  also  Four  Masters. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 


Tyrone's  failure  to  co-operate  with  the  Spaniards  —  His  many  excuses  to  avoid 
the  decisive  battle  —  Numerical  superiority  of  Tyrone's  army  —  Its  admirable 
equipment  —  Disgust  of  the  Spaniards  at  Tyrone's  procrastination  —  Tyrone 
devastates  Louth  and  Meath  —  He  returns  to  Dungannon  —  He  eventually 
marches  south  —  He  reaches  Kinsale  on  December  21st  —  Arrangements  for 
attack  —  Betrayal  of  the  scheme  by  Brian  McHugh  Ogc  —  Battle  of  Kinsale 
—  — 


—  Rout  of  the  Irish  —  Indignation  of  the  Spaniards. 


AGERLY  anticipated  events  are  very  apt  to  fall  short 
JL_1/     of    expectation,    and    even    to    arrive    in    strange    and 
unlooked-for  garbs.     For  years  past  the  Irish  had  been  fed  on 
the  doctrine  that  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards  was  the  only 
constituent  lacking  from  the  synthesis  of  happy  events  which 
was  to  bring  about  the  millennium  in  Ireland.     Tyrone  himself 
had  for  ten  years  placarded  this  advertisement  over  all  the 
blank   walls   of   Ulster.      The   good   things   to   which   it   pro- 
phetically pointed  were   in  equal  parts  material  and  spiritual. 
.The  "  pagan  beasts,"  as  he  labels  the  English  in  a  letter  to 
McCarthy  More,*  were  to  be  consumed  by  fire  and  sword,  and 
riches  and  honour  to  all  were  to  follow  the  re-establishment  of 
the  true  faith.     Nor  was  this  all.     He  had  excused  the  timidity 
and  hesitation,  which  had  been  so  conspicuous  in  his  leadership, 
on  the  ground  that  the  moment  was  not  ripe,  the  fateful  hour 
had  not  yet  struck,  and  that  to  anticipate  it  rashly  would 
ruin    all.     In   the    meanwhile,    he    reasoned   that    the   policy 
dictated  by  prudence  was  to  temporize  as  long  as  possible, 
while  perfecting  his  organization,  and  drilling  and  equipping  the 
native  troops,  to  the  use  of  which  he  had  now  been  forced. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  in  this  policy  he  was  right. 
Tyrone  had  all  the  qualities  of  a  born  diplomatist.     In  that 
direction  lay  his  genius,  and  it  was  only  when  it  came  to  actual 
fighting  in  the  field  that  his  fundamental  cowardice  paralysed 
him,  and  prevented  him  from  carrying  his  own  admirable  pro- 

*  Tyrone  to  McCarthy  More,  Jan.  27th,  1601. 

307  20* 


808  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

gramme  to  a  successful  issue.  Like  many  others  of  his  type, 
both  before  and  since,  he  mistook  massacre  for  lighting  and 
pillage  for  the  sign  of  victory.  Never  was  this  more  painfully 
apparent  than  during  the  autumn  of  1601. 

The  Spaniards  had  come  in  response  to  earnest  and  persistent 
prayers  from  the  Irish  leaders.  They  had  been  told  that  on 
their  arrival  they  would  be  at  once  joined  by  a  powerful  Irish 
army  perfectly  trained  and  equipped.  The  Irish  army  was  by 
arrangement  to  bring  with  it  four  hundred  chargers,  for  which 
the  Spaniards  were  to — and  actually  did — come  provided  with 
four  hundred  saddles.  There  was  no  reason  why  any  of  these 
preconcerted  arrangements  should  have  missed  fire,  for  the 
date  and  place  of  the  Spanish  landing  had  been  known — with 
some  degree  of  accuracy — for  many  weeks  before  the  actual 
event.  In  every  single  respect,  however,  the  Irish  fell  short 
of  their  undertaking. 

Undoubtedly  Tyrone's  most  criminal  failure  was  in  neglecting 

to  join  up  with  the  Spaniards  the  moment  the  news  of  their 

arrival    reached   him.      At  that   time   Mountjoy's   forces,    and 

those  of  the  newly-arrived  Spaniards  were  about  equal.     Two 

thousand  more  Spaniards  were  known  to  be  following  close  on 

the  heels  of  the  first  detachment,  and  Tyrone  himself  had  seven 

thousand  men  whom  he  could  put  in  the  field  within   a  few 

hours.     Nor  were  these  a  mere  rabble  of  wood-kerne  ;  they  were 

a  thoroughly  well-trained  and  well-equipped  force.     Sir  Ralph 

Lane  reckoned  them  to  be  no  whit  behind  the  English  troops 

in  the  matter  of  training  and   equipment.     "  But  now,"   he 

wrote  to  Essex  as  early  as  1596,  "  the  Irish  soldiers  are  most 

ready,  well  disciplined,  and  as  good  marksmen  as  Spain,  France 

or  Flanders  can  show.     All  this  owing  to  the  Earl  of  Tyrone, 

who,  as  he  has  done  for  three  years  past,   infinitely   belabours 

them  with  training  in  all  parts  of  Ulster."*      The   five   years 

which  had  elapsed  since  the  writing  of  Lane's  letter  had  still 

further   added   to   the   training,    discipline   and   equipment   of 

Tyrone's  Irish  army,  which,  by  the  end  of  1601,  was  certainly 

equal  in  all  three  respects  to  the  other  two  armies  at  the  moment 

in  Ireland.     By  the  beginning  of  October,  then,  the  combined 

Spanish  and  Irish  forces  could  have  put   13,500  well-trained 

and  equipped  men  into  the  field  against  Mountjoy's  4,300,  a 

superiority  in  numbers  which  could  hardly  have  failed  to  have 

*  Sir  Ralph  Lane  to  Essex,  Oct.  23rd,  1596. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  809 

assured  victory.  In  spite  of  this,  Tyrone  hesitated.  Much 
valuable  time  was,  in  the  first  instance,  wasted  in  debating 
whether  he  himself  should  go  south  or  remain  in  Ulster. 
Finally  it  was  decided  that  he  should  go.  With  a  fine  display 
of  theatrical  emotion,  the  O'Neil  nominated  his  eldest  son  Hugh 
tanist,  at  the  same  time  expressing  the  pious  hope  that  he 
himself  would  find  a  higher  rank  in  Heaven  before  the  end  of 
the  campaign.  Noble  and  patriotic  as  this  aspiration  was, 
its  author  was  strangely  slow,  when  the  occasion  came,  to  offer 
any  opportunity  for  its  fulfilment.  The  idea  of  a  pitched 
battle  seems  to  have  been  so  inherently  distasteful  to  him  that 
he  was  ready  to  grasp  at  any  trivial  excuse  for  postponing  the 
ordeal  by  combat,  which  he  knew  awaited  him  in  the  south. 

The  Spaniards,  on  their  side,  were  not  unnaturally  at  a  loss 
to  account  for  the  non-appearance  of  a  man  who  for  years 
had  been  clamouring  for  their  interference.  Urgent  and 
repeated  messages  were  sent  from  Kinsale  to  the  dilatory  Earl, 
imploring  his  co-operation,  and  yet  week  after  week  passed 
and  he  made  no  sign.  The  only  possible  explanation  which 
presents  itself  to  the  modern  student  of  the  situation  is  that, 
now  that  the  long-expected  crisis  had  arrived,  he  shrank  from 
facing  it. 

In  October  he  made  a  show  of  moving  south,  but  succeeded 
in  getting  no  further  than  Louth  and  Meath,  where,  taking 
advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  Deputy  and  his  armed  forces, 
he  wasted  six  valuable  weeks  in  ravaging  those  defenceless 
counties.  There  is  no  incident  in  Tyrone's  career  that  more 
clearly  stamps  the  innate  meanness  of  the  man's  soul  than  this 
wanton  and  insensate  act  of  destruction.  Though  the  allies 
who  had  come  to  his  aid  were  calling  to  him  with  all  their  voice 
to  join  them  in  striking  the  long-promised  blow,  and  though  the 
opportunity  for  striking  that  blow  was  unique  and  never  to  be 
repeated,  he  could  not  prevail  upon  himself  to  face  serious 
fighting  while  the  safer  and  more  congenial  paths  of  devastation 
lay  open  to  him.  Friend  and  foe  alike,  in  Louth  and  Meath, 
were  sacrificed  to  the  shallow  desire  to  let  his  allies  see  that, 
even  though  he  was  not  at  their  side,  he  was  still  a  power  for 
destruction.  It  was  part  of  his  nature  to  see  no  distinction 
between  brigandage  and  battle.  To  his  parochial  mind — fed, 
it  must  be  owned,  on  the  traditions  of  the  country — the  destruc- 
tion of  the  defenceless  seemed  to  offer  the  cheapest,  and,  at 


S10  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

the  same  time,  the  most  telling  advertisement  of  military 
supremacy.  He  hoped  the  Spaniards  would  be  impressed.  It 
is  not  surprising  that,  far  from  being  impressed,  the  Spaniards 
viewed  the  proceedings  with  a  noble  contempt.  Already  they 
were  beginning  to  realize  that  they  were  dealing  with  a  man 
whose  performances  had  no  relation  to  his  boasts.  They  were 
to  realize  it  still  more  painfully  before  they  had  seen  the  last 
of  Ireland.  Even  when  he  had  completed  his  devastation  of 
Louth  and  Meath,  he  could  not  persuade  himself  to  face  the 
inevitable.  He  actually  went  back  once  more  to  Dungannon, 
and,  in  the  inglorious  security  of  his  chief  stronghold,  wasted 
more  precious  time,  while  Mount  joy  was  steadily  accumulating 
reinforcements.  Hugh  Roe  and  O'Rourke  had  already,  in 
obedience  to  his  orders,  led  their  forces  south,  the  former  being 
accompanied  by  two  horses  carrying  locked  hampers  full  of 
Spanish  money.  Tyrone  had  arranged  to  meet  him  first  at 
Granard,  and  later  on  at  Holy  Cross  in  Tipperary.  He  failed 
to  keep  either  appointment,  and  in  the  end  Hugh  Roe,  in 
disgust,  went  on  alone  to  Castlehaven,  where  he  ultimately 
joined  up  with  the  second  contingent  of  Spaniards.  It  was  the 
end  of  November  before  Tyrone,  shamed  at  last  in  some  part 
by  the  bitter  reproaches  of  his  allies,  finally  made  up  his  mind 
to  face  that  which  could  no  longer  by  any  chicanery  be  put  off. 
To  the  last  he  showed  more  concern  for  the  preservation  of  his 
own  landed  interests  in  Ulster  than  for  the  freedom  of  Ireland, 
or  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  His  eldest 
son  Hugh  was  left  behind  as  his  deputy.  Con,  the  illegitimate, 
was  also  left  behind  on  account  of  bad  health.  He  had  received 
a  serious  wound  in  the  last  Munster  campaign,  from  the  effects 
of  which  he  shortly  afterwards  died.  O'Cahan  was  left  in 
charge  of  Coleraine,  and  Cormac  O'Neil  in  charge  of  Newtown, 
which  Docwra  had  so  far  failed  to  recapture.  The  other  Cormac 
(McBaron),  Tyrone  at  first  took  with  him,  but  subsequently 
sent  him  back  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  administration  of  his  son 
Hugh,  in  whom  he  had  no  special  confidence.  Art  McBaron 
was  left  in  charge  of  the  Blackwater  country,  while  Art's  two 
sons  Henry  and  Brian  watched  Tyrone's  interests  in  Clandeboye. 
For  the  rest,  the  Fews — which  had  been  made  over  to  Con 
O'Neil  when  Tirlough  McHenry  joined  Mountjoy — was  now 
assigned  to  the  care  of  the  O'Hagpns. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  when  the  most  fateful  Irish  battle 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  311 

of  Elizabeth's  reign  was  fought,  a  battle  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  high  and  low  alike,  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  Ireland  for  ever- 
more, every  chief  and  petty  chief  in  Ulster  managed  to  absent 
himself,  except  Tyrone  himself  and  Randall  McSorley.  The 
latter  marched  south  with  the  Earl  at  the  head  of  120  Scots, 
which  represented  the  full  complement  that  he  was  able  to 
put  in  the  field,  and  the  sum  total  of  Scots  engaged.  Even 
Tyrone's  bodyguard  was  now  Irish. 

Tyrone  marched  south  with,  no  doubt,  the  very  best  of  inten- 
tions till  West  Meath  was  reached,  but  here  the  temptation  to 
once  more  pillage  Sir  Theobald  Dillon's  tenants  proved  too 
strong,  and  much  valuable  time  was  wasted  in  this  congenial 
occupation.*  Eventually,  on  December  21st,  Kinsale  was 
reached,  and  Tyrone  pitched  his  camp  on  the  north  bank  of 
the  Owneboy  River,  in  a  well-chosen  position,  which  threatened, 
though  it  did  not  actually  cut,  Mountjoy's  lines  of  communica- 
tion with  Cork.  Mountjoy  was  now  in  a  more  or  less  critical 
position,  being  sandwiched  in  between  the  Spanish  and  the 
Irish  armies.  His  strength,  which  had  at  one  time  reached 
8,000  men,  had  been  gradually  reduced  by  continual  sickness, 
the  men  dying  at  the  rate  of  from  twelve  to  fifteen  daily.  At 
the  date  of  Tyrone's  arrival  on  the  scene  he  could  with  diffi- 
culty muster  6,000  men,  and  of  these  many  were  incapacitated 
by  sickness  and  privations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Spanish 
and  Irish  combined  were  able  to  muster  well  over  13,000  men. 
Don  Juan  D'Aquila,  the  Spanish  Commander,  who  for  three 
months  past  had  been  chafing  with  impatience  at  the  non- 
appearance  of  his  Irish  allies,  lost  no  time  in  getting  into 
communication  with  the  newly-arrived  Earl.  It  was  arranged 
between  them  that,  on  the  night  of  the  23rd,  the  English  camp 
should  be  suddenly  and  simultaneously  attacked  from  the  south 
by  the  Spaniards  and  from  the  north  by  the  Irish.  The  plan  was 
strategically  sound,  and  had  it  been  kept  secret  ought,  by  all 
the  rules  of  warfare,  to  have  succeeded.  It  was,  however, 
given  away  in  the  following  curious  manner  by  Brian  McHugh 
Oge  McMahon,  of  Monaghan  rebellion  fame.  Brian's  son  had 
been  page  to  Sir  George  Carew  in  England,  and,  on  the  strength 
of  this  family  tie,  Brian  sent  over  a  boy  to  Captain  Taaffe  on 
the  night  of  the  22nd,  asking  him  to  procure  for  his  special 
consumption  a  bottle  of  whisky  from  Carew,  who  was  now 

*   Four  Musters. 


312  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Lord  President  of  Munster.  Taaffe  succeeded  in  getting  the 
whisky,  and  in  return  for  it  was  warned  that  Tyrone  and  Don 
Juan  meant  attacking  simultaneous^  on  the  following  night.* 
On  the  strength  of  this  warning,  Mountjoy's  men  stood  to  arms 
all  through  the  night  of  the  23rd,  and  just  before  daybreak 
were  rewarded  by  seeing  the  lights  of  Tyrone's  advance  scouts 
approaching.  Mountjoy  left  Sir  George  Carew  with  the  bulk 
of  the  forces  to  defend  the  camp  against  the  threatened  Spanish 
attack  from  the  south,  and,  with  the  Marshal  (Wingfield),  the 
young  Earl  of  Clanricard,  Sir  Henry  Power  and  Sir  Richard 
Graham,  rode  out  to  meet  the  attack.  Sir  George  Carew,  both 
in  his  letter  to  Cecil  and  in  his  "  Pacata  Hiberma,"  states  that 
Mountjoy  had  with  him  1,200  foot  and  400  horse.  Mountjoy, 
himself,  however,  in  a  letter  to  the  Privy  Council,  which  is 
preserved  in  the  Trevelyan  Papers,  distinctly  states  that  he 
had  2,000  foot  and  between  300  and  400  horse  with  him.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  number  of  foot  that  accompanied  him  is 
immaterial,  as  they  never  came  into  action. 

On  the  other  side,  Tyrone,  according  to  Alonzo  del  Campo, 
had  6,000  foot  and  500  horse,  f  This  Spaniard  had,  shortly 
before  the  battle,  landed  with  the  second  contingent  of  invaders 
at  Castlehaven,  and  had  managed  to  join  Tyrone's  force  with 
200  of  his  own  men.  On  seeing  the  great  numerical  inferiority 
of  Mountjoy's  force,  del  Campo  urged  Tyrone  to  an  immediate 
attack,  but  the  Earl  pleaded  that  his  force  was  not  in  proper 
formation,  and,  instead  of  attacking,  actually  withdrew  two 
miles,  J  till  he  had  placed  a  boggy  ford  between  his  army  and 
the  Deputy.  Here  he  turned  and  faced  about.  His  horse  were 
on  his  left,  his  foot  in  the  centre,  and  del  Campo  with  his  200 
Spaniards  on  the  right. 

The  battle  which  followed  is  probably  the  most  remarkable 
in  history.  It  was  the  first  time  that  Tyrone,  or  in  all  prob- 
ability any  of  those  under  him,  had  ever  faced  battle  in  the 
open  plain,  and  the  result  was  not  such  as  to  encourage  a  repe- 
tition of  the  experiment. 

After  some  musket-shots  had  been  exchanged  across  the  bog, 
by  one  of  which  Sir  Richard  Graham  was  killed,  Wingfield 
the  Marshal,  with  half  his  horse,  made  a  detour  to  the  right 
and  floundered  through  the  edge  of  the  bog,  close  to  where 
Tyrone's  .horse  were  drawn  up  on  the  left  of  his  line.  Having 
*  "  Pacata  Hibernia."  f  Fynes  Moryson.  |  Trevelyan  Papers, 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  118 

reached  firm  ground  (which  he  should  never  have  been  allowed 
to  do),  Wingfield  then  charged  the  Irish  horse,  but  without 
any  success,  for  these  stood  firm  ;  upon  seeing  which,  he  wheeled 
his  men  about  and  waited  till  the  balance  of  his  horse  had 
crossed  the  bog  and  joined  him.  The  combined  party  then 
renewed  the  charge,  and  this  time  the  Irish  did  not  await  it, 
but  turned  tail  and  galloped  off  through  the  thick  of  their  own 
infantry.*  An  absolute  panic  ensued.  The  Irish  foot  threw 
away  their  arms  and  ran  to  any  cover  that  offered,  pursued 
by  the  English  horse.  The  two  hundred  Spaniards  on  the  right 
of  the  line — to  their  infinite  credit — did  not  join  in  the  general 
stampede.  They  retired  to  an  adjoining  hill,  where  they  gallantly 
defended  themselves  till  all  were  killed  except  del  Campo 
and  thirty-seven  others,  who  were  taken  prisoners,  f  "A 
Journal  of  Affairs  at  Kinsale,"  dated  January  9th,  1602,J 
says  of  this  incident  :  "  The  Irish  ran  away.  The  Spaniards, 
like  amazed  men,  cursing  the  day  that  ever  they  came  to 
Ireland,  themselves  made  a  stand.  Many  of  them  were  killed, 
the  rest  holding  themselves  to  mercy.  The  pursuit  continued 
for  one  and  a  half  miles,  to  the  utter  shame  of  the  Irish  rebels, 
until  the  horse  were  out  of  breath  in  running  and  the  horsemen 
wearied  with  killing." 

In  this  most  astonishing  affair  all  accounts  agree  in  placing 
the  number  of  killed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  twelve  hundred, 
irrespective  of  the  many  who  escaped  with  bad  wounds  from 
which  they  subsequently  died.  Two  thousand  muskets  were 
also  gathered  up,  which  had  been  thrown  away  by  the  fleeing 
infantry.  On  the  English  side,  Sir  Richard  Graham  was  the 
only  man  killed. 

In  defence  of  the  otherwise  inexcusable  flight  of  the  Irish  foot, 
it  must  be  urged  that  they  were  first  of  all  thrown  into  confusion 
by  the  disgraceful  conduct  of  their  own  horsemen,  among  whom 
was  included  every  chief  and  sept  leader.  It  is  eloquent  of 
the  rapidity  with  which  all  the  leaders  retired  from  the  field 
that  the  only  name  of  note  which  figures  in  the  list  of  killed  is 
that  of  Tirlough  O'Hagan.§ 

Hugh  Roe  was  not  present  on  the  occasion  of  the  battle|| — 
if  such  it  can  be  called.  He  pleaded  having  lost  his  way  in  a 

*  Sir  Henry  l'u\v,  i  !,.  C.-.-il.  !>«•..  'JTth,  1001. 

t  Fynes  Moryson.         I  Cal.  St.it,    l'i(|>ers.         §  Fynes  Morysou. 

i!  Sir  Francis  Stafford  to  Cecil,  Jan.  14th,  1002. 


314  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

fog,  but  this  excuse  may  be  accepted  with  reservation,  for  the 
O'Donnell  had  little  more  liking  for  a  fight  in  the  open  than 
had  his  father-in-law.*  The  most  prominent  figures  on  the 
English  side  during  the  affair  were  the  Marshal  and  the  Earl 
of  Clanricard.  The  latter  was  very  forward  in  the  pursuit, 
and  was  subsequently  knighted  on  the  field  by  the  Deputy,  f 

The  State  Papers  provide  no  explanation  of  the  non-co-opera- 
tion of  Don  Juan  from  the  south.  A  reasonable  assumption 
would  appear  to  be  that  the  Spanish  commander  was  waiting 
for  Tyrone  to  attack  as  agreed.  Tyrone's  heart  failed  him  at 
the  last  moment,  and  he  did  not  attack,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
retired  two  miles  to  a  spot  which  was  completely  out  of  sight 
and  hearing  of  the  Spanish  commander,  who  waited  in  vain 
for  the  signal  which  had  been  agreed  upon. 

*  The  Four  Masters— who  were  Donegal  men — represent  their  chief  as  not 
only  being  present,  but  as  delivering  an  impassioned  address  to  the  fleeing  Irish, 
in  which  he  besought  them  to  be  worthy  of  the  deeds  of  their  heroic:  ancestors, 
but  all  historians  agree  that  he  was  nowhere  near  the  scene  of  the  fight 

f  "  Pacata  Hibernia." 


CHAPTER  XXXV 

Tyrone's  return  to  Ulster — Trying  experiences  of  the  defeated  army — They 
are  murdered  in  numbers  by  the  peasants — Hugh  Roe's  prophecy  fulfilled 
— He  sails  for  Spain — Henry  Oge's  scornful  reproof  of  Tyrone — Don  Juan 
D'Aquila's  appeal  to  Mountjoy — The  return  of  the  Spaniards  to  Spain — 
Sir  James  McDonnell  breaks  loose  from  Dunluce  and  captures  the  Castle — 
Tyrone's  diplomacy — Sir  James  restores  the  Castle  to  Randall  McSorley 
and  marries  Tyrone's  daughter — Arrival  on  the  scene  of  Angus — His  indig- 
nation with  his  son — He  hangs  some  of  his  men. 

A  CHRONICLE  of  Ulster  events  has  no  legitimate  concern 
with  affairs  in  the  south,  except  in  so  far  as  such  affairs 
may  have  a  bearing  on  the  fortunes  of  the  Ulster  chiefs.     We 
may  therefore  deal  very  briefly  with  the  final  stages  of  the 
Spanish  invasion. 

From  the  moment  of  his  defeat,  Tyrone  made  hot  haste  to 
get  back  to  the  north,  bitterly  regretting,  no  doubt,  that  he  had 
ever  left  it.  He  himself  was  carried  in  a  litter,  which  travelled 
with  remarkable  speed,  and  we  may  be  quite  sure — from  what 
we  know  of  his  character  and  of  the  customs  of  the  times — that 
during  his  flight  he  wasted  never  a  thought  on  the  safety  of  the 
rank  and  file  of  his  defeated  army.  That  rank  and  file  fared 
very  badly  indeed.  They  were  drowned  in  crossing  flooded 
rivers,  they  were  murdered  by  the  country  people.  Their 
casualties  in  the  return  to  Ulster  were  greater  even  than  those 
sustained  in  the  defeat  itself.*  We  are  furnished  with  full 
particulars  of  this  retreat  from  the  mouth  of  one  Shane  Sheale, 
who  acted  as  Tyrone's  trumpeter  throughout  the  expedition, 
but  who  afterwards  deserted  to  Sir  Francis  Stafford  at  Newry. 
Shane  Sheale  favours  us  with  a  graphic  description  of  how 
"  they  that  did  kiss  them  in  their  going  forward,  did  both  strip 
them  and  shoot  bullets  at  them  in  their  return,  and  for  their 
arms  did  drown  them  and  tread  them  down  in  every  bog  and 
soft  place  under  their  feet."f  The  Four  Masters  bear  out  this 

*  Sir  Francis  Stafford  to  Cecil,  Jan.  14th,  KJ02.  t 

315 


316  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

statement  of  Shane's,  and  also  draw  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Hugh  Roe  had  warned  Tyrone  that  it  would  be  so.  "  The 
surmise  of  the  Prince  O'Donnell,"  they  write,  "  was  verified, 
for  their  former  friends  and  confederates  rose  up  and  were 
attacking  and  shooting  them  on  every  narrow  road  through 
which  they  passed."  The  Prince  O'Donnell,  however,  had  no 
intention  of  being  one  of  the  victims,  for,  on  the  Sunday  after 
the  defeat,  he  sailed  from  Castlehaven  for  Spain,  where  he  died 
a  year  later  at  Valladolid. 

The  sacred  person  of  the  O'Neil  safely  surmounted  all  these 
dangers.  On  January  7th  he  reached  O'Reilly  in  Cavan ; 
on  the  8th  he  was  in  Monaghan,  and  on  the  9th  he  rested  at 
the  house  of  his  son-in-law,  Henry  Oge,  at  Kinard.*  Tyrone 
bitterly  reproached  the  other  with  having  persuaded  him — 
against  his  own  inclinations — to  go  to  Munster.  To  this  Henry 
Oge  very  pointedly  replied  :  "  O'Neil,  though  I  persuaded  you 
to  go  the  journey,  I  would  not  have  had  you  run  away,  but 
to  have  stayed  and  tried  your  strength." 

The  last  stages  of  Don  Juan  D'Aquila's  ill-fated  expedition 
may  now  be  briefly  disposed  of.  After  the  painful  collapse  of 
his  Irish  allies,  there  was  clearly  nothing  for  the  Spaniard  to 
do  but  to  return  to  his  own  country  with  all  the  speed  possible, 
and  with  as  little  loss  of  dignity  as  the  circumstances  permitted 
of.  Accordingly,  on  the  last  day  of  December  he  wrote  Mount- 
joy  the  following  letter  :  "  Having  found  the  Deputy — although 
a  sharp  and  powerful  opponent — yet  an  honourable  enemy,  and 
the  Irish  not  only  weak  and  barbarous,  but  (as  he  feared) 
perfidious  friends,  he  was  so  far  in  his  affection  reconciled  to 
the  one  and  distated  with  the  other  as  did  invite  him  to  make  an 
overture  of  such  composition  as  might  be  safe  and  profitable  for 
the  State  of  England,  with  less  prejudice  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
by  delivering  into  the  Deputy's  power  the  town  of  Kinsale, 
with  all  other  places'  in  Ireland  held  by  the  Spaniards,  so  as 
they  might  depend  upon  honourable  terms  fitting  such  men 
of  war  as  are  not  by  necessity  enforced  to  receive  conditions, 
but  willingly  induced  for  just  respects  to  disengage  themselves, 
and  to  relinquish  a  people  by  whom  their  King  and  master  had 
been  so  notoriously  abused,  if  not  betray ed."| 

In  reply  to  this  pompous  effusion  Mountjoy,   in    the    first 

*  Sir  F.  Stafford  to  Cecil,  Jan,  14th,  1602. 
t  "  Pacata  Hibemia." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  SIT 

instance,  sent  Sir  William  Godolphin  to  open  negotiations  on 
the  basis  of  security  of  life  and  property  to  the  Spaniards,  in 
consideration  of  their  immediate  evacuation  of  Kinsale.  To 
this  Don  Juan  agreed,  undertaking  that  he  and  all  his  men  would 
set  sail  for  Spain  in  their  own  ships  on  the  very  first  occasion 
on  which  favourable  winds  offered.  Unfortunately,  the  winds 
remained  consistently  unfavourable  till  the  9th  day  of  March, 
on  which  date  the  wind  shifted  to  the  north-east,  and  Don 
Juan  and  his  disbanded  army  set  sail  for  their  native  land. 
On  the  following  day  Mountjoy  returned  north. 

With  the  battle  of  Kinsale,  Tyrone's  long  spun-out  rebellion 
may  be  said  to  have  breathed  its  last.  From  that  time  on  the 
Earl  became  a  hunted  man,  only  avoiding  capture  by  hiding 
in  inaccessible  fastnesses,  and  by  shifting  continually  from  one 
refuge  to  another.  There  is  little  profit  in  the  contemplation 
of  a  fallen  idol,  and  still  less  in  the  pursuit  of  a  hunted  fugitive. 
Whether  the  quarry  be  a  fox  or  a  stag  or  a  rebel  Earl,  whether 
he  be  a  persecuted  refugee  or  an  execrable  murderer,  the 
sympathies  of  those  who  look  on  must  ever  be,  in  great  part, 
with  the  hunted. 

In  this,  then,  the  last  Act  of  that  curious  comedy,  known  as 
Tyrone's  rebellion,  there  will  be  little  advantage  or  even  interest 
in  dwelling  unduly  on  a  contest  in  which  the  sides  are  no  longer 
equal.  One  hope  only  remained  to  Tyrone,  and  that  was  a 
forlorn  one.  If  he  could  regain  the  goodwill  of  the  Scots,  he 
might  still  be  able  to  put  an  army  in  the  field  that  would  hold 
his  pursuers  at  bay  till  the  death  of  the  Queen — now  reason- 
ably to  be  expected  at  any  moment — opened  a  new  political 
era  in  the  history  of  the  island.  Tyrone  angled  tor  this  overseas 
help  with  all  his  customary  diplomatic  skill,  taking  every 
advantage  of  the  strange  modifications  in  the  McDonnell 
position  in  Ulster,  which  had  developed  since  he  started  for 
the  south.  These  were  briefly  as  follows  :  Randall  McSorley, 
when  he  marched  south  with  Tyrone,  had  left  Sir  James 
McDonnell  a  prisoner  in  Dunluce  Castle,  and  his  younger 
brother  Ness  in  charge  of  the  Glynns.  Ness,  in  spite  of  his 
inexperience,  seems  to  have  discharged  his  trust  with  credit 
to  his  family,  but  in  the  Route  district  Randall's  dispositions 
proved  less  fortunate,  for  he  had  no  sooner  turned  his  back 
on  Dunluce  than  his  prisoner  managed  not  only  to  break  loose 
from  confinement,  but,  with  the  aid  of  some  of  the  warders,  to 


318  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

get  the  Castle  into  his  own  hands.  Unmindful  of  the  fact,  oi1 
perhaps  too  mindful  of  the  fact,  that  he  had  been  taken  prisoner 
by  Randall  in  the  very  act  of  offering  his  services  to  the  rebel 
Earl,  Sir  James,  in  a  sudden  access  of  loyalty,  now  announced 
that  he  was  holding  Dunluce  Castle  for  the  Queen.  To  this 
announcement,  no  doubt  mainly  inspired  by  the  news  of  the 
Kinsale  defeat,  Randall  had  no  effective  retort  to  offer.  Dun- 
luce  was  a  place  of  almost  impregnable  strength,  and  to  have 
attempted  its  recapture  with  the  draggled  remnant  that  had 
escaped  the  carnage  of  Kinsale  would  have  been  a  hopeless 
undertaking.  At  the  same  time,  its  recovery  was  a  matter  of 
vital  importance  to  him.  In  the  difficulties  arising  out  of  this 
situation,  Tyrone's  diplomatic  genius  found  its  opportunity. 
Using  to  the  full  his  remarkable  powers  of  persuasion,  he  was 
able  to  convince  Sir  James  that  it  was  to  his  interest  to  give 
up  the  Castle,  and  to  take  in  exchange  one  of  his  own  innu- 
merable daughters,  who  was  produced  for  the  occasion,  and  who 
may,  for  all  we  know,  have  been  as  fair  as  the  incomparable 
Sara  whom  he  had  married  to  Magennis.  In  any  event,  Sir 
James,  undeterred  by  the  fact  that  he  already  had  a  wife  in 
Scotland,  agreed  to  the  exchange,  and  the  compact  was  duly 
ratified. 

By  this  crafty  move  Tyrone  secured  at  one  stroke  the  valuable 
gratitude  of  Randall,  and  a  new  son-in-law,  who,  in  the  event 
of  Angus' s  death,  would  have  been  chief  of  the  Island 
McDonnells,  and  in  a  position  to  bring  to  his  aid  a  powerful 
Scotch  army. 

At  the  moment  of  triumph,  however,  a  disturbing  factor  sud- 
denly made  its  appearance  on  the  scene  in  the  shape  of  Angus 
himself,  who,  old  as  he  was,  was  by  no  means  disposed  to  be 
left  out  of  any  arrangements  affecting  the  clan  of  which  he 
was  still  chief.  Angus  had  been  highly  interested  at  the  news 
of  his  eldest  son's  capture  of  the  much-desired  Dunluce  Castle, 
and,  brushing  aside  the  memory  of  their  recent  differences,  he 
sent  over  congratulatory  messages  backed  up  by  the  proposal 
that  he  himself  should  shortly  follow  with  five  hundred  Scots 
to  consolidate  the  newly-acquired  position.  To  this  friendly 
offer  James  made  no  response,  being  at  the  moment  too  fully 
occupied  with  the  details  of  his  recent  transfer  of  property. 
Angus,  however,  was  not  to  be  discouraged,  and  as  soon  as 
his  preparations  were  complete,  he  set  sail  with  his  five  hundred 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  81$ 

men,  and  in  due  course  arrived  at  Dunluce,  only  to  find  the 
Castle  once  more  in  the  possession  of  Randall  and  his  son  the 
complacent  dupe  of  the  scheming  Earl.  Angus' s  rage  was 
only  equalled  by  his  contemptuous  disgust  for  his  son's  weak- 
ness. Feeling  the  need  of  a  safety-valve  for  his  feelings,  he 
hanged  several  of  Sir  James's  men,*  after  which  he  was  able 
to  sit  down  in  a  more  equable  frame  of  mind  and  discuss  the 
situation  with  his  son.  The  interview  started  very  stormily, 
but  we  are  told  that  "  after  a  few  cups  "  there  was  a  complete 
reconciliation  between  father  and  son,  and  Angus  set  sail  for 
Scotland,  to  the  pronounced  relief  of  the  survivors  among  Sir 
James's  men. 

Tyrone's  diplomacy  did  not  in  the  end  produce  the  armed 
auxiliaries  that  he  had  looked  for,  but  it  was  not  altogether 
barren  of  beneficial  results  to  himself.  Sir  James  was  never 
of  any  use  to  him.  Shortly  after  his  marriage  he  crossed  the 
Bann  with  his  new  bride,  stayed  for  a  time  with  O'Cahan, 
another  of  Tyrone's  son-in-laws,  and  then  made  his  way  back 
to  Scotland,  whether  with  or  without  his  bride  we  do  not 
know  ;  but  the  probability  is  that  he  left  her  with  her  sister. 
If  so,  Tyrone  shortly  afterwards  had  two  of  his  married 
daughters  back  on  his  hands,  for  O'Cahan  grew  tired  of  his 
own  wife  in  1607,  and  sent  her  back  to  her  father,  f  From 
Randall,  however,  Tyrone  secured  a  return  for  his  good  offices, 
which,  though  it  did  not  take  the  form  of  auxiliary  Scots,  was 
later  on  of  inestimable  value  to  him  in  his  most  urgent  needs, 
as  will  presently  be  seen. 

*  Chichester  to  Cecil,  June  8th,  1604. 

t  Meehan's  "  Earls  of  Tyrone  and  Tyrconnell."  Se«  also  Earl  of  Tyrone's 
Articles  :  Cal.  State  Papers  :  James,  502. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

Mountjoy  pursues  the  defeated  Earl  into  Ulster — He  builds  a  fort  at  Charle- 
mount — He  destroys  the  Tullahogue  stone — Tyrone  in  Glenconkein— 
Randall  McSorley  shows  gratitude  for  the  restoration  of  Dunluce — Docwra 
and  Chichester  co-operate  with  the  Deputy — Mountjoy  fort — Capture  of 
Castle  Toome — Mountjoy's  expedition  into  Monaghan — Death  of  Sir  John 
Berkeley  and  Captain  Willis — Mountjoy's  food  difficulties — Docwra's 
expedition  to  Dungiven — Death  of  Hugh  Boy  McDavitt — Docwra's  high 
opinion  of  him — Tyrone  takes  refuge  with  O'Rourke — Rumours  of  a  fresh 
Spanish  landing — Mountjoy  hurries  south — Seizure  of  Cormac  McBaron's 
cattle — Capture  of  Augher  Castle — Connor  Roe  and  Cuconnaught  Maguire 
— The  Ulster  garrisons — Mountjoy  transports  the  Dungannon  natives  into 
Armagh — Henry  and  Con  McShane — The  lands  allotted  to  them. 

IT  was  by  no  means  a  part  of  Mountjoy's  policy  that  the 
moral  effect  of  the  Kinsale  victory  should  be  allowed  to 
wane  through  undue  inactivity  on  his  part.  In  June  he  was  once 
more  in  Ulster,  hot  on  the  trail  of  the  discredited  Earl.  His 
army  had  preceded  him  to  Newry,  which  he  himself  reached  on 
the  10th.  On  the  14th  he  moved  on  to  Armagh,  and  the 
following  day  found  him  once  more  at  the  Blackwater.  No 
opposition  was  met  with,  and  a  leisured  examination  of  the 
whole  position  persuaded  Mountjoy  that  the  old  Blackwater 
fort  was  by  no  means  at  the  best  or  most  convenient  spot.  He 
discovered  a  ford  five  miles  to  the  east,  in  Tirlough  Braselagh's 
country,  which  was  easier  of  access  from  Armagh,  and  which 
had  the  further  advantage  of  being  only  six  miles  from  Dun- 
gannon. Here  he  set  to  work  to  construct^  bridge  and  a  new 
fort,  which  he  named  Charlemount,  and  which,  when  com- 
pleted, was  left  in  charge  of  Captain  Toby  Caul  field.  During 
the  preliminary  survey ^of_the^selected;  ground  the  flames  of 
Tyrone's  dwelling-house  at  Dungannon  could  be  plainly  seen 
reddening  the  sky  to  the  north-west,*  and  on  the  third  day 
Sir  Richard  Moryson  was  sent  on  with  his  regiment  to  take 

*  Tyrone's  Castle  had  been  burned  by  his  own  hand  in  a  panic  on  the  occasion 
of  Norris's  advance  to  the  Blackwater  in  1595.  At  the  date  of  Mountjoy'* 
invasion,  Tyrone  was  living  in  a  wooden  house  thatched  with  rushes.  See  Cal. 
State  Papers,  March,  1602. 

J20 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  821 

possession.     Mountjoy,  with  the  rest'of  the  army,  followed  a 
few  days  later. 

One  of  Mountjoy's  first  acts  after  arriving  at  Dungannon  was 
to  make  a  journey  to  Tullahogue,  where,  with  the  idea  of  help- 
ing the  native  mind  to  a  realization  of  the  broken  power  of  the 
O'Neil,  he  completely  demolished  the  historic  Leac-na-Righ, 
or  coronation  stone,  which  for  centuries  had  invested  its  chosen 
occupant  with  a  semi-divine  status.  This  iconoclastic  act 
having  been  carried  out  with  fitting  advertisement  and  cere- 
monial,* Mountjoy  returned  to  Dungannon,  and,  by  way  of 
double-marking  the  contrast  between  the  old  order  and  the 
new,  gave  the  natives  an  educational  display  of  English 
authority  by  dispensing  justice  to  all  comers,  high  and  low 
alike,  for  several  days. 

The  deposed  Prince  of  Ulster  was  all  this  time  in  hiding  in 
the  wooded  wilds  of  Glenconkein,  whither  he  had  withdrawn 
with  a  small  but  devoted  following,  and  whither  Mountjoy's 
food  resources  did  not  at  the  moment  permit  of  his  penetrating. 
His  present  policy  was  rather  to  starve  the  Earl  out,  and  this 
there  is  little  doubt  that  he  would  soon  have  succeeded  in 
doing  but  for  the  intervention  of  the  grateful  Randall  McSorley, 
to  whom  Tyrone  sent  his  wife  with  a  reminder  of  his  late 
services  and  with  an  appeal  for  help.  One  can  hardly  doubt 
that  Randall's  ready  response  was  dictated  mainly  by  gratitude 
for  Tyrone's  recent  friendly  mediation  in  the  matter  of  Dunluce 
Castle,  for  no  Ulsterman  could  any  longer  deceive  himself  as 
to  the  hopeless  state  of  the  Earl's  fortunes,  both  present  and 
future.  Randall  must  have  seen  this  as  clearly  as  anyone, 
but  it  did  not  influence  his  conduct  towards  his  late  benefactor, 
and  during  the  entire  period  of  Tyrone's  concealment  in  Glen- 
conkein he  sent  him  periodical  consignments  of  wine,  whisky, 
meal  and  salt,  f 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  question  of  Mountjoy's  own  food 
supplies  were  causing  him  no  little  concern.  To  keep  his  forces 
supplied  with  the  necessaries  of  life,  foraging  parties  were  sent 
out  in  all  directions,  even  as  far  as  Lough  Erne,  with  orders  to 
bring  in  everything  edible  which  could  be  found.  The  keeping 
together  of  his  force  at  this  time  was  essential  to  the  consum- 

*  The  Tullahogue  stone  stood  in  the  centre  of  a  raised  encampment  surrounded 
by  the  remains  of  a  moat  and  in  the  shadow  of  a  ruin  which  had  once  been  the 
ancestral  home  of  the  O'Hajjans. 

t  Sir  Thomas  Phillips  to  Cecil,  July  27th,  1002. 

21 


322  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

mation  of  his  schemes,  for  several  projects  of  the  first  importance 
still  remained  to  be  carried  through.  In  furtherance  of  these, 
or  of  some  of  them,  Docwra,  acting  under  orders  from  head- 
quarters, came  over  from  Omagh  on  July  14th  for  a  consulta- 
tion with  the  Lord  Deputy,  while  Chichester  at  the  same  time 
crossed  Lough  Neagh  with  his  lately  recovered  flotilla  of  boats 
and  arrived  at  Dungannon  the  day  after  the  Derry  Governor. 
As  soon  as  the  three  leaders  were  assembled,  an  expedition  was 
organized  to  the  end  of  Lough  Nea  ?h,  where,  at  the  junction  of 
the  Blackwater  and  the  Lough,  the  Deputy  had  resolved  to 
erect  a  new  fort  to  which  the  appropriate  name  of  Mount  joy 
was  to  be  given.  Both  this  fort,  which  when  completed  was 
capable  of  holding  over  one  thousand  men,  and  Charlemount 
were  destined  to  play  a  very  prominent  part  in  the  rebellion  of 
1641.  Chichester  was  nominated  Governor  of  Mount  joy,  and 
Captain  Francis  Roe  was  left  to  supervise  the  building  and  to 
take  charge  when  completed.  From  the  mouth  of  the  Black- 
water  Mount  joy  nioved  along  the  western  shore  of  the  Lough 
as  far  as  the  exit  of  the  Bann,  where  he  occupied  and  garrisoned 
Castle  Toome,  leaving  Sir  Thomas  Phillips  in  charge.  The  occu- 
pation of  this  latter  fort  was  of  the  very  first  importance,  for 
it  completely  commanded  the  only  passage  into  Tyrone  across 
the  Bann  from  Clandeboye  and  the  Glynns. 

The  effect  of  these  admirable  dispositions  of  Mount  joy  was 
that,  with  the  Blackwater,  Charlemount,  Mount  joy  and  Castle 
Toome  in  his  hands,  he  formed  an  impassable  barrier  right 
across  Tyrone's  country ;  for  the  passage  of  Lough  Neagh  itself 
was  only  practicable  for  the  native  craft  in  the  very  calmest 
weather, 

On  returning  to  Dungannon,  Mountjoy  arranged  with  his 
two  subordinate  commanders  a  concerted  movement  which 
was  to  take  effect  on  August  10th.  On  that  date  it  was  arranged 
that  the  three  detachments  were  to  close  in  simultaneously  on 
Tyrone,  Docwra  working  up  from  Omagh  via  Dungiven, 
Chichester  moving  west  from  the  Mountjoy  fort,  and  the  Deputy 
himself  pressing  north  from  Dungannon  through  Killeteagh. 
These  arrangements  completed,  the  parties  separated,  after 
spending  ten  eventful  days  together  at  Dungannon.  Docwra 
returned  to  Derry,  while  Mountjoy  led  a  flying  column  to 
Lough  Erne,  where  he  captured  and  ransacked  several  of 
Tyrone's  island  strongholds. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  328 

From  Lough  Erne  Mountjoy  moved  east  into  County 
Monaghan,  where,  in  conformity  with  his  scheme  of  wasting 
the  enemy's  country,  he  destroyed  all  the  crops  in  Dartrey 
(the  country  of  Brian  McHugh  Oge,  the  principal  McMahon 
rebel),  and  so  returned,  fairly  satisfied,  to  Dungannon.  That 
these  operations  were  not  unattended  with  danger  is  made 
clear  by  the  fact  that  both  Sir  John  Berkeley,  the  sergeant- 
major  to  the  army,  and  the  scarcely  less  famous  Captain  Willis 
were  killed  during  the  tour.* 

The  combined  advance  into  Glenconkein,  which  had  been 
arranged  for  August  10th,  did  not  take  place,  as  Mountjoy's 
devastating  policy  now  began  to  react  on  himself,  and  it  was 
found  impossible  to  provision  the  troops.  The  army  victuallers 
added  to  his  difficulties  in  this  direction  by  selling  the  stores 
which  were  destined  for  the  army  to  the  starving  natives,  who 
were  willing  to  offer  any  price  for  them.f  Gaunt  famine,  in 
fact,  was  beginning  to  fix  its  hold  on  the  greater  part  of  east 
Ulster,  and  Mountjoy,  in  his  letters  to  England,  dwells  con- 
stantly and  painfully  on  the  extreme  privations  that  he  and  his 
army  were  enduring,  as  the  result  of  his  zeal  in  the  Queen's  in- 
terest. In  the  end  Docwra  was  the  only  one  of  the  three  to  carry 
out  the  contemplated  movement,  Mountjoy's  message  counter- 
manding the  arrangements  having,  by  some  mischance,  failed 
to  reach  him.  The  food  difficulties  which  so  embarrassed  his 
colleagues  did  not  touch  Docwra,  who  had  been  a  most  half- 
hearted apostle  of  the  general  policy  of  devastation,  and  whose 
district  was,  in  consequence,  still  sufficiently  productive  to  raise 
it  clear  above  all  question  of  food-shortage.  Taking  with  him 
Neil  Garv,  young  Cahir  O'Dogherty  and  Hugh  Boy,  he  started 
out  from  Omagh  on  the  date  agreed  upon,  and  got  as  far  as 
Dungiven  Castle,  which  he  occupied,  and  from  there  made 
a  successful  raid  into  the  outskirts  of  Glenconkein,  driving  in 
one  hundred  and  sixty  of  Tyrone's  cattle.  Satisfied  with  these 
results,  and  realizing  by  this  time  that  Mountjoy  and  Chichcster 
were  not  collaborating,  he  deemed  it  advisable  to  return  to 
Omagh.  Neil  Garv  and  Cahir  O'Dogherty  went  with  him, 
but  Hugh  Boy  remained  behind  and  followed  on  the  day 
after.  On  the  road,  to  Docwra's  very  great  grief,  this  young 
man  was  waylaid  and  murdered.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  murder  was  in  any  way  political.  "  He  was  set  upon 

*  Fyucs  Moryson.  t  Ibid. 

21* 


824  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

and  slain,"  Docwra  tells  us,  "  by  a  party  of  loose  fellows  that 
fell  upon  him  by  chance.  A  man  whom  I  found  faithful  and 
honest,  let  envy  and  ignorance  say  what  they  will  to  the 
contrary."*  Hugh  Boy  left  two  brothers,  of  whom  the  elder, 
Phelim  Reagh,  subsequently  played  a  very  prominent  part 
in  O'Dogherty's  rebellion  of  1608. 

Docwra's  seizure  of  cattle  in  Glenconkein  was  not  only  a 
serious  blow  to  Tyrone's  commissariat,  but  it  also  made  it 
painfully  clear  to  him  that  Glenconkein  was  no  longer  the 
inaccessible  retreat  that  it  had  always  been  reckoned.  The 
three  English  commanders  were  too  near  him  on  every  side  to 
be  pleasant,  and  he  determined  to  slip  out  of  their  clutches 
while  he  could.  He  accordingly  undertook  one  of  those  long 
forced  rides  for  which  he  was  famous.  Turning  his  back  on 
Glenconkein,  he  rode  south  till  he  reached  Lough  Erne,  which 
he  crossed  into  O'Rourke's  country.  Here  he  was  joined  by 
Cormac  McBaron,  Brian  McArt  and  Brian  McHugh  Oge,  f  all 
three  of  whom  were  no  less  glad  than  Tyrone  to  put  Lough 
Erne  between  them  and  the  energetic  Deputy.  O'Rourke  was 
at  the  time  the  only  rebel  chief  still  remaining  on  his  own 
ground  (Leitrim).  The  strength  of  his  position  lay  in  the  long 
protective  barrier  formed  by  the  many  ramifications  of  Lough 
Erne,  which,  except  at  one  or  two  recognized  spots,  was  reckoned 
to  be  impassable  for  anything  in  the  nature  of  an  army.  Luck 
on  this  occasion  favoured  the  Earl,  for  any  question  of  imme- 
diate pursuit  was  put  out  of  court  by  a  rumour  which  now 
reached  Ulster  that  the  Spaniards  had  once  more  effected  a 
landing  at  Berehaven.  Such  rumours,  even  though  unfounded, 
were  not  to  be  ignored,  and  on  September  9th  Mount  joy  hurried 
away  south  to  investigate  the  extent  of  this  new  danger.  The 
rumour  proved  to  be  without  any  foundation,  but  other  matters 
engaged  the  Deputy's  attention,  and  it  was  winter  before  he 
found  himself  once  more  in  the  north.  His  first  objective  was 
Tyrone's  new  retreat.  Early  in  December,  undeterred  by  the 
inclemency  of  the  season,  he  invaded  O'Rourke's  country. 
The  expedition  was  not  unproductive  of  results,  for  on  the  14th 
O'Connor  Sligo  and  Rory  O'Donnell  (Hugh  Roe's  younger 
brother)  came  in  and  made  submission.  O'Rourke  himself 
and  Cuconnaught  Maguire  (a  younger  brother  of  Hugh  Maguire) 
still  remained  "  out,"  and  the  Earl,  on  the  first  news  of  Mount- 
*  Docwra  Narration.  t  Deputy  to  Cecil,  Oct.  12th,  1602. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  825 

joy's  approach,  had  once  more  put  Lough  Erne  between  himself 
and  the  Deputy,  and  had  scurried  back  to  Glenconkein,  where 
he  remained  till  his  final  submission. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Docwra,  ever  since  his  return  from  the 
Dimgiven  expedition,  had  made  Omagh  his  head-quarters, 
as  being  more  centrally  situated  than  Derry.  While  lying 
there,  news  was  brought  to  him  that  there  was  a  happy 
opportunity  for  putting  himself  in  possession  of  some  of  Cormac 
McBaron's  cattle,  which  were  most  obligingly  grazing  in  the 
vicinity.  Following  the  information  given,  he  at  once  set  out 
on  the  welcome  quest  for  meat,  but  unfortunately  the  cattle 
proved  to  be  further  afield  than  was  anticipated.  A  consider- 
able distance  had  to  be  covered,  and  while  driving  their  prey 
home  Docwra's  party  was  repeatedly  attacked  from  the  thick 
woods  on  either  side.  The  cattle,  four  hundred  in  number, 
were  safely  brought  to  Omagh,  but  Docwra  lost  twenty-five 
men  in  the  enterprise.  Cahir  O'Dogherty,  who  was  only 
fifteen  years  old  at  the  time,  is  specially  mentioned  as  having 
behaved  very  well  during  the  fighting,  and  both  he  and  Neil 
Garv  were  knighted  by  the  Deputy  two  days  later  for  the 
worthy  part  they  had  played. 

Moving  out  from  Omagh  shortly  afterwards,  Docwra  met 
Mountjoy  and  Chichester  by  appointment  eight  miles  west  of 
Dungannon,  and  from  there  the  three  leaders,  encouraged  by 
the  successful  seizure  of  Cormac  McBaron's  cattle,  determined 
to  complete  the  subjugation  of  that  bad  subject  by  raiding  his 
Castle  at  Augher.  The  Castle,  which  was  found  to  be  unoccu- 
pied, was  a  pretentious  place,  sufficiently  strongly  moated  to  be 
described  as  an  island.  Two  brass  sakers  crowned  the  battle- 
ments, and  the  whole  place  was  of  commanding  strength  and 
of  very  considerable  size,  as  may  be  judged  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  decided  to  leave  Captain  Hansard  there  with  no  fewer 
than  four  hundred  men.* 

In  place  of  attempting,  in  the  depths  of  winter  and  with  pro- 
visions at  a  very  low  ebb,  to  pursue  Tyrone  into  the  wild  and 
thickly-wooded  region  of  Glenconkein,  Mountjoy  deemed  it  more 
profitable  to  bend  his  energies  to  the  question  of  political 
reform.  He  began  by  offering  a  free  pardon  to  Cuconnaught 
Maguire  if  he  would  agree  to  divide  up  Fermanagh  between 
himself  and  Connor  Roe  Maguire,  leaving  Enniskillen  to  the 

*  Docwra  Narration. 


326  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

Queen.*  Cuconnaught  was  sufficiently  ill-advised  to  refuse  an 
offer  which — all  things  considered — was  surprisingly  generous  ; 
whereupon  Mount  joy  erased  his  name  from  the  list  of  recon- 
cilables,  and  established  the  faithful  Connor  Roe  in  the  tem- 
porary lordship  over,  not  only  the  whole  of  Fermanagh,  but 
the  whole  of  Monaghan  as  well,  with  the  exception  of  Farney. 
In  token  of  his  exalted  command,  Connor  Roe  was  now  estab- 
lished in  Brian  McHugh  Oge's  chief  house,  which  stood  on 
the  border  between  the  two  counties.  A  garrison  of  seven 
hundred  men  was  left  at  Monaghan  to  lend  its  support,  if 
necessary,  to  his  extended  rule,  and  for  the  time  being  the 
fortunes  of  Connor  Roe  Maguire  were  decidedly  in  the 
ascendant.  |  The  other  Government  garrisons  in  Ulster 
were  returned  in  November  of  this  year  (1602)  as  follows  : 
Newry,  250;  Mount  Norris,  350;  Armagh,  250;  Blackwater, 
250;  Charlemount,  250;  Dungannon,  170 ;  Mount  joy,  1,200; 
Carrickfergus  and  district,  1,000,  and  Lough  Foyle,  1,800. 

In  spite  of  his  demolition  of  the  Tullahogue  stone,  it  was 
no  part  of  Mountjoy's  policy  to  obliterate  the  line  of  Nial  of 
the  Nine  Hostages.  What  he  chiefly  aimed  at  was  to  put  an 
end  to  the  noxious  apotheosis  which  the  stone — and  the 
"  brutish  ceremonies  "  surrounding  it — conferred.  Henry  and 
Con  McShane  were  once  more  at  large,  and  these  two  unfortu- 
nate brothers  he  now  established  in  the  lordship  of  the  country 
immediately  north  and  south  of  the  Blackwater.  The  country 
north  of  the  river  had  been  wasted,  but  not  so  on  the  south 
side,  and  Mount  joy,  out  of  pity  for  the  wretched  state  of  the 
natives  in  Tyrone  proper,  moved  as  many  of  them  as  he  could 
across  the  water  into  County  Armagh.  £  The  famine,  however, 
had  already  taken  its  toll  of  victims.  According  to  the 
O'Hagans,  three  thousand  died  during  the  year  1602,§  but  this 
figure,  in  common  with  most  of  the  statistical  returns  of  the 
day  from  Ireland,  may  be  safely  brushed  aside  as  an  absurd 

*  Fynes  Moryson. 

f  Cuconnaught  afterwards  agreed  to  divide  the  county  with  Connor  Roe, 
but  the  arrangement  was  never  an  amicable  one,  and  the  two  fought  continually 
till  Cuconnaught  fled  the  country  with  Tyrone.  After  that  Connor  Roe  was 
apportioned  three  out  of  the  seven  baronies  of  Fermanagh,  his  younger  brother 
Brian  succeeding  to  the  four  baronies  vacated  by  Cuconnaught.  Later 
on,  however,  Connor  Roe  relinquished  two  of  his  baronies  in  consideration 
of  an  annual  grant  of  £200  a  year,  and  £50  a  year  to  his  son  after  his  death.  He 
retained  the  barony  of  Magherasteffana.  See  Chichester  to  the  Lords,  Sept.  12th, 
1606  ;  also  Carew  MSS.,  1611-91,  and  Cal.  State  Papers  :  James,  1608-97. 
$  Fynes  Moryson.  §  Ibid. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  827 

exaggeration.  None  the  less,  the  mortality  was  undoubtedly 
high.  Another  six  months,  however,  had  to  elapse  before  it 
was  at  its  worst. 

The  two  sons  of  Shane,  with  then-  energies  atrophied  by 
long  imprisonment,  quickly  proved  that  they  were  quite 
incapable  of  exercising  any  authority  over  the  district  allotted 
to  them,  and  they  were  both  called  upon  to  abdicate  in  favour 
of  Henry  McShane's  eldest  son,  known  as  Sir  Henry  Oge.  For 
the  time  being  accommodation  for  both  Shane's  sons  was  found 
in  Fermanagh,  but  in  the  Plantation  shuffle  of  1610  Henry 
McShane  was  finally  allotted  two  thousand  acres  in  Orior, 
Co.  Armagh,  and  Con  one  thousand  acres  in  Coole  and  Tir- 
kennedy,  Co.  Fermanagh.* 

*  See  Pynnar's  Survey,  1618. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 

The  Queen's  offer  of  pardon  to  Tyrone — Death  of  Queen  Elizabeth — Dispatch 
of  Garrett  Moore  and  Sir  William  Godolphin  to  Tullahogue — They  return 
with  Tyrone  to  Mellifont — His  submission — They  journey  up  to  Dublin- 
Tyrone's  second  submission — His  grief  at  the  news  of  Elizabeth's  death — 
Tyrone  is  restored  to  his  old  lands — Desolation  of  eastern  Ulster — Horrible 
incidents  of  the  famine — Limited  scope  of  the  famine — Population  census 
in  1609 — Mountjoy  appointed  Lord-Lieutenant — He  sails  for  England  with 
Tyrone  and  Rory  O'Donnell — Tyrone  pelted  with  mud  by  the  Welsh 
women — Rory  O'Donnell  created  Earl  of  Tyrconnell — Rivalry  of  Neil 
Garv  and  Rory  O'Donnell  for  the  chiefry  of  Donegal — Docwra's  epitome 
of  Neil  Gary's  record — Neil  Garv  has  himself  proclaimed  the  O'Donnell — 
He  is  arrested  and  placed  on  parole — He  breaks  his  parole  and  so  vitiates 
his  chances  of  the  succession — Mountjoy's  unaccountable  bias  in  favour  of 
Tyrone — Tyrone's  hatred  and  jealousy  of  Neil  Garv — Tirlough  McArt  O'Neil 
— His  popularity — Neil  Garv  is  granted  the  Finn  valley — His  discontent — 
His  complicity  in  O'Dogherty's  rebellion — Tirlough  McArt  is  granted  New- 
town  and  Strabane — He  is  subsequently  removed  to  Dungannon — 
O'Dogherty  and  Inch  Island — Mountjoy's  questionable  action — The  King 
espouses  O'Dogherty's  cause — His  commands  disregarded — O'Cahan  and 
the  independence  of  Coleraine — Docwra's  advocacy  of  his  cause — Mount- 
joy's  unconquerable  bias — Docwra's  disgrace — He  sells  his  interests  in 
Derry  to  Paulet. 

BY  the  end  of  the  winter  of  1602  to  1603  the  Earl  of 
Tyrone,  Cuconnaught  Maguire  and  O'Rourke  were  the 
only  three  chiefs  in  the  north  who  still  remained  proclaimed 
and  unrepentant  rebels.  These  three  Mountjoy  determined 
to  leave  alone  for  the  winter  and  to  pursue  into  their  last 
refuges  upon  the  approach  of  spring.  This  last  step,  however, 
became  unnecessary,  owing  to  the  unexpected  turn  which 
events  took  in  the  early  spring  of  1603.  On  February  6th  the 
Queen  wrote  to  Mountjoy  commanding  him  to  send  for  Tyrone 
and  offer  him  life  and  liberty.  This  was  not,  as  might  be  sup- 
posed, a  spontaneous  act  of  generosity  on  the  part  of  Elizabeth, 
prompted  by  the  knowledge  that  she  was  near  her  end.  It  was 
a  belated  response  to  repeated  suggestions  in  that  direction 
thrown  out  by  Mountjoy  himself,  who  had  been  specifically 
forbidden  to  grant  the  rebel  any  pardon  on  his  own  responsibility. 
"  Tyrone  doth  continually  importune  me  to  be  received  to 
mercy,"  he  had  written  to  Cecil  in  June  of  the  previous  year. 

328 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  829 

At  that  time,  however,  Elizabeth  had  very  serious  doubts  as 
to  the  honesty  of  the  Earl's  professions.  A  variety  of  chance 
disclosures  had  for  some  years  past  come  to  her  knowledge, 
and  had  persuaded  the  Queen  that  Tyrone  was  not,  and  never 
could  be,  true ;  and  the  event  proved  how  very  right  she  was. 
In  this  belief  she  had  the  support  of  Cecil.  In  reply  to  William 
Warren's  ardent  advocacy  of  Tyrone's  sincerity  of  purpose, 
Cecil  had  written  in  1599  :  "  I  can  affirm  upon  my  faith  to 
Almighty  God  that,  in  Sir  John  Norris's  time,  both  himself 
and  myself  did  especially  labour  to  have  had  him  [Tyrone] 
received  into  Her  Majesty's  mercy  upon  any  reasonable  con- 
ditions ;  to  which  she  also  was  inclinable.  But  that  by  one 
means  or  another,  still  the  governors  and  others  discovered 
palpable  perfidious  dealing  in  him,  even  against  the  most 
merciful  and  most  gracious  Prince  that  the  earth  do  carry."*  In 
harbouring  her  suspicions,  Elizabeth's  remarkable  sagacity,  as 
events  proved,  was  not  at  fault.  She  had  properly  gauged  the 
undependable  nature  of  the  man  she  had  to  deal  with,  but  when 
sickness  took  hold  of  her,  and  the  end  loomed  in  sight,  her 
mood  softened.  She  wrote,  as  above  described,  authorizing 
her  Deputy  to  receive  the  rebel  to  mercy.  Ten  days  later  she 
followed  this  up  with  another  letter,  in  which  Mountjoy  was 
told  to  add  the  offer  of  pardon  to  that  of  life  and  liberty— 
the  word  "  pardon,"  in  this  sense,  bearing  the  construction  of 
a  promise  of  restitution,  in  all  respects,  to  the  status  in  quo  ante. 
By  the  same  messenger,  Cecil  himself  wrote  to  the  Deputy, 
further  explaining  the  Queen's  mood,  and  suggesting  that,  in 
the  bestowal  of  the  pardon,  Tyrone  should  be  degraded  from 
the  rank  of  Earl  to  that  of  Baron  of  Dungannon,  as  a  sign 
of  the  Queen's  disapproval  of  his  past  conduct.  Acting  on 
these  instructions,  Mountjoy,  who  at  the  time  was  staying  with 
Sir  Edward  Moore  at  Mellifont  Abbey,  sent  Garrett  Moore  and 
Sir  William  Godolphin  on  an  embassy  to  Tyrone  with  the 
Queen's  offer.  This  was  on  March  25th.  The  Queen,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  had  died  the  previous  day,  but  Mountjoy  did 
not  hear  of  this  calamity  till  the  night  of  the  27th.  f  The 
moment  he  learnt  the  news,  he  dispatched  a  messenger  post- 
haste after  Godolphin,  urging  him  to  conclude  Tyrone's 
matter  with  all  possible  speed. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  commissioners  had  arrived  at  Charle- 

*  Cecil  to  William  Warren,  Nov.  6th,  1598.         f  l'>"es  Moryaon. 


330  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

mount,  and  from  there  Garrett  Moore  went  on  to  Tullahogue, 
where  he  had  a  private  interview  with  Tyrone,  as  a  result  of 
which  Henry  O'Hagan  was  sent  to  Godolphin  with  the  Earl's 
formal  acceptance  of  the  Queen's  gracious  pardon.  Godolphin 
and  O'Hagan  then  rode  back  together  as  far  as  Toker,  five  miles 
from  Dungannon,  where  they  met  Tyrone  and  Garrett  Moore. 
The  whole  party  then  turned  their  horses'  heads  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Mellifont,  which  was  reached  on  March  30th.  Here 
Tyrone  knelt  for  an  hour  before  Mount  joy,  reciting  his  sub- 
mission with  all  the  moving  eloquence  of  which  he  was  such  a 
master.  Four  days  later  the  party  rode  to  Drogheda,  and 
the  following  day  went  on  to  Dublin,  where  Tyrone  for  the 
first  time  learnt  of  the  death  of  the  Queen.  On  receipt  of  the 
news,  he  burst  into  loud  and  prolonged  weeping,  as  he  declared 
"  for  tender  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  his  Sovereign  Mistress  "  (who 
had  been  hunting  him  for  ten  years),  but  more  probably  owing 
to  the  reflection  that  he  had  wasted  his  submission. 

On  April  8th  the  unfortunate  Earl  had  once  more  to  take  to 
his  knees,  and  go  through  the  whole  performance  of  submission 
again,  this  time  in  the  presence  of  the  Deputy  and  Privy 
Council.  On  the  bare  face  of  things  Tyrone's  treatment  was 
better  than  he  deserved,  or  even  had  any  right  to  expect,  for 
he  was  unconditionally  restored  to  all  his  old  lands,  except 
those  reserved  for  Tirlough  McHenry  and  Sir  Henry  Oge  in 
County  Armagh.  As  a  melancholy  fact,  however,  the  nominal 
restoration  of  his  lands  was  a  barren  concession.  The  only 
lands  which  had  been  spared  from  devastation  were  those 
which  were  excluded  from  his  grant  and  given  to  his  half- 
brother  and  his  son-in-law.  In  Down  and  Antrim,  and,  in  a 
lesser  degree,  in  east  Tyrone,  grim  famine  had  laid  the  land  bare. 
Those  who  had  the  means  to  leave  the  country  had  migrated 
to  the  Pale  ;*  those  who  had  not,  starved.  Fynes  Moryson 
recounts  two  horrible  incidents.  Brian  McArt,  the  landless 
brigand  of  east  Ulster,  having  established  himself  in  Killultagh 
with  five  hundred  ravenous  and  piratical  followers,  who  devoured 
the  whole  country,  it  became  a  public  duty  to  dislodge  him. 
Accordingly,  early  in  March,  1603,  Sir  Arthur  Chichester  and 
Sir  Richard  Moryson  undertook  an  expedition  which  had  the 
desired  effect  of  driving  Brian  and  his  band  of  brigands  out  of 
the  country.  On  their  return  from  this  expedition,  the  two 
*  Sir  John  Davies  to  Cecil,  April  19th,  1604. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  331 

leaders  saw  three  children  by  the  roadside  eating  the  dead 

body  of  their  mother,  which  they  were  roasting  before  a  slow 

fire.*     People  lay  dead  in  the  ditches  with  their  mouths  green 

with   the   herbs  they   had  tried   to   live   on.     In   Magennis's 

country  some  old  women  were  in  the  habit  of  keeping  them- 

selves in  food  by  lighting  a  big  fire  in  a  field,  to  which  children 

were  attracted  by  the  light  and  warmth  ;    the  children  were 

killed  and  eaten.     One  big  girl  managed  to  break  away  and 

give    information,  acting   on  which,  Captain  Trevor  rode  out 

from  Newry  and  found  the  bones  and  skulls  of  the  children. 

The  old  women  were  arrested  and  executed,  f   It  will  be  noticed 

that  both  these  tragic  incidents  occurred  in  County  Down,  or 

in  the  southern  extremity  of  Antrim.  J     The  scope  of  the  actual 

famine  as  to  which  these  two  cases  furnish  such  a  horrible 

illustration  was,  in  fact,  limited  to  the  northern  half  of  Down 

and  the  southern  half  of  Antrim,  or,  in  other  words,  to  the 

district  over  which  Chichester's  devastating  arm  could  most 

easily  extend.     Here  the  policy  of  indiscriminate  extermination 

had   been  given  a  full   and   successful  trial,   the  evidence  of 

which  remains  to  the  present  day  in  the  shape  of  the  almost 

exclusively  British  population  by  which  those  parts  are  now 

inhabited.     Mount  joy  had  destroyed  all  food  products  in  the 

Dungannon  district,  but  he  had  then  neutralized  the  effect  of 

his  work  by  transporting  all  the  Dungannon  natives  to  the 

land  of  plenty  south  of  the  Blackwater.     The  effect  of  this 

move  was  to  make  the  little  county  of  Armagh  the    most 

thickly    populated    district    in    Ireland.     Much    tjiat    is    very 

foolish  and  exaggerated  has  been  written  as  to  the  extent  of 

the  famine  of  1603.     All  Irish  writers,  and  many  English  ones, 

depict   Mountjoy  and   Chichester  as  inhuman   monsters  who 

almost  depopulated  Ulster  by  means  of  an  artificially  produced 

famine.     It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  at  the  end  of  a  ten-year 

rebellion,  recourse  was  had  to  this  method  of  warfare  as  the 

only  means  of  bringing  about  peace.     The  devastation  of  an 

enemy's  country  was  at  the  time   universally  recognized   as  a 

legitimate  method   of  warfare.     It  was  extensively  practised 

on  the  Continent,  and  was  invariably  used  by  the  Irish  chiefs 

in  their  inter-tribal  disputes.     Nor  can  it  be  urged  that  even 

in   twentieth-century   warfare,    similar   means   of  arriving   at 


*  Fynes  Moryson.        f 

$  Killultagh  was  not  reckoned  as  belonging  to  either  Down  or  Antrim. 


332  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

victory  are  not  made  use  of  by  the  most  highly  civilized  nations. 
To  hold  up  Mountjoy  and  Chichester  to  special  odium  for 
having  used  a  recognized  weapon  against  the  Irish  rebels  is 
perhaps  within  the  rights  of  inflammatory  patriotism ;  but, 
when  sympathy  is  wooed  by  the  picture  of  a  depopulated 
Ulster,  it  is  time  to  leave  the  sphere  of  fiction  for  that  of  fact. 
In  April,  1609 — i.e.,  six  years  after  the  worst  period  of  the 
famine — Sir  Robert  Jacobs,  Solicitor-General,  in  furnishing 
returns  for  Plantation  purposes,  estimated  that  there  were 
4,000  native  Irish  righting  men  in  Armagh,  6,000  in  Tyrone 
and  Coleraine,  6,000  in  Donegal,  and  3,000  each  in  Monaghan. 
Cavan  and  Fermanagh.*  Of  Down  and  Antrim  he  makes 
no  mention,  as  these  two  counties  were  not  included  in  the 
Plantation  scheme.  In  modern  calculations  it  is  reckoned 
that  fighting  men  may  be  taken  to  represent  ten  per  cent,  of 
the  total  population,  so  that  it  is  evident  that — outside  of 
Down  and  Antrim — the  1603  famine  existed  only  in  patriotic 
imagination.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  in  common  justice 
be  recorded  that,  from  the  moment  of  Tyrone's  submission, 
both  Mountjoy  and  Chichester  behaved  with  the  utmost  friend- 
liness toward  the  native  population.  Mountjoy  took  great 
pains  to  transport  the  inhabitants  from  the  desolated  places 
of  south-east  Tyrone  to  the  more  fruitful  lands  of  Armagh,  while 
Chichester  did  his  utmost  to  get  the  chiefs  to  relinquish  their 
old  arbitrary  exactions  and  establish  their  tenants  as  free- 
holders with  fixed  rents,  but  with  no  success. 

In  May,  1603,  Mountjoy,  in  consideration  of  his  complete 
suppression  of  Tyrone's  rebellion,  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  the  outstanding  advantage  of 
which  title  to  the  holder  was  that  it  permitted  him  to  leave 
Ireland  and  appoint  a  temporary  Deputy  in  his  place.  Mount- 
joy  appointed  Sir  George  Carey,  and,  taking  immediate  advan- 
tage of  his  new  privilege,  he  sailed  with  the  Earl  of  Tyrone 
and  Rory  O'Donnell  in  the  Tramontana,  and  landed  at  Beau- 
maris  towards  the  end  of  the  month.  The  three  then  rode  up 
to  London  together,  Tyrone  being  freely  pelted  on  the  journey 
with  mud  and  stones  by  the  Welsh  women  who  had  lost  hus- 
bands or  sons  in  the  Irish  wars. 

*  Cal.  State  Papers,  April,  1609.  In  this  connection  it  is  also  to  be  noted 
that  in  1610  Chichester  wrote  to  Cecil  complaining  that  "  the  country  to  be 
planted  is  full  of  people." 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  838 

In  London  Tyrone's  pardon  and  the  restoration  of  his  lands 
was  duly  confirmed  by  James  I.  Rory  O'Donnell  was,  on 
Mountjoy's  recommendation,  created  Earl  of  Tyrconnell,  and 
the  Lord-Lieutenant  was  sent  back  to  supervise  the  redistri- 
bution of  Ulster  among  the  more  deserving  of  the  native  chiefs. 
It  could  hardly  be  argued  that  Tyrone  ranked  among  these, 
but,  notwithstanding,  the  counties  of  Tyrone  and  Coleraine 
were  restored  to  him,  County  Armagh  was  divided  up  between 
the  descendants  of  Shane  O'Neil,  Tirlough  McHenry  and 
O'Hanlon,  and  Fermanagh  was  given  in  equal  parts  to  Connor 
Roe  Maguire  and  Cuconnaught  Maguire.  Chichester's  appor- 
tionment of  Antrim  and  Down  has  already  been  dealt  with. 
The  Lord-Lieutenant's  chief  difficulty,  prior  to  his  visit  to 
London,  had  been  over  the  question  of  Donegal,  the  chiefry  of 
which  had  been  left  vacant  by  the  flight  of  Hugh  Roe.  In  this 
matter  he  was,  strange  to  say,  governed  less  by  Docwra's 
advice  than  by  other  considerations.*  However,  even  Docwra 
himself,  it  must  be  owned,  was  not  a  little  puzzled  as  to  the 
proper  course  to  pursue  in  all  the  circumstances.  The  two 
obvious  claimants  were  Neil  Garv  and  Hugh  Roe's  younger 
brother  Rory.  On  the  face  of  things,  the  former's  claims  were 
incomparably  the  stronger  of  the  two,  as  from  the  start  he  had 
consistently  been  opposed  to  the  combination  of  the  three  rebel 
Hughs.  Neil  Garv  also  put  forward  the  contention  that  Docwra 
had  unconditionally  guaranteed  him  the  chiefry  of  Donegal 
in  return  for  his  services  against  the  rebels.  This  contention 
was  not  admitted  by  Docwra,  who  maintained  that  the  promise 
was  only  conditional.  Even  the  disputed  point,  however,  was 
an  argument  in  Neil  Garv's  favour.  It  is  only  fair  to  Mountjoy 
and  Docwra  to  admit  that  they  appear  to  have  given  their 
most  earnest  attention  to  the  problem,  and  the  fact  that  the 
ultimate  decision  was  a  wrong  one  was  the  fault  of  the  former 
rather  than  of  the  latter.  He  was  guilty  of  the  common  error 
of  assuming  that  because  Rory  was  so  far  without  any  definite 
black  mark  against  his  name,  he  could  not  possibly  be  so 
undesirable  a  character  as  Neil  Garv.  Only  too  late  did  he 
discover  his  mistake.  Docwra  was  under  no  such  delusion. 
To  his  mind  the  gamble  appeared  more  dangerous  than  the 
acceptance  of  imperfections  which  were  known  and  limited. 
These  imperfections  he  schedules  very  judicially  for  the  informa- 

*  Sn-  N.'il  Ciirv  l«.  Sitli-ljury,  May  Mill,  1610. 


334  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

tion  and  guidance  of  Mount  joy.  He  first  of  all  recites  Neil 
Gary's  good  points  as  follows  :  "  His  first  coming  without  com- 
pulsion and  bringing  us  to  Lifford  ;  his  services  many  times 
commendably  performed  in  his  own  person  ;  the  furtherance 
he  gave  us  for  planting  at  Donegal ;  the  help  he  gave  our  men 
in  their  greatest  wants  when  O'Donnell  besieged  them  in 
Donegal  Castle  ;  his  loss  of  his  brother  in  that  service  ;  the 
trial  of  his  fidelity  in  standing  firm  in  so  dangerous  a  time  ; 
and,  lastly,  the  goods  he  forsook  of  his  own  to  serve  the  Queen 
for  half-pay,  are  arguments  neither  untruly  gathered  nor 
unjustly  lodged  to  make  much  in  his  favour.  On  the  other 
side,  his  extreme  pride,  ambition  and  insatiable  covetousness  ; 
his  want  of  knowledge  when  he  is  well  dealt  with  ;  his  impor- 
tunity in  all  things  right  or  wrong ;  his  continual  begging  and 
unprofitable  wasting  of  whatsoever  he  gets  ;  his  aptness  to 
desperate  and  unspeakable  discontent  for  trifles  of  no  worth  ; 
his  facility  to  be  misliked  by  men  of  best  quality,  and  his 
underhand  juggling  with  the  enemy  he  is  truly  to  be  charged 
with."*  All  the  above  charges  were  doubtless  true  enough, 
but  none  of  them  was  of  a  criminal  character,  nor,  indeed, 
such  as  might  not  be  reasonably  expected  in  any  competitor 
for  the  coveted  position,  considering  the  material  from  which 
they  had  to  be  drawn. 

While  the  question  of  the  O'Donnell  succession  was  still 
in  abeyance,  Neil  Garv  very  foolishly  prejudiced  his  own 
chances  by  two  most  ill-considered  acts.  The  first  of  these 
was  the  premature  proclamation  of  himself  as  O'Donnell, 
while  the  matter  was,  so  to  speak,  still  sub  judice.  This  he  did 
in  direct  contravention  of  Docwra's  express  instructions,  and 
with  the  natural  result  that  the  indignant  Rory  was  at  once 
(literally)  up  in  arms.  That  Rory  was  the  popular  favourite 
at  the  moment  is  made  clear  by  the  fact  that  Neil  Garv  could 
make  no  effective  show  against  him  in  the  field,  and  was  driven 
to  fall  back  on  Docwra  and  to  plead  his  protection.  Docwra 
readily  responded  to  this  appeal  by  admitting  Neil  Garv  within 
the  precincts  of  Derry,  and  he  then  wrote  to  Mount  joy  asking 
what  he  should  do  with  his  guest.  Mountjoy  replied  that  Neil 
Garv  had  acted  in  a  rebellious  and  unconstitutional  manner, 
and  must  be  placed  in  confinement.  From  such  a  direct  order 
there  was  no  escape,  but  Docwra,  who  still  had  a  very  kindly 

*  Docwra  to  Mountjoy,  Jan.  4th,  1602. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  335 

feeling  for  his  late  ally,  made  the  confinement  as  easy  as 
possible  by  placing  Neil  Garv  on  parole  and  allowing  him 
liberty  to  walk  about  the  town  as  he  pleased.  Unfortunately, 
Neil  Garv  took  advantage  of  this  privilege,  and,  having  arranged 
for  a  horse  to  be  brought  to  one  of  the  gates,  jumped  on  to  its 
back  and  galloped  off.* 

This  last  foolish  and  indefensible  act  furnished  the  one  excuse 
for  which  the  Lord-Lieutenant  Was  looking.  How  he  might 
have  acted  otherwise  we  do  not  know.  As  things  were  he 
made  no  further  pretence  of  hesitation,  but  sending  for  Rory 
O'Donnell  to  Dublin  took  him  with  him  to  London,  as  already 
described,  and  there  recommended  him  for  the  chiefry  of 
Donegal  and  the  title  of  Earl  of  Tyrconnell. 

Neil  Garv's  recent  act  of  bad  faith,  coupled  with  the  palpable 
flaws  in  his  character,  were  Mount  joy's  excuses  for  a  line  of 
action  which  was  otherwise  very  hard  to  justify.  There  are 
strong  reasons,  however,  for  supposing  that  the  reasons  osten- 
sibly waved  on  the  surface  were  by  no  means  those  mainly 
responsible  for  Neil  Garv's  rejection,  and  this  was  certainly 
the  unsuccessful  candidate's  own  opinion.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that,  from  the  first  moment  of  personal  contact  between 
Mount  joy  and  Tyrone,  the  Lord-Lieutenant  seems  to  have 
come  under  the  hypnotic  influence  which  Tyrone  exercised  on 
all  those  who  came  within  range  of  his  persuasive  powers.  Up 
to  the  date  of  Tyrone's  submission  Mount  joy,  in  obedience  to 
Elizabeth's  most  stringent  orders,  had  resolutely  declined  to 
meet  the  Earl.  Tyrone's  submission,  however,  necessitated  a 
meeting,  and  though  we  know  nothing  of  what  actually  tran- 
spired at  that  and  subsequent  meetings  beyond  the  data  offi 
cially  published,  it  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  by  the 
astonishing  change  in  Mountjoy's  attitude  from  that  date  on. 
Prior  to  his  first  meeting  with  Tyrone  at  Mellifont  he  had  been 
as  implacable  an  enemy  to  the  rebel  Earl  as  the  most  exacting 
English  monarch  could  have  desired.  He  relentlessly  hunted 
him  from  one  refuge  to  another.  He  established  such  a  chain 
of  forts  across  the  exits  and  entrances  to  his  territory  as  to 
banish  all  possibility  of  military  combination.  These  measures 
succeeded  as  they  would  have  succeeded  had  any  previous 
Deputy  had  the  honesty  and  resolution  to  have  adopted  them. 
Tyrone's  rebellion  crumbled  before  such  honesty  of  purpose 

*  Docwra  Narration. 


336  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

as  it  was  bound  to  crumble,  and  as  it  would  have  crumbled 
had  Lord  Burgh  lived.  Tyrone  admitted  himself  a  beaten 
man  and  cried  for  mercy.  Then  came  the  meeting  between 
conqueror  and  conquered,  and,  from  that  moment  on,  Mount  joy 
was  a  changed  man.  War  was  over,  but  the  question  of 
Tyrone's  landed  and  political  interests  still  occupied  a  front 
place  in  the  Government  programme,  and  it  was  in  the  settle- 
ment of  these  important  points  that  Mountjoy's  sudden  and 
unaccountable  bias  made  itself  apparent.  In  every  matter 
in  dispute  between  Tyrone  and  the  Government,  or  between 
Tyrone  and  the  neighbouring  chiefs,  and  even  between  Tyrone 
and  Docwra,  he  sided  with  the  late  rebel.  The  recommenda- 
tions of  his  old  ally  Docwra  were  coldly  brushed  aside.  Even 
his  honourable  guarantees,  given  in  perfect  good  faith,  were 
treated  as  so  much  waste  paper,  if  they  happened  in  any  way 
to  clash  with  Tyrone's  interests.  Docwra' s  summing  up  of  the 
Neil  Garv  position  was  a  fair  one.  It  furnishes  evidence  of 
careful  thought  and  of  an  impartial  judgment,  and,  on  the  lead 
which  it  gives,  a  jury  of  present-day  readers  would  find  in 
favour  of  the  petitioner.  The  services  which  Neil  Garv  had 
rendered  were  substantial  and  genuine,  while  his  shortcomings 
were  those  of  the  native  temperament,  and  were  reasonably 
to  be  looked  for  in  any  rival  competitor.  There  was  then, 
however,  as  there  always  has  been,  in  the  English  Government 
of  Ireland,  the  fatal  tendency  to  attempt  the  propitiation  of 
its  enemies  at  the  expense  of  its  proved  friends.  This  despicable 
policy  has,  where  the  Irish  are  concerned,  consistently  tailed 
of  its  intended  effect,  and  never  has  this  been  more  strikingly 
the  case  than  during  the  last  few  years  of  Mountjoy's  administra- 
tion. In  spite  of  Docwra' s  earnest  representations,  the  claims 
of  the  chiefs  who  had  stood  by  Elizabeth  in  her  long-drawn-out 
conflict  with  Tyrone  were  pushed  into  the  background,  while 
the  benefits  which  should  have  been  theirs  were  showered  upon 
the  man  who  was  responsible  for  ten  years  of  a  bloody  and 
devastating  rebellion.  The  results  were  the  eternal  and 
unvarying  results.  The  loyal  chiefs  were  converted  from 
potential  friends  into  bitter  and  resentful  foes,  while  Tyrone 
and  Tyrconnell  at  once  took  advantage  of  the  Government's 
generous  pardon  to  start  laying  the  seeds  of  a  fresh  rebellion. 

We  are  now  dealing,   however,   with  the  question   of  Neil 
Garv.    Neil  Garv  was  Tyrone's  bitter  enemy.    Not  only  had 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  337 

he  been  a  contributory  factor  to  the  establishment  of  the  Derry 
settlement  which  had  proved  the  first  and  the  last  nail  in  the 
coffin  of  the  rebellion,  but  had  he  not  also  chased  the  Earl  for 
six  miles  at  the  point  of  a  lance  while  pelting  his  back  with 
insulting  taunts  ?  Tyrone's  antagonism  to  Neil  Garv,  however, 
was  actuated  not  only  by  hate,  but  by  the  far  more  powerful 
motive  of  fear.  He  foresaw  in  Calvagh's  grandson  a  rival  in 
the  north  who  might,  under  certain  conditions,  very  possibly 
overthrow  the  dynasty  of  Con  Bacagh.  He  knew  Neil  Garv 
to  be  as  ambitious  as  he  was  energetic.  Ever  since  the  death 
of  Sir  Art  O'Neil  he  had  been  paying  assiduous  court  to 
that  bibulous  knight's  widow,  not  so  much  from  admiration 
of  her  charms  as  because  her  sixteen-year-old  son  Tirlough 
was  generally  looked  upon  as  the  coming  O'Neil.*  He  was 
generally  popular  with  all  the  country  people,  and  apparently 
had  many  more  personal  points  in  his  favour  than  had  any  of 
Tyrone's  sons.  The  lady  had  so  far  shown  no  disposition  to 
accept  Neil  Garv's  overtures,  being  no  doubt  disposed  to  wait 
and  see  him  formally  established  as  the  O'Donnell  before  irre- 
trievably linking  her  fortunes  with  his.  Tyrone  foresaw  very 
clearly  the  possibilities  behind  the  situation,  and  all  his  influence 
with  Mountjoy  was  exerted  to  prevent  Neil  Garv  from  attaining 
a  position  which  would  at  once  have  secured  him  the  hand  ot 
Tirlough  O'Neil's  mother,  and  have  given  him  an  altogether 
too  dangerous  power  in  the  north-west. 

Rory  O'Donnell,  on  the  other  hand,  had  not  only  been  a 
probationary  rebel  himself,  but  was  a  brother  of  Tyrone's 
consistent  partner  throughout  the  late  rebellion.  There  is  no 
actual  evidence  to  prove  that  it  was  in  order  to  gratify  Tyrone 
that  Mountjoy  gave  the  uncertificated  Rory^  preference  over 
so  well-proved  a  man  as  Neil  Garv,  but  probability  points  very 
strongly  in  that  direction  ;  for  it  is  incontestable  that  O'Cahan's 
and  O'Dogherty's  interests  and  Docwra's 'honour  were  all 
sacrificed  to  the  new-born  desire  to  placate  the  Earl  of  Tyrone.  | 

The  moral  is  not  to  be  lightly  scanned.  Tyrone  and  Tyr- 
connell  showed  their  gratitude  to  their  benefactor  by  at  once 
setting  to  work  to  hatch  a  new  rebellion,  while  the  once-friendly 
Neil  Garv,  Donnell  O'Cahan  and  Cahir  O'Dogherty  were  driven 
by  disgust  into  an  unnecessary  rebellion  of  their  <>\vn. 

*    Dorxvra  Narration. 

•j-  Sri-  NVil  Garv  to  SalM.ury.  .May  itolli.   It.io. 

22 


338  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

The  fate  of  Inishowen  had  always  of  necessity  been  very 
closely  bound  up  in  that  of  Donegal  as  a  whole,  and,  in  any  settle- 
ment of  the  Donegal  chiefry  claim,  the  position  of  Inishowen 
called  for  very  clear  definition.  Mount  joy  fully  realized  this, 
and  when  Rory  was  made  Earl  of  Tyrconnell  and  lord  of 
Donegal,  Cahir  O'Dogherty  was  at  the  same  time  established 
as  independent  lord  of  Inishowen,  with  certain  reservations  of 
which  more  hereafter. 

Neil  Garv's  position,  in  view  of  his  late  act  of  bad  faith,  was 
left  for  the  time  being  in  a  more  or  less  nebulous  state,  and  was 
not  finally  settled  till  September,  1605,  when  Chichester  (then 
Deputy)  made  a  tour  of  the  north  adjusting  various  land  claims. 
He  then  apportioned  Sir  Neil  thirteen  thousand  acres  in  the 
Finn  Valley,  excluding  Lifford  itself,  an  arrangement  which, 
as  may  be  supposed,  left  a  man  of  Neil  Garv's  grasping  dis- 
position very  far  from  satisfied,  and  from  that  time  on  Calvagh's 
grandson  was  in  a  chronic  state  of  discontent  and  semi-mutiny. 
When  O'Dogherty's  rebellion  broke  out  in  1608,  Neil  Garv 
remained  nominally  on  the  side  of  the  Government ;  but  it  was 
afterwards  proved,  by  the  evidence  of  a  number  of  the  Donegal 
Irish,  that  Neil  Garv  was  in  reality  the  main  instigator  of  the 
rebellion,  and  that  young  Cahir  O'Dogherty  Was  merely  his  tool. 
The  evidence  made  it  quite  clear  that  Neil  Garv's  object  in 
encouraging  O'Dogherty  to  rebel  was  to  procure  the  latter' s 
downfall,  so  that  he  himself  might  get  possession  of  the  lands 
of  Inishowen.  The  proofs  against  him  were  so  overwhelming 
and  exposed  such  unsuspected  depths  of  treachery,  that  he  was 
arrested  and  confined  in  the  Tower,  where  he  remained  till  his 
death  in  1626. 

We  are  dealing  now,  however,  with  Chichester' s  adjustment 
of  land  claims  in  1605,  three  years  before  the  date  of 
O'Dogherty's  ill-fated  rebellion.  At  the  same  time  that  Neil 
Garv  was  granted  the  Finn  Valley  lands,  Tirlough  McArt  O'Neil 
was  given  the  lordship  of  all  that  part  of  Tyrone  which  lies 
between  the  rivers  Finn  and  Derg.  This  arrangement  left  young 
Tirlough  very  dissatisfied  indeed,  for  Docwra  had  originally 
promised  him  the  two  Castles  of  Newtown  and  Dungiven,  with 
all  the  lands  between.  The  change  of  programme,  though 
actually  carried  out  by  Chichester,  was  a  legacy  from  Mount  joy, 
who — as  in  other  cases — refused  to  ratify  Docwra' s  guarantee, 
the  excuse  assigned  being  that  the  King  had  decreed  that 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  889 

Tyrone  was  to  be  restored  to  all  his  lands  with  certain  specified 
exceptions,  and  that  Newtown  and  Dungiven  were  not  among 
those  exceptions.  It  must  be  recorded  to  Chichester's  credit 
that,  when  he  became  Deputy,  he  did  his  best  to  carry  out  the 
undertaking  which  Docwra  had  given  some  years  before.  In 
1608  Tirlough  was  given  a  grant  of  Newtown,  to  which  two 
years  later  was  added  the  town  of  Strabane,*  the  favourite 
residence  of  his  grandfather.  Later  on,  however,  for  the  pur- 
poses of  the  Plantation,  it  was  found  necessary  to  remove 
Tirlough  Me  Art  from  this  part  of  the  world,  and  he  was  allotted 
three  thousand  acres  at  Dungannon,  his  three  brothers  Neil, 
Con  and  Brian  being  at  the  same  time  granted  five  hundred 
acres  apiece  in  the  same  district,  f  In  1615  Tirlough  was  a 
captain  and  a  representative  man  in  the  county,  but  as  a  land- 
lord he  left  much  to  be  desired,  for  in  1619  Pynnar,  in  making 
his  Survey,  found  that  he  had  done  practically  no  work  or 
building  on  his  estate,  nor  granted  leases  to  any  of  his  tenants, 
all  of  whom,  we  are  told,  continued  to  plough  by  the  tail  in  the 
Irish  fashion.  J  In  the  great  rising  of  1641  Tirlough  McArt 
appears  in  a  more  or  less  neutral  capacity,  the  moderation  of  his 
attitude  being  mainly  due  to  his  inherent  hatred  and  jealousy 
of  both  Sir  Phelim  O'Neil  and  Owen  Roe,  the  former  representing 
the  line  of  Shane  O'Neil  and  the  latter  that  of  Hugh  Earl  of 
Tyrone. 

Another  sorely  dissatisfied  man  at  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  was  Sir  Cahir  O'Dogherty.  His  grievance  was 
over  the  matter  of  Inch  Island.  This  island  in  Lough  Swilly, 
now  joined  to  the  mainland,  had  at  all  times  been  a  recognized 
part  of  Inishowen.  It  contains  some  three  thousand  acres  of  ex- 
cellent land.  Shortly  before  Tyrone's  submission,  this  desirable 
possession  was — quite  unjustifiably,  in  view  of  O'Dogherty' s 
attitude  during  the  rebellion— leased  to  Sir  Ralph  Bingley  for 
twenty-one  years.  The  transaction  aroused  the  just  indignation 
of  Sir  Henry  Docwra,  who  remonstrated  very  warmly  with  the 
Lord-Lieutenant,  and  urged  the  immediate  restoration  of  the 
island  to  its  rightful  owner.  The  Lord-Lieutenant's  reply  was 
that  the  transaction  was  completed  and  could  not  be  undone.§ 

*  Cal.  State  Papers:  James,  161O-733. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers:  James,  10KW08. 
J  Lodge's  "  Desiderata  Curiosta." 
§  Cal.  State  Papers  :  James,  1008-032. 

22* 


340  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

In  this  extremity  O'Dogherty  undertook  a  journey  to  London 
in  the  late  summer  of  1603,  where  he  personally  laid  his  griev- 
ance before  the  King.      So  successfully  did  he  plead  his  case 
that  James  wrote  to  his  Lord-Lieutenant  explicit  instructions 
that  O'Dogherty  was  to  be  restored  to  all  his  lands  except 
Culmore  Fort  (as  to  which  he  was  indifferent),  and  was  for  the 
future  to  be  independent  of  the  rule  of  Tyrconnell.*     In  spite 
of  having  gained  his  suit,  O'Dogherty  did  not  regain  his  island, 
for  despite  the  King's  command,   and   presumably  with  the 
connivance  of  Mountjoy,  Bingley  retained  his  possession  of  Inch 
Island.     Mountjoy,  by  that  time  Earl  of  Devonshire,  shortly 
afterwards  died,  and  so  escaped  the  King's  displeasure.     It  is 
quite  certain,  however,  that  James  knew  that  his  orders  had 
been  disregarded,  for  on  April  8th,  1 608,  he  again  wrote  repeat- 
ing his  former  command  that  Inch  Island  was  to  be  restored  to 
O'Dogherty.     It  is  uncertain  whether  this  order  had  been  com- 
municated to  O'Dogherty  before  he  went  into  rebellion.     The 
probability  is  that  it  had  not,  for  it  could  hardly  have  reached 
Derry  before  the  end  of  April,  and  by  that  time  O'Dogherty 's 
fatal  step  had  been  taken,  and  his  rights  to  Inch  Island  had  for 
ever  been  forfeited,  f 

The  worst  case  of  all  was  that  of  O'Cahan.  Docwra,  in 
accepting  the  submission  of  this  chief,  had  given  an  under- 
taking that  after  the  war  Coleraine  should  be  independent  of 
the  overlordship  of  Tyrone.  It  was  a  proper  and  reasonable 
undertaking  to  give,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  presumptive 
ovejlord  had  been  in  rebellion  for  ten  years,  and  at  the  moment 
was  a  proclaimed  traitor  with  a  price  on  his  head.  It  is  also 
very  clear  that  O'Cahan's  only  reason  for  siding  with  the  English 
was  in  order  to  shake  off  Tyrone's  overlordship.  Docwra's 
verbal  guarantee  in  this  matter  was  confirmed  in  writing  by 
Mountjoy.  After  Tyrone's  submission,  however,  the  Lord- 
Lieutenant  repudiated  the  arrangement  entered  into  with 
O'Cahan  on  the  same  old  plea  that  the  King's  commands  were 
that  Tyrone  was  to  be  reinstated  in  all  his  former  possessions. 
On  the  receipt  of  the  news,  Docwra's  indignation  was  such  that 
he  made  a  special  journey  to  Dungannon,  where  he  fought 
O'Cahan's  case  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord-Lieutenant,  Tyrone 

*  King  to  Devonsliire,  Sept.  4th,  1603. 

f  As  late  as  1613  Sir  Ralph  Bingley  had  estates  close  to  if  not  actually  in 
Inch  Island.  See  Carew  MSS.,  1613-141. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  341 

himself  and  Tyrone's  eldest  son,  Hugh  Baron  of  Dungannon. 
He  urged  the  claims  of  common  justice,  and  backed  these  by 
reminding  the  Lord-Lieutenant  of  his  own  written  promise. 
Nothing,  however,  could  shake  Devonshire's  determination, 
as  to  which  he  disclaimed  all  responsibility  by  invariably 
falling  back  on  the  excuse  of  the  Royal  commands.  Docwra's 
disgust  found  its  expression  in  some  very  plain  speaking,  and 
he  and  the  Lord-Lieutenant  finally  parted  on  the  worst  of 
terms.  Thoroughly  dejected  with  his  failure,  Docwra  returned 
to  Derry  in  company  with  the  Baron  of  Dungannon  and  im- 
parted the  bad  news  to  O'Cahan  ;  whereupon  the  latter  shook 
hands  warmly  with  the  son  of  the  man  who  had  defrauded  him 
of  his  rights,  cursed  the  unsuccessful  advocate  of  his  cause, 
and  turned  his  .back  for  ever  on  Docwra  and  Derry.  The 
Baron  of  Dungannon  crossed  the  water  into  Coleraine  with 
him.* 

Although  the  Lord-Lieutenant's  decision  had  been  adverse 
to  O'Cahan,  the  latter  had  no  intention  of  accepting  it  as  final, 
or  of  sitting  down  tamely  under  a  burden  which  was  not  only 
highly  distasteful  in  itself,  but  from  which  he  had  at  one  time 
been  absolved  by  the  verbal  promise  of  the  Governor  of  Derry 
and  the  written  promise  of  the  Lord-Lieutenant.  As  a  mark 
of  his  contempt  for  the  whole  arrangement,  and  of  his  defiance 
of  the  overlord  to  whom  he  had  been  subjected,  he  turned  off 
Tyrone's  illegitimate  daughter,  and  added  insult  to  this  injury 
by  declaring  that  she  never  had  been  his  wife  as  he  was  already 
married  when  she  came  to  trim.  To  give  still  greater  weight 
to  this  statement,  he  reinstated  the  original  lady  at  his  side. 
Tyrone's  rejoinder  was  to  raid  Coleraine  and  carry  off  as  many 
of  O'Cahan's  cattle  as  he  could  collect,  as  the  equivalent  of  the 
marriage  portion  which  O'Cahan  had  received  with  his  daughter. 
This  was  Tyrone's  first  raid  since  his  submission,  and  the 
atavistic  tendencies  which  it  gave  evidence  of  were  contem- 
plated with  uneasiness  in  official  circles.  Tyrone  was  ordered 
to  return  the  cattle.  He  replied  by  submitting  a  counter- 
proposition  in  May,  1607,  which  was  to  the  effect  that  all  the 
points  in  dispute  between  him  and  O'Cahan  should  be  decided 
by  law.  O'Cahan  agreed  to  this,  and  his  consent  was  hailed 
as  a  most  promising  sign  of  the  advancing  civilization  of  the 
native  chiefs.  The  law  of  the  land,  however,  upon  investiga- 

*  Docwra  Narration, 


*42  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

tion,  found  itself  powerless  to  deal  with  the  matter  in  the 
absence  of  any  title  deeds,  contracts,  or,  indeed,  documentary 
evidence  of  any  sort.  In  this  quandary  the  King,  in  July  of 
the  same  year,  commanded  that  Tyrone  and  O'Cahan  should 
be  sent  over  to  London  to  accept  his  arbitration  in  the  matter.* 
It  is  unfortunate  that  there  is  no  evidence  as  to  the  exact  nature 
of  the  King's  judgment,  for  it  would  be  of  interest  in  connection 
with  the  subsequent  charges  levelled  against  O'Cahan.  To 
O'Cahan  himself,  at  the  time,  the  judgment  was  of  no  practical 
interest  or  value,  for  Tyrone  had  hardly  returned  from  his 
visit  to  London  before  he  fled  the  country  for  ever. 

The  favourable  reception  of  TyrconnelPs  and  O'Dogherty's 
suits  in  London  encouraged  Docwra  to  follow  their  example, 
and  make  a  personal  appeal  at  Court  in  the  matter  of  his  own 
Ulster  interests.  His, main  petition  was  in  the  matter  of  the 
Foyle  salmon  fishery,  over  which  he  claimed  to  have  prescrip- 
tive rights  tacitly  sanctioned  by  the  late  Queen.  In  this 
matter  Devonshire's  stubborn  hostility  to  his  recent  colleague 
had  been  very  pointed,  and  he  had  resolutely  refused  to  set  his 
seal  to  the  conveyance  of  the  rights  to  Docwra,  once  more 
putting  forward  as  his  reason  that,  in  conformity  with  the  King's 
decree,  the  fishing  rights  had  to  revert  to  the  Earl  of  Tyrone. 
Docwra  therefore  went  to  London,  but  he  had  his  journey  for 
nothing,  for  in  this  case  the  King  confirmed  the  Lord-Lieu- 
tenant's ruling,  judging,  no  doubt — after  the  fashion  of  people 
with  a  vicarious  knowledge  only  of  Ireland — that  he  had  more 
to  gain  by  propitiating  his  enemies  than  by  rewarding  his  friends. 

In  some  depression  of  spirits  at  his  reverse,  Docwra  set  out 
on  his  return  journey  to  Derry.  While  off  the  east  coast  of 
Ulster,  strong  winds  drove  him  into  Carrickfergus,  where,  to  his 
intense  surprise,  Chichester  showed  him  the  copy  of  a  proclama- 
tion, recently  published  throughout  the  north,  rescinding 
Docwra's  commission  as  Governor  of  Derry.  f  In  spite  of  this 
painful  proof  of  the  Lord-Lieutenant's  sustained  animosity,  he 
completed  his  journey  to  the  Foyle,  where  he  found  that  the 
news  of  his  downfall  had  preceded  him  and  was  in  everybody's 
mouth.  Very  bitter  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  the  late 
Governor  at  this  unlooked-for  reward  for  his  services.  Those, 
he  tells  us,  who  had  formerly  flattered  and  cringed  to  him,  now 

*  King  to  Chichester,  July  16th,  1607, 
•j-  Docwra  Narration. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  348 

flaunted  him  in  the  highway  with  open  insults.*  Chichester, 
who  was  by  this  time  Lord  Justice  of  Ireland  and  Deputy- 
elect,  sympathized  most  cordially  with  the  trials  of  his  late 
colleague,  and  encouraged  him  by  every  means  not  to  give  up 
a  struggle  in  which  he  had  such  obvious  justice  on  his  side.  H 
himself  exercised  all  the  influence  that  he  could  bring  to  bear 
on  his  behalf,  and  with  such  good  results  that  on  February  8th, 
1604,  Docwra  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  a  Royal  warrant 
for  the  incorporation  of  Derry  as  a  city,  of  which  he  himself  was 
nominated  Governor  for  life.  Even  this  very  proper  recog- 
nition of  his  signal  services  to  his  country  did  not  succeed  in 
making  life  on  the  Foyle  any  longer  endurable  to  Docwra. 
All  his  old  associates  in  arms  among  the  native  Irish  were  still 
bitterly  discontented  with  the  extent  of  the  lands  meted  out 
to  them,  and  they  not  unnaturally  held  Docwra  responsible 
for  the  blasting  of  their  more  sanguine  expectations.  It 
mattered  nothing  that  he  had  done  his  utmost  in  their  interests. 
Failure  is  an  offence  for  which  there  is  neither  pity  nor  forgive- 
ness, and  he  had  failed.  He  wearied  of  the  place  and  of  the 
hopeless  task  of  trying  to  gauge  the  point  of  view  of  those  with 
whom  he  was  called  upon  to  deal,  and  early  in  1606  he  disposed 
of  his  house  and  lands  to  Mr.  George  Paulet  and  returned  to 
England.  Three  years  later  he  came  back  to  Ireland  as  Trea- 
surer at  Wars,  an  office  which  he  was  accused  by  Sir  John 
Bingley  (who  had  not  forgiven  Docwra's  opposition  to  his 
brother's  annexation  of  Inch  Island)  of  abusing.  The  charge, 
however,  was  frivolous  and  easily  disproved,  and  Docwra 
came  out  of  the  ordeal  without  a  stain  on  his  character.  He 
served  long  and  died  poor,"  was  the  Earl  of  Cork's  tribute  to  his 
memory,  after  his  death  in  1631.  f 

*  Docwra  Narration,     f  Earl  of  Cork  to  Lord  Dorchester,  June  28th,  1681 . 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII 

Tyrone  takes  up  residence  in  Drogheda — He  hangs  a  number  of  his  old  associates 
— His  fallen  state — He  fails  to  get  his  tenants  to  return  to  him — The  King's 
considerate  policy  towards  the  native  peasantry — Dissatisfaction  of  the 
chiefs — Opening  of  a  new  era  of  justice  for  the  lower  orders — Alarm  of 
Tyrone  and  Tyrconnell— Rumours  of  a  fresh  conspiracy- — Henry  O'Neil 
and  Henry  O'Hagan  in  Spain — Lady  Tyrone  is  interviewed  by  Caullicld — 
Anonymous  letter  to  Sir  William  Usher — Tyrone  takes  leave  of  the  Moores 
— His  ride  to  Rathmullen — Flight  of  the  Earls — Untimely  deaths  of  many 
members  of  the  party — Tyrone's  character — Opinion  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
lords  of  the  Pale — His  innumerable  daughters — Extinction  of  the  main 
line  of  O'Neil. 

r  I  ^YRONE,  after  his  visit  to  England,  did  not  return  to  his 
old  haunts  at  Dungannon,  but  took  up  his  residence  in 
Drogheda,  where,  in  very  straitened  circumstances,  he  lived 
for  a  time  an  obscure  and  uneventful  life.*  To  relieve  the 
monotony  of  his  existence,  he  occasionally  got  on  his  horse  and 
rode  to  the  borders  of  his  old  country,  where  he  did  his  best 
to  offer  practical  proof  of  his  change  of  sides  by  hanging  a 
number  of  people  whose  submission  was  rather  later  than  his 
own,  included  among  whom  was  one  of  his  own  nephews,  f  In 
the  course  of  this  display  of  zeal,  he  is  reported  to  have  hanged 
nineteen  persons  of  good  quality,  and  many  others  of  humbler 
station,  between  the  dates  of  his  submission  and  his  flight.  J 
His  choice  of  Drogheda  as  a  place  of  residence  was  no  doubt 
to  some  extent  dictated  by  its  proximity  to  his  old  friends, 
the  Moores  of  Mellifont  (with  whom  his  three-year-old  son 
Shane  was  at  the  time  being  fostered),  coupled  with  the  know- 
ledge that  his  own  country  was  no  longer  productive  of  the 
good  things  that  he  so  dearly  loved.  South-east  Tyrone,  Down 
and  Antrim  were  desolate  and  deserted.  Most  of  the  better- 
class  families,  who  had  the  means  of  moving,  had  migrated 

*  Sir  John  Davies  to  Cecil,  April  19th,  1604. 
•f-  Chichester  to  Cecil,  June  8th,  1004. 
J  Cal.  State  Papers :  James,  517. 

344 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  345 

further  south  to  where  there  was  food  in  plenty.  Tyrone,  w< 
are  told,  did  his  utmost  to  get  his  old  tenants  to  return  ;  but 
these,  having  once  tasted  the  joys  of  freedom  from  his  extreme 
exactions,  declared  that  they  would  sooner  be  strangled."* 
The  peasants,  in  fact,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
Ireland,  were  beginning  to  experience  the  advantages  of  being 
scheduled  as  human  beings,  instead  of  as  mere  chattels,  and 
they  were  by  no  means  eager  to  revert  to  the  old  order  of 
things.  James  I.'s  policy,  weak  and  ill-advised  as  it  may 
justly  be  considered  in  the  matter  of  the  chief  rebels,  was  from 
the  first  humane  and  considerate  towards  those  of  lower  degree. 
Even  the  most  persistent  of  the  minor  rebel  chiefs,  such  as 
Cormac  McBaron,  Brian  McHugh  Oge,  Patrick  McArt  Moyle, 
and  Ever  McCooley  were  nominally  restored  to  their  lands, 
but  shorn  of  a  certain  number  of  their  old  seigniority  rights. 
No  longer  were  they  free  to  exact  what  they  could  from  their 
unhappy  serfs,  for  these  were  accorded  the  privilege  of  appeal 
to  properly  constituted  courts.  Common  justice  and  redress 
from  tyranny  became  open  to  all.  Sir  Edward  Pelham  records 
that  after  he  had  been  dispensing  justice  in  Donegal,  the  people 
crowded  round  and  blessed  him  as  an  angel  sent  from  Heaven, 
praying  him  on  their  knees  to  come  back  again  and  once  more 
adjust  their  wrongs,  f  Nor  was  James  merely  content  with 
curbing  the  excesses  and  depredations  of  the  native  chiefs.  The 
same  wholesome  restrictions  were  imposed  on  his  own  soldiery. 
The  excellence  of  his  intentions  in  this  direction  is  made  very 
clear  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  in  April,  1605,  to  Chichester, 
at  that  time  Deputy,  embodying  sentiments  of  which  no  trace 
is  to  be  found  in  the  caustic  letters  of  the  dead  Queen.  The 
King  charged  Chichester  to  "  use  all  his  endeavours  to  ease 
the  people,  as  much  as  may  be,  of  the  burden  or  oppression  of 
the  soldiery,  in  order  that  they  may  perceive  that  those  who 
are  maintained  in  pay  shall  serve  rather  for  necessity  in  striving 
to  preserve  the  good  subject  than  to  annoy  any." 

In  accordance  with  these  admirable  instructions,  Chiclustir 
issued  proclamations  throughout  the  country  embodying  the 
benevolent  intentions  of  the  King.  These  had  their  immediate 
effect.  On  May  19th  Captain  Phillips  wrote  to  Salisbury, 
from  Castle  Toome,  to  the  effect  that  he  had  published  the 

*  Sir  .John  Davk'h  to  Cecil,  April  IWth,  100 1. 
t  Sir  John  Davies  to  Cecil,  Dec.  1st,  1003. 


346  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

King's  proclamation  throughout  County  Antrim.  "  This," 
he  wrote,  "  has  had  such  an  impression  in  them  (the  Irish)  that 
they  will  not  now  endure  any  more  wrongs  from  their  chieftains  ; 
but  they  immediately  seek  for  redress,  which  formerly  they 
durst  never  do,  but  were  as  bondsmen.  They  now  begin  to 
have  the  feeling  of  His  Majesty's  laws.  This  abates  the 
superiority  of  their  lords  to  their  great  grief ;  for  now  they  fall 
from  them  and  follow  His  Majesty's  officers  to  crave  justice 
against  their  lords." 

Such  socialistic  innovations  were,  as  may  well  be  understood, 
exceeding  distasteful  to  the  chiefs,  and  to  none  more  so  than 
to  the  Earl  of  Tyrone,  who,  though  restored  to  his  lands,  found 
much  difficulty  in  extracting  from  men  who  had  a  tribunal  of 
appeal  behind  them  anything  approaching  his  one-time 
enormous  income.  Herein  lay  the  seed  of  a  lurking  discontent — 
a  seed  which,  in  Ireland,  never  fails  to  drop  on  a  responsive 
soil.  Tyrone,  who  by  his  sustained  rebellion  and  his  intrigues 
with  Spain,  had  forfeited  his  head  and  all  his  lands  a  dozen 
times  over,  began  to  consider  himself  an  aggrieved  person 
because  he  was  no  longer  as  rich  as  he  had  been.  His  second  son 
Henry  was  already  in  Spain.  Henry  O'Hagan  was  sent  after 
him,  on  what  secret  mission  no  man  knows,  but  certainly 
neither  for  the  good  of  his  health,  nor  for  the  good  of  James 
King  of  England.  In  March,  1606,  it  was  given  out  all  over 
the  north  that  the  two  Henrys  would  land  in  Ireland  during 
the  summer  at  the  head  of  four  thousand  Spaniards.*  What 
good  such  a  force  would  have  done  Tyrone,  had  it  come,  it  is 
not  easy  to  conceive,  after  the  hopeless  collapse  of  the  Spanish- 
Irish  combination  at  Kinsale,  but  that  both  he  and  Tyrconnell 
built  great  hopes  on  a  second  interference  by  Spain  is  tolerably 
clear. 

Rumours  of  a  new  conspiracy,  in  which  Tyrone,  Tyrconnell 
and  Lord  Delvin  were  the  principal  movers,  began  to  reach 
the  ears  of  the  Government  from  many  quarters.  The  talk  was 
of  a  general  rising,  the  seizure  of  Dublin  Castle,  and  the  murder 
of  the  Deputy,  to  be  followed  by  the  massacre  of  all  English 
on  a  given  day.  f  Lady  Tyrone  was  sounded  on  the  subject. 
She  was  known  to  hate  her  lord  very  acutely.  In  his  drunken 
moods  he  habitually  ill-used  her,  and  now  that  her  political 

*  Chichester  to  Salisbury,  April  4th,  1606. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers  :  James,  1613-732. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  847 

importance  was  a  thing  of  the  past  (for  Magennis  had  long  since 
joined  the  English),  he  made  no  secret  of  his  distaste  for  her. 
At  one  time  he  had  gone  so  far  as  to  collect  all  the  priests  in  the 
district  with  a  view  to  getting  rid  of  her  by  some  ecclesiastical 
divorce  process,  but  the  lady,  with  some  spirit,  threatened 
that  if  he  did  put  her  away,  she  would  lay  information  against 
him  that  would  lose  him  his  head  in  a  very  short  time.*  The 
threat  prevailed  and  the  assembled  priests  dispersed  to  resume 
their  normal  pursuits.  While  Lady  Tyrone  was  still  in  the 
communicative  mood  inspired  by  this  incident,  Sir  Toby  Caul- 
field  was  sent  to  see  what  she  had  to  say  on  the  subject  of  the 
Earl's  treasonable  schemes.  Nothing  very  definite  resulted 
from  this  interview.  The  lady  furnished  a  number  of  details 
of  a  suspicious  and  damaging  character,  but  nothing  that  was 
sufficiently  tangible  to  justify  an  arrest. 

Further  incriminating  charges,  however,  were  laid  against 
the  Earl  in  an  anonymous  letter  addressed  to  Sir  William  Usher, 
the  Clerk  of  the  Council,  which  set  forth  in  detail  the  particulars 
of  a  plot  entered  into  by  Tyrone  and  Tyrconnell  to  assassinate 
the  Lord  Deputy  and  Sir  Oliver  Lambert.  Lord  Delvin,  who 
was  himself  implicated  in  the  conspiracy,  afterwards  admitted 
that  the  question  of  Chichester's  and  Lambert's  assassination 
had  been  discussed  between  the  two  Earls,  but  that  nothing 
definite  had  been  decided,  j  The  anonymous  letter  in  question 
was  accorded  far  more  attention  than  such  communications 
usually  deserve,  and  formed  the  subject  of  much  serious  debate 
among  the  members  of  the  Privy  Council.  Even  with  this 
letter  thrown  in,  the  sum  total  of  evidence  from  all  sources  fell 
far  short  of  providing  a  clear  case  for  the  prosecution.  The 
overcharged  consciences  of  the  Earls,  however,  clearly  saw 
phantom  gallows  in  every  cloud  that  blew  across  the  land,  for 
— to  the  intense  surprise  of  everyone,  including  their  close 
associates  and  Tyrone's  late  Government  accomplices — they 
made  secret  arrangements  to  fly  the  country.  Tyrconnell  and 
young  Cuconnaught  Maguirc  chartered  a  French  ship,  which 
came  round  to  Rathmullen  in  Lough  Swilly  at  the  end  of 
August,  1607.  News  of  its  arrival  was  sent  to  Tyrone,  who, 
on  hearing  that  the  eventful  moment  had  arrived,  paid  a 
flying  visit  to  Mellifont,  where  he  took  a  tearful  farewell  of 

*  Examination  of  Neil  Gary  :  Cal.  State  Papers,  Aug.  7th,  1600. 
|  Meejian's  "  Earls  of  Tyrone  and  TyrconneH." 


348  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

his  friends  the  Moores.*     He  then  made  straight  across  country 
for  Rathrhullen,  taking  with  him  his  Countess,  not  so  much 
from  motives  of  love,  but  rather  from  fear  lest,  if  left  behind, 
she  should  lodge  incriminating  evidence  against  him.     On  the 
road  Lady  Tyrone  grew  very  faint  and  weary  with  the  Earl's  hard 
riding,  which  was  like  that  of  a  demented  man,  and,  while  yet 
far,  far  from  their  goal,  she  slipped  from  her  horse  with  fatigue  ; 
whereupon  Tyrone  drew  his  sword  and  swore  that  he  would  hew 
off  her  head  if  she  did  not  recover  herself  and  wear  a  more 
cheerful  countenance,  f     Eventually  they  reached  Rathmullen, 
having   declined,    with   a   suspicion   which   was   not   justified, 
a  hospitable  invitation  to  dine  with  Sir  Richard  Hansard  at 
Lifford.     From  Lough  Swilly  the  two  Earls  set  sail  for  Nor- 
mandy,    in    company    with    Cuconnaught      Maguire,     Henry 
O'Hagan,   Henry  Hoveden,   Owen  McArt  McBaron — later  on 
to   become   celebrated  as  Owen  Roe — Caffar  O'Donnell,  a  son 
of  Cormac  McBaron,  an  infant  son  of  Tyrconnell,  and  many 
others   of  minor  degree.     Besides  his   Countess,   Tyrone  took 
with  him  his  two  sons  Shane  and  Brian  (both  under  seven 
years  of  age),  but  not  Con,  who  was  his  youngest.     This  child 
had  been  put  out  to  foster  somewhere  in  Tyrone,  and  though 
Tyrone  made  eager  search  for  him,  he  was  unable  to  discover 
his  whereabouts  and  eventually  sailed  without  him.J     Con  was 
eventually  taken  charge  of  by  Sir  Toby  Caulfield,  who  educated 
him  till  he  was  fifteen,  when  he  was  sent  to  Eton.§     From  Nor- 
mandy the  two  Earls  found  their  way  to  Flanders,  and  finally 
reached  Rome,  where  in  July,  1616,  Tyrone  died,  stone  blind. 
Never  was  there  a  more  ill-fated  flight  than  that  of  the  Ulster 
Earls.     The  hand  of  death  seems  to  have  pursued  the  whole 
party  from  the  moment  of  their  sailing.     Tyrconnell  died  within 
a  year  of  leaving  Ireland.     His  brother  Caffar  only  survived  him 
a  few  weeks.     Tyrconnell's  only  son  lived  till  1642,  and  with 
his  death  the  main  line  of  the  O'Donnells  became  extinct.     Cu- 
connaught Maguire,  another  very  young  man,  died  at  Genoa  in 
August,  1608,  about  the  same  time  as  Tyrconnell. ||     His  brother 
only  lived  till  1610,  in  which  year  Henry  O'Hagan  also  died. 

*  Sir  John  Davies  to  Salisbury,  Sept.  12th,  1607. 

t  Ibid. 

J  Chichester  to  Privy  Council,  Sept.  7th,  1607. 

§  Cal.  State  Papers :  James,  1610-543. 

||  Meehairs  "  Jiarls."' 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTKK  349 

Ol1  Tyrone's  sons,  the  eldest,  Hugh  Baron  Dungannon,  died  in 
Italy  without  issue.  Henry,  who  had  always  been  sickly, 
survived  his  brother  but  a  short  time,  and  Brian  was  found 
hanged  in  his  room  in  Brussels  with  his  hands  tied  behind  his 
back.1*  Shane  lived  the  longest,  and  finally  died  at  Catalonia 
in  1642,  having  for  some  years  prior  to  his  death  assumed  the 
title  of  Earl  of  Tyrone. 

The  character  of  Hugh  O'Neil,  second  Earl  of  Tyrone,  is  one 
of  extreme  complexity  and  of  considerable  interest.  Fynes 
Moryson,  who  must  have  enjoyed  many  opportunities  of  seeing 
him,  describes  him  thus  :  "  He  was  of  mean  stature,  but  of  a 
strong  body,  able  to  endure  fatigue,  watching  and  hard  fare, 
being  withal  industrious  and  active,  valiant,  affable,  and  apt 
to  manage  great  affairs,  and  of  a  high  dissembling  subtlety  and 
profound  wit."  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  he  was  a  man 
of  singularly  engaging  personality.  Making  all  allowances 
for  the  freedom  with  which,  by  means  of  his  enormous  income, 
he  was  able  to  buy  friendship,  or  at  any  rate  good-will,  the 
universal  favour  with  which  he  was  regarded  by  all  the  English 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  not  excepting  Mountjoy,  bears 
testimony  to  the  remarkable  charm  of  his  presence  and  manner. 
He  was  a  man  of  a  highly  emotional  temperament,  and  a  very 
small  occasion  was  sufficient  to  move  him  to  tears  ;  nor  do  we  find 
that,  judged  by  the  standard  of  the  time,  his  instincts  were 
naturally  cruel  or  bloodthirsty.  On  the  contrary,  he  seems  to 
have  avoided  bloodshed  on  many  occasions  when  circumstances 
and  the  temper  of  the  times  would,  in  a  great  measure,  have 
excused  it.  His  inclinations  and  abilities  lay  very  pointedly 
in  the  direction  of  diplomacy,  and  in  modern  times  he  would 
probably  have  excelled  as  a  foreign  ambassador.  Unfortunately, 
the  exigencies  of  the  times  demanded  that  he  should  be  a 
military  leader,  for  which  he  was  totally  unfitted  in  every 
respect.  He  was  irresolute  in  command,  and  very  timid  per- 
sonally in  the  hour  of  battle. 

In  private  life  he  was  totally  devoid  of  any  power  of  restraint 
upon  his  inclinations,  but  in  that  respect  it  cannot  be  claimed 
that  he  stood  out  conspicuously  from  his  fellows.  He  treated 
all  his  wives  with  callous  cruelty.  His  fifth  wife,  Catherine 
Magennis,  complained  bitterly  of  his  continual  drunkenness 
and  ill-usage.  Before  this  complaint  we  hear  nothing  of  drunken 

*    Median's  "Hurls." 


850  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

habits  in  connection  with  the  Earl's  character,  and  it  may  well 
be  that  the  practice  grew  on  him  with  advancing  years.  In 
Normandy,  however,  we  learn  that  both  he  and  Tyrconnell 
greatly  offended  the  French  by  their  drunken  and  riotous 
mode  of  living. 

Catherine  Magennis  was  his  fifth  wife,  but  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  she  was  not  his  last ;  but  that  after  his  arrival  in 
Rome  he  contracted  an  alliance  of  some  kind,  regular  or 
irregular,  with  a  daughter  of  Tyrconnell.* 

The  Roman  Catholic  lords  of  the  Pale  in  1600,  at  a  time  when 
Tyrone  was  posing  as  a  champion  of  the  true  faith,  gave  the 
following  unflattering  description  of  their  co-religionist  :  "  For 
of  Tyrone  you  plainly  know  him  to  be  in  his  own  life  insolent, 
cruel  and  loathsome,  enemy  to  all  virtues  and  civility,  defiled 
with  all  sensuality,  impieties  and  barbarities  (which  in  his  own 
petty  Government  you  may  daily  behold),  where  he  strangled 
with  his  own  hands  his  own  cousin-germane  Hugh,  and  at 
another  time  tortured  his  own  natural  brother  Tirlough 
McHenry."f 

These  charges  were  possibly  unfounded,  or  at  least  exagger- 
ated— as,  for  instance,  that  of  having  hanged  Hugh  with  his 
own  hands — and  were  doubtless  made  in  a  sycophantic  spirit 
which  sought  the  approval  of  the  Queen,  but  that  his  morals 
were  a  negligible  quantity  is  established  beyond  doubt.  In  1601 
he  was  currently  reported  to  be  suffering  from  venereal  disease.  J 
His  supply  of  illegitimate  children  would  appear  to  have 
been  inexhaustible.  The  amazing  preponderance  of  daughters 
among  his  and  Tirlough  Luineach's  illegitimate  children  would 
seem  to  suggest  that  many  of  the  illegitimate  sons  of  the 
chiefs  were  not  reared  to  maturity.  Both  Tyrone  and  Tirlough 
Luineach  could  at  any  moment  produce  a  marriageable 
daughter,  but  of  sons,  other  than  legitimate,  we  hear  very  little. 
Tirlough  Luineach  had  two  legitimate  sons  and  one  illegitimate 
(Art),  but  a  perfect  emporium  of  daughters.  Tyrone  had  four 
legitimate  and  one  base  son,  Con,  but  of  daughters  he  had  an 
unfailing  store.  Margaret,  the  eldest,  married  Richard  Butler, 
afterwards  Lord  Mountgarret.  Mary  married  Sir  Ross  McMahon 
and  afterwards  Sir  Brian  McMahon.  Alice  married  Sir  Randall 

*  See  Cal.  State  Papers  :  Charles,  1628-1197. 
t  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  207,  Part  VI.-141. 
j  Cal.  State  Papers,  March,  1601. 


ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER  351 

McSorley,  and  Sara  married  Sir  Arthur  Magennis.  The  latter, 
we  are  told,  was  a  very  beautiful  lady,  who  could  drink  beer 
and  usquebaugh  with  any  man.*  In  this  respect  we  are  given 
to  understand  that  the  fair  Sara  was  no  exception  to  the  general 
rule.  "  Men  and  women  of  every  rank  pour  usquebaugh 
down  their  throats  by  day  and  night,"  Sir  Thomas  Bodley  tells 
us,  in  his  most  amusing  and  instructive  account  of  his  visit 
to  Sir  Arthur  Magennis  at  Castle  Wellan. 

In  addition  to  the  above-named  ladies  we  know  that  Tyrone 
had  daughters  married  to  Sir  Henry  Oge,  Sir  James  McDonnell  f 
(Angus's  eldest  son),  Hugh  Maguire,  Henry  McArt,J  Sir  James 
McSorley,  Sir  Donnell  O'Cahan  and  Hugh  Roe  O'Donnell.  The 
last  two  we  know  were  illegitimate,  and  the  same  is  probably  true 
of  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  others.§  We  have  it  on  the  authority 
of  a  contemporary  writer  that  the  sixteenth-century  Irish  never 
married  except  for  political  purposes. ||  Marriage  was  entered 
into  by  the  chiefs  with  a  view  to  extending  their  power  ;  but 
love-affairs  were  conducted  on  quite  independent  lines.  With 
the  divorce  process  conveniently  simple,  no  O'Neil  was  likely 
to  be  in  any  way  embarrassed  by  a  superfluity  of  illegitimate 
daughters,  whom  he  could  always  marry  off  to  neighbouring 
chiefs  and  so  extend  his  political  connections.  Illegitimate 
sons,  however,  had  no  marketable  value,  and  were  more  than 
likely  to  prove  troublesome,  and  even  dangerous,  adjuncts  to 
the  chiefs  who  were  responsible  for  their  being.  We  therefore 
hear  very  little  of  illegitimate  sons,  and  it  is  a  reasonable 
assumption  that,  except  in  very  special  cases,  these  did  not 
survive  infancy. 

With  the  French  ship  that  left  Rathmullen  for  Normandy 
went  the  last  of  the  Earls  of  Tyrone.  All  the  sons  of  the 
second  Earl  died  prematurely  and  without  issue,  with  the 
exception  of  Shane,  who  was  reputed  to  have  left  a  son  Hugh. 
This  Hugh,  however,  makes  no  figure  in  history,  and  was  at  no 
time  a  factor  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Ulster.  In  the  great 

*  See  Sir  Thomas  Bodley's  visit  to  Lecale  :  "  Ulster  Journal  of  Archaeology." 
t  Capt.  Phillips  to  Cecil,  March  llth,  1602. 
$  Cal.  State  Papers,  Vol.  19T-65. 

§  Sir  John  Davies  to  Salisbury,  Nov.  12th,  1808  ;  and  Sir  Henry  Bagenal 
to  Deputy,  April  6th,  1597. 

'I  See  Appendix  A  to  Introduction  Career  MSS.,  1589-1000. 


352  ELIZABETHAN  ULSTER 

rebellion  of  1641  the  only  two  claimants  to  the  cl  lie  fry  of  O'Neil 
were  Sir  Phclim  O'Neil,  a  grandson  of  Sir  Henry  Oge,  who  was 
himself  a  grandson  of  the  great  Shane,  and  Owen  Roe  O'Neil, 
who  was  a  nephew  of  Tyrone,  though  with  several  bars-sinister 
in  his  escutcheon. 


THE    END 


Printed  at  The  Chapel  River  Press,  Kingston,  Surrey. 


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